Music Globalization and Hybridity in Taiwan

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Candidate No.:109050
Abstract
World music spawned tense discussions in relation to its function in marketing strategies.
‘Difference’ has been valued by music commercialisation trend as selling points. This essay
examine welcoming and condemning attitudes towards music hybridity in music
globalisation context. It draws globalisation theories and used Taiwan and popular dance
singer Jolin Tsai’ music videos as a case study to explore binary concepts of authenticity and
hybridity, global and local, east and west, the dominant and subordinate. It applies textual
analysis methodology to address specific media texts but also acknowledge its limitation. It
provides a critical reflection on world music critiques. It offers examples of fetishized
western styles in local artist’s music goods therefore broadens perspective of music exoticism.
Introduction
Among western academic literature around world music, ‘difference’ was one of the key
subjects studied. Marketing strategies of world music deriving from ‘difference’ can be in the
form of fetishization or exoticism. Scholars therefore examined the usual or distinct aspects
of western music works as marketing label. Critiques and praises towards world music are
constructed on the basis of general globalisation theories in relation to cultural life (Inglis and
Robertson, 2005, p164). Although attitudes of academics cannot be reduced to be in the
generalised oppositional positive and negative camps, anxious and celebratory accounts are
important aspects to consider as it demonstrates dialectical relationships between a series of
binary concepts—the west and rest, the global and local, the centre and peripheral, the
dominant and subaltern, or even the exploiter and exploited. Authenticity and hybridity
theories hence stem from the complicatedly entangled relations between globalisation and
indigenisation (Feld, 2001, p196).

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Critiques of world music in particular are usually associated with the commodification of
world musical products that inevitably come with cultural industrialisation. Stokes (2004, p57)
understood precedent of global as the ‘modern’, both of which conform to capitalist
ideologies of commodity exchange and mass production more applicable to the global.
Furthermore, critics also see cultural globalisation as the hidden trigger of imbalanced
cultural flow and uneven power relations between the ‘west’ and the ‘rest’ in music industry.
They tend to be concerned about the survival, or even extinction of indigenous music in
capitalist competition. They also study the reassertion and resistance from local culture
industries to homogenisation. Inglis and Robertson (2005, p165) summarised categories of
world music (appropriations by both local and global artists) however specifically
emphasised the phenomenon of western appropriation of ethnic music and the potential
monetary benefits from the marketing of peripheral local music elements in western music.
They argue that the juxtaposition of ‘the Anglo-centric base’ and ‘the Other flavour’ in art
works essentially enhances inferiority of minority culture. They question whether this process
is followed by increase of new music or decline in musical diversity.
Whilst acknowledging the effectiveness of the critical trope, I attempt to argue that it is
necessary to consider the particularity of local territories such as Taiwan society. While
assumptions are made by critics sometimes that the global cultural flow can be reduced to the
one-directional west-to-rest current, I try to consider other influencing powers such as that of
Japan within Asia that may affect Taiwanese popular music. It is also critical to consider the
specificity of music video as a multimedia medium that is able to incorporate diverse
aesthetic elements influenced by various cultures, which makes authenticity ambiguous. I
will complicate the old binary of ‘normal west’ and ‘exotic other’ by shifting attention to
local musicians’ appropriation of western pop style in locally produced music and examine

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the extent to which western elements are involved and the manner in which they are
incorporated.
The essay will primarily be an examination of negative, anxious and critical accounts of
world music. It aims to approve its validity by providing music works of Asia pop dance
queen and Taiwanese Mandopop singer Jolin Tsai, and simultaneously problematize
(particularly authenticity theories) or complicate it by considering inter-Asia cultural flow
and Taiwan, as well as aesthetic specificity of music videos. I will also concur with positive
and celebratory narratives on world music in the end by providing textual analysis of an
exemplary hybridity work.
Taiwan’s RegionalParticularity
Critics’ anxiety of commodification stems from Adorno and Horkheimer’s theories of
fundamental problem of culture industry – standardisation of cultural products thanks to mass
production and pursuit of profits which result in loss of originality and individuality (Adorno
& Horkheimer, 1979, cited in Negus, 1999, p 21). Standardisation is portrayed against the
backdrop of ‘finanscapes’ (Appadurai, 1996, cited in Feld, 2001, p197). Admittedly,
commercial hints can be discovered in Jolin Tsai’s music movie in the form of product
placement. As Yang (1994) pointed out America’s influence in Taiwan as even politically
promoted ‘fashionable’ impact.
In Jolin’s second album with Capitol Music Taiwan released in 2007 titled Agent J, music
videos of each song are edited into a trilogy music movie -- Agent’s Destiny, Obscurity in
Memory and Fantasy in Belief. Three parts of the trilogy share similar plot structure but take
place in Paris, London and Bangkok respectively—all Jolin’s bitter love stories as a
mysterious assassinate with other male agents she has been arranged to murder. At 1:21 of
the movie, Jolin enters a dining room to kill the grey-bearded smoking man sitting in the

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middle with her false nail during her pole dance performance. Above her we see big Pepsi
advertisement on exit light. In the shooting scene, we also have a glance of tins of Pepsi on
table (at 2:30). At 1:09:38 we see PEPSI as one of the sponsors for the production company.
Figure 1.2 Pepsi product placement in Jolin Tsai's music movie (Jae Won Fan, 2013)
This example indicates values of some ethnomusicologists ’worries about ‘less artistry
production’ in a more commercialised local music industry. Nevertheless, as I mentioned
before, while siding with critical trope, it is important to notice the gap between the
commodification practices and the local cultural and even political policies dealing with the
macro-level trend. Chun doubted the uncritical bond established between the
commoditization of any cultural form and globalisation influence:
Different forms of culture respond differently to external forces, simply because they
develop and thrive more as a function of its receptivity than its production. In fact,
cultural forms should respond differently to externally imposed forces; how else can
they attain the status of a popular culture? (Chun 2012, p499)
Promotional practices of record companies should also be read ethnographically (Negus,
1992, cited in Stokes, 2004, p54). This draws us to explore Taiwanese regional particularity.
Wang (2004, p305) identified two primary problems of Taiwanese society –absence of a

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shared national identity and inequality within diverse cultural communities. He studied
Kuomintang (KMT) government’s and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government’s
cultural policies for multicultural Taiwan. It was described that Chen Shui-Bian, president of
the DPP, encouraged co-existence of multiple cultures from American and European culture
to Japanese culture.
Although ‘culture’ should never be confused with values and ideologies that instruct
construction of economic system, it can be presumed that Taiwanese political-economic
environment does not completely reject western influences. Yang (1994, p54) described
modernisation (westernisation or Americanisation for Taiwanese) as KMT’s one of the two
political discourses in response to the break-up international relation with United States (the
other being nationalisation) in 1960-70s.
Following instructions of modernisation and nationalisation are total westernisation and folk
movement that advocates preservation of Chinese traditions. Controversially, songs
influenced by these two trends are featuring American folk style and written in mandarin
lyrics delivering nostalgia towards mainland china. 1980s witnessed a boom of music
industry and commercialisation, therefore economic trigger behind distinguishing certain
star’s musical product to attract audiences. Along with this trend comes import of American
music videos and media forms such as MTV (Yang, 1994). However Taiwanese characters in
their music videos were not recorded as ‘erased’, ‘abandoned’ or ‘extinct’. It remained the
substance given the difference in content from American music videos. Self-censorship on
political music also push it to be marketed as ‘nostalgic’ in music industry hence embodying
unique emotions from Taiwanese.
Chun (2012, p501) introduced the institutional history of International Community Radio
Taiwan (ICRT), Taiwan’s only English language radio once upon, focusing in particular on

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its evolution in competition with local corporations. The introduction suggests it is
misleading to connect commodification with reduction in musical quality or diversity. The
issue was complicated in Chun’s article as he pointed out roles different institutional forces
with conflicting interests played in ICRT’s evolution. The expatriates and Taiwan local
corporations both contributed to ICRT’s radio content while the former favoured English
cultural authenticity and the latter preferred hybrid forms and valued local audiences’
reception.
Appropriation of pure western pop music happened in the process of adapting itself to local
listener’s tastes. Chun did not deny the triumph of Americanisation generating pop culture
locally. However he believed this adaptation to be a functional reaction to the local needs.
The article reminds us that in order to retain listenership in Taiwan where cultural familiarity
was once rarely felt by westerners, institutions such as ICRT need to be productive of hybrid
music, the quality of which is unclearly assessed considering the complexity of radio
personalities.
Particularity in political-economic strategies in certain territory obscure notions of ‘decline in
musical diversity’ or ‘loss of local distinctness’ from critics. However, we have to be equally
informed of the limitations and predictability in conclusions made by this investigation.
Negus (1999, p16) remind us that structure or system under political economy is never rigid
but flexible in accordance with human activities. Instrumentalism was understood as
problematic:
An instrumentalist approach neglects the many human mediations which come in
between the corporate structures and the practices and sounds of musicians, most
notably the work of intermediaries of the music and media industries (Negus, 1999,
p16)

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Besides, postcolonial analysis approach also tend to abandon the one way relation of social,
or political-economic factors leading to certain music expressions. Instead, it encourages us
to recognize the bi-directional effects between domains of culture and larger systems (Born &
Hesmondhalgh, 2000, p5).
Inter-Asia Cultural Flow in Post-modernSociety
Critics such as Guilbault (1993, cited in Inglis and Robertson, 2005, p166) tend to articulate
how exotic third world music are accustomed to westerners’ ears. While some critiques
oppose indigenisation to globalisation and base arguments upon the conventional binary of
west and rest, Ching (2001, p283) sees regionalism as a fragment of globalisation. Socio-
musical energy outside America should not be ignored (Stokes, 2004, p67). In fact, cultural
flow in globalisation is more than sophisticated. Huat and Jung (2014, p418) states global
economic dynamics is more than ever affected by ‘multi-layered and multi-directional flows’.
For Appadurai, it is no longer adequate or accurate to regard Americanisation as the sole
effect in understanding the cultural homogeneity:
Appadurai’s decentred and fragmented global cultural system goes a long way in
particularising the universalistic pretension of Americanisation and revealing the
pluralistic, distinct, and disjunct disunities of cultural formations. Once
Americanisation is relativised, Japanisation or Russianisation, despite their spatially
circumscribed spheres of influence, can also be apprehended and analysed as integral
parts of a fundamentally non-objective and fractal world (Ching, 2001, p295)
The intermediator role of mass cultural Asianism between globalisation of capital and
deterioration of national norms should not be neglected (Ching, 2001, p304). In Asian
community, external forces for Taiwan also include Japan, South Korea and mainland China.
Although Japan is unable to alternate the global-scale influence of Americanisation (Ching,

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2001 p294), for particular region, Japanese culture travels better than American counterpart
in Taiwan (Yang, 1994, p65). Due to the similar cultural heritage, it is found more
comfortable for Taiwanese audiences to identify with characters in Japanese dramas such as
Tokyo Love Story than those in American ones such as Beverley Hills 90210 (Iwabuchi, 2005,
p25). Japanese origin animated series Doraemon was appealing especially to children in
Asian countries as a result of the shared social issues like industrialisation at accelerated pace
and fiercer social competition in these nations (Sakurai 1996, cited in Ching 2001, p298).
Japanese are advantaged in good learning skills (Condry, 2001). Its culture modify Taiwanese
cultural substance (Yang, 1994, p54). This has been shown in contemporary musical
practices. Taiwanese pop singer Mavis Fan covered title songs of Doraemon and Chibi
Maruko Chan --another Japanese animates in 1990s, in Mandarin following its popularity in
Japan. It is also common to hear Japanese lyrics as ‘cherry on cake’ in Taiwanese popular
music track (listen to Japanese intro of ‘Genesis’ by Taiwanese band S.H.E.).
In Jolin’s trilogy Agent J three primary male roles are acted by Korean popular star Kim Jae
Won, Hong Kong stars Stephen Fung and Carl Ng. Similar to the inclusion of French lyrics at
the beginning of Pitbull’s English single Tchu Tchu Tcha, these actors’ lines in the Mandarin
movie are in Korean and Cantonese. Korean is heard only spoken by Kim Jae Won in his
self-introduction and when he conveys how much he misses Jolin, his missing gymnast
girlfriend. In contrary to the fact that western actors all act as antagonists, for example, the
Blue Bear (Michael Hannigan) in Part II Obscurity in Memory, the grey-bearded man whose
profile is investigated by Jolin in the cathedral and the operators in laboratory erasing Jolin’s
memory in Part I Agent’s Destiny, these actors invited from other Asian countries play roles
who are brave, kind-hearted and willing to sacrifice their lives to protect Jolin. Shared
qualities in these main Asian characters implies an establishment of Asian consciousness and
perhaps even unity against western counterpart.

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Figure 3.4.5 Western antagonists Blue Bear, grey-bearded man and operators in laboratory
(Jae Won Fan, 2013)
In Jolin’s more recent music video I’m Not Yours, Japanese pop singer Namie Amuro’s
Mandarin solo sung in Japanese accent in verse II adds extra operatic flavour due to her
pronunciation. On the one hand, her voice helps an expression of the mutual gender value of
Japanese and Taiwanese women—that of passiveness. Jolin’s make-up in Japanese style –the
flame pattern between her brows at 0:33 or the two little red spots seen below her eyes at 0:57
also demonstrates the cultural fusion well achieved through the similar physical appearance
and skin colour.
Figure 6.7 Flame pattern between brows and two little red spots below eyes (蔡依林官方專
屬頻道 Jolin Tsai's Official Channel, 2014)
On the other, Amuro’s presence demonstrating Japanese consciousness reinforces the
individuality that belongs to two separate Asian regions. Japanese consumption culture also
sees its influence on Taiwanese game market. Chen (2014) concluded that Japanese cute
game were developed under values and norms preferred by Asian nations, unlike games from

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US. Jolin’s another successful music video Play used three-dimensional cute game virtual
space as introduction which will be analysed later.
Multimedia and Music Authenticity
So far I have complicated arguments from critics who blame merely western record
companies for creating unfairness in music market, by presenting a multicolour picture of
cultural exchanges inside Asia. Japanese influence has been a powerful competitor to western
companies in implicit exploitation of other minor Asian cultures. Asianness as a whole is still
considered as a commodity in global circulation (Ching, 2001, p306). These commodities are
readily related to packages of exoticism that lead to, in world music case, decrease in musical
diversity and authenticity by critics. I will explore above critique by examining Jolin’s music
movie in 2007 and music video of Play. I will concur with above critique by providing
examples in texts but also raise two points to problematize it.
First, various aesthetic forms obscure authenticity criteria. Stokes’ theory of a blend notion of
hybridity can also applied to that of authenticity:
Aesthetically speaking, one must distinguish between a varieties of different ways in
which styles, genres, instruments, and sounds perceived as different are brought
together: Which constitute foreground, which background? Which subordinate which
other musical elements to it? Which are deformed to fit a new musical environment?
Which elements mark cultural difference, and which signify or engage with modernity?
Which elements blend seamlessly, and which generate a frisson of difference? (Stokes,
2004, p61)
The unique feature of music video as a multimedia leaves freedom to producers to manipulate
those media layers and create harmony that each individual layers alone cannot achieve.
Vernallis (2007) mentioned that music videos’ connotations exist in interaction between

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visual and aural in relation to narrative modes. It is analogous to creation of new meanings
via juxtaposition of shots in film. Eisenstein gave definition of montage in film studies that
can be applied to music video:
…montage is not an idea composed of successive shots stuck together but an idea that
derives from the collision between two shots that are independent of one another (the
dramatic principle) (Eisenstein 2004, p 26).
It is therefore hard to judge the authenticity if there is decline of it in one layer but
sustainment in another. The final products of music video convey meanings beyond meanings
of the addition of sound and image. However, Frith (1988, p107) reminded us the limitation
of content analysis. It has to be noted when we argue any creative works reflect people’s
emotions and attitudes in real world, we tend to ignore the ideological practices involved
within production. If producers are ideologically influenced,
The trilogy movie includes visual mise en scene of cityscape in two metropolitan European
cities London and Paris. Part I begins with montage of Jolin walking across one of the
famous bridges over River Seine with her black boots. The next few shots in car include
Eiffel Tower, indicating where the story takes place. The montage ends with her pointing her
gun at camera. After a fade out we see a cathedral (Paroisse Sainte Marguerite) from low
angle camera.
Figure 8.9 Paroisse Sainte Marguerite; Silhouette against cathédral. (Jae Won Fan, 2013)

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The camera then follows Jolin, seen as a silhouette against the cathedral background. Her
monologue in Mandarin begins, informing audiences her aim of entering the cathedral to look
into the target’s profile. In the opening montage Paris is represented as an uncanny city.
Jolin’s black busk lit by sharp, yellow streetlight implies danger and unsettlement. We also
see Jolin shoot at her targets in Paris subway. As the story unfolds, when pictures on wall
make her remember her boyfriend and their past, Paris cityscape, subways and streets in
flashback are represented as a romantic and peaceful city in a more naturalistic lighting. The
juxtaposition of shots of the past and present against the same recognizable panoramic
cityscape in two contrasting lights delivers a tragic sense. The shot composition deliberately
presents Paris buildings’ iconic Mansard roof.
Figure 10.11 Representation of Paris city in two contrasting light (Jae Won Fan, 2013)
The music video of the song Sun Will Never Set is edited into part II in which London
Underground station (Hammersmith) is used as a setting when Jolin escapes from a chase and
meets Xiaodong in station. As the song’s name suggests, footage is full of visual elements
symbolising Britain and London in this part, which is used to demonstrate the purity of love
between Jolin and Xiaodong. We see London Street, the red public bus, taxi, Big Ben,
London Parliament House, and London Tower Bridge in establishing shots. Two protagonists
spend a day together enjoying ice cream and playing pool games in a pub, leaving behind the
fact that they have been arranged to murder each other. London cityscape is designed to
witness beautification in their love about to be destroyed.

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Part III Fantasy in Belief happens in an exotic city Bangkok in Thailand. Similar examples
can be found in more recent music videos of Taiwanese singers Angela Zhang’s How Are
You Recently? with footage in Venice and Rome and Jay Chou’s Big Ben shot in London.
The unfamiliarity in exotic cityscape is treated as spectacle to Taiwanese audience. Connell
and Gibson explained marketing strategies that privilege difference in products account for
these choices made in shooting locations or any other textual facets:
Marketing championed difference: local and regional sounds, obscure performers and
nations, strange instruments, creativity and energy, and unusual rhythmic and vocal
structures (Connell & Gibson 2004, p 354)
The unfamiliar settings also correspond the unpredictable narrative and gratify local
audiences’ fantasy towards exotic world, in Stokes’ phrase, by ‘generating a frisson of
difference’. The distance felt by Taiwanese audiences towards foreign cities and contexts
lead to anxieties for uncontrollable scenarios in story. It is analogous to the film The Man
Who Knew Too Much (Alfred Hitchcock, 1956) that happens firstly in Morocco where the
unfortunate events occur and the English couples have to return to London to save their
kidnapped child later on.
Multiple Languages in dialogues is another tool that indicate this obsession in achieving
difference. Apart from lyrics of Jolin’s songs and her monologue in Mandarin, Korean and
Cantonese discussed previously, English (American accent) is first heard in the laboratory
scene in part I as two operators are about to erase all of Jolin’s memory with her boyfriend to
train her into assassinate. English language is represented as linguistically more powerful
than Jolin’s quieter mandarin monologue unambiguously as it appears when operators act as
villains (‘looks like she’s got some strong feelings for this guy’, ‘eliminate it, now!’). The

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words ‘eliminate it, now!’ sounds unfamiliar, emotionless and ruthless to Taiwanese
audiences. Jolin is then seen forced to receive the operation.
There is also certain amount of visual presence of silent texts in languages —street signs in
subways (Sortie), the words ‘who am I?’ that Jolin writes down in laboratory and Thai words
in part III. The English word ‘who am I?’ especially obscured Jolin’s own cultural identity.
According to plot, she is gradually losing her memory while writing the words but there is no
evidence why she writes in English. Seaton (2001, p235) argued the primary promotional
strategy about affecting consumers’ behaviour is to associate products with a foreign place
and lifestyle. It is also widely seen in advertising industry that English is portrayed as ‘cool’,
‘fashionable’, ‘new’, ‘current’ and ‘chic’. English is more suitable than other linguistic
symbols to be labelled on items for ‘image creation’.
Figure 12.13. Visual presence of English text (Jae Won Fan, 2013)
For critics, marketing strategies are employed at the expense of loss of Taiwan’s own identity
in the music movie. Considering functions of visual and aural layers and music videos’
substance as a fusion of global image and regional vocal, it is difficult to identify what is
Taiwanese about the music movie and what kind of national authenticity is lost in it. What
audiences pay attention to is either the cityscape, Jolin’s voice, or the general harmony that
comes with music video that does not equal pure music? We might be confident in image’s
and sound’s nationality but uncertain about the identity of this harmony. If Taiwanese
viewers identify with Taiwanese protagonist who is situated in a more multicultural

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environment, the underlying connotations behind this conduct of situation can be interpreted
as a reflection of a special region’s strength and struggle in international background – being
manipulated, passive and vulnerable, and fear towards external powers, which might be
consistent with Taiwan’s authentic international position (In spite of settings in London and
Paris, western figures are unexceptionally depicted as wealthy, powerful, manipulative and
dangerous elites and villains.). Nevertheless, which layer of music video reflect this authentic
position?
Meanwhile, it is necessary to different the soundtrack in music movie from that in music
videos. Throughout the music movie we not only listen to Jolin’s songs in her album but also
hear other non-diegetic music such as Hear You Breathing by Stuart Reid in part III. Besides,
diegetic sounds that are prevalent in films such as Big Ben clock strike also help the narrative.
Compared with the songs in her album released in 2014 Play, her songs in Agent J maintain
more Taiwanese local style in terms of its rhythm, tone, melody and vocal, although those
songs are edited with movies that happen in other countries other than Taiwan and constant
exotic sound effects. To Taiwanese fans, a thorough sonic tour was not completely realised in
this album. In other words, it is only the considerable presence of foreign elements in visual
that westernises the music movie.
The second point I will make to question critiques of deterioration in musical authenticity is
that its definition itself is ambiguous. Connell and Gibson (2004, p357) mentioned music
artists may actively refuse to be commoditized by introducing their own music culture. They
make the most of musical goods’ function of expressing life attitudes. In some texts anti-
consumerism is chosen by artists as a theme, even though their production is necessarily
affected by profit motive. While consumer-oriented production rationale simultaneously and
paradoxically supports these works’ reception among listeners (It is predicted that Jolin’s
most recent visual album Play released in November 2014 by Warner Music Taiwan is better

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received supported and contributed to by international promotional and marketing teams),
consumerism itself is criticised by artists in their works. If real message is conveyed through
commercialised work, does it count as being authentic?
Inglis and Robertson (2005, p167) discussed although large multinational companies are in
charge of world music market, the production crew behind oftentimes come from record
companies in smaller scale based in internationalised cities. Those producers are equally
aware of cultural imperialism and struggle against it by producing fusion projects that
simultaneously gratify market demand and avoid misrepresenting or devaluing cultural
traditions. If world music is generated by local practitioners, does it necessarily mean it is
authentic?
Admittedly, if it remains ambiguous whether Taiwanese identity is eroded by the visual and
languages (lyrics, lines and text) in the music movie analysed, Play exemplifies properly
homogenization in global music industry. However, unlike explicit use of foreign cityscape
as a signifier of internationalisation, Play builds up an organic and implicit connection
between itself and proliferation of American consumerism in Taiwan locally in both its form
and content. The interaction between visual and aural is plain in Agent J as it seems difficult
to fuse a more globally recognisable setting with regional vocal and musical style. In contrast,
those two dimensions in the music video of Play are dynamically intertwined, both
embodying easily consumed mass culture. Some critics with polarised views hardly expect to
see chance of resisting to commodification (Feld, 2001, p197), whereas Play can be
understood as a valid expression of anti-consumerism. I am concerned especially with the
way the music video expresses a sense of irony and delivers metaphoric criticism. I argue that
even if Play is to a large extent westernised in its visual and vocal style (rap), its content
remains transmission of realistic industrial criticism.

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A CHRONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
Introduction The title ‘Play’ is introduced by a little arrow in circle widely seen in digital
world. What follows is a playful presentation of four outfit options for Jolin against four
colours in a game space. With four pairs of long shot and close-up, a star’s figure is seen
promoted into four star images with four facial expressions, personalities and vibes (all noted
in English). It is not shown who made the decision for her to be ‘Rich Queen’ and get into
next ‘round’ where she receives breast enlargement and nose job. The audience sound effect
at 0:13 (‘Woo’) seems to have approved the pink outfit option in visual. Viewers may
associate this part with the experience of using an IPhone social media application (eg.
Changing outfit for artificial model). The introduction alone represents Jolin as an object of
passiveness. Her look seems to be ‘our’ choice. The colourful and flashy image accompanied
with continuous drum line can be related to either audiences’ or promoters’ strong eager to
see her ready.
Verse I includes the first setting of a luxurious bedroom. Jolin is seen firstly lying on her bed.
Trembling camera movement at 0:21and 0:29(a zoom in from high angle and zoom out from
eye level) is complemented by rapid drum and timber sounds. This sonic intensification
corresponds to lyrics describing her irregular but tight life schedule as a super star– going to
sleep at 1am and getting up at 5am for exercise, meeting with film directors and fans, joining
in intense trainings and going to KTV box for leisure once in a while. From 0:32 she starts to
dance and further tension is added when trumpet line appears, which signifies her time to
work as a dance singer. Though female artists are commonly seen within a private domestic
space –bedroom which might provoke sexuality (Vernallis 2004, p 82), here irony is mainly
conveyed as she dances (works) and rests both in the domestic space. Stars’ life is portrayed
to have not just cost her sleep time, but also private time left to herself.

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Pre-chorus/ Chorus I happen in the second setting of Jolin’s arrival before a party in front of
a palace marquee surrounded by photojournalists. Electronic violin line is not heard until
another super female model arrives and catches all press attention (0:51-1:00).Tension is
created between the competitors by addition of drum beat (1:00-1:10). From 1:11, rapid drum
line accelerates the tempo drastically as Jolin exposes her breasts and therefore becomes
cover figure for magazines reporting the party’s news. The fast drum beat imitates fans and
press’ heartbeat in reaction to her unexpected behaviour of gaining exposure by all means.
Bridge I (Dance sequence) Electronic dance music accompanies shots of two dancer groups
in two settings. The commonly seen trick of ‘cutting on the beat’ creates rhythmic harmony.
The same repeating dance across locations, along with continuous choreography, imply
repetition in her working and dealing with fans and press. There are other visual parameters
responding to rhythm, for instance, the move of black waiter pouring champagne into Jolin’s
shower baths. We also see a sub-story of Jolin having pictures with fans. She shows
impatience in a medium close-up with an expression contrasting to previous ones.
Figure 14 Black waiter pouring champagne (蔡依林官方專屬頻道 Jolin Tsai's Official
Channel, 2014)
Verse II is set in a pub where Jolin dates a bookworm known from online dating sites (lyrics
suggesting). There is no bass line impinged as it is a scarce, private and relaxing time for a

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star. The copy-and-paste culture -- copying dress style and literature taste, is expressed
through two pairs of zoom-in close-up of Jolin’s and another girl’ similar hats and
Hemingway novels, as well as two zoom-out shots from bookworms’ cameras frame to two
shot frame. Camera move and ‘cut on beat’ created sense of surprise, implying the loss of
originality in creative industry.
Pre-chorus /Chorus II contains pub set and the fourth gym set. With similar aural
composition to chorus I, sexual tension is built up between Jolin and other muscle men in
gym. Electronic violin, drum and bass lines are added from 1:53 as Jolin is seen coaching
other flamboyant ‘students’ with upward and downward motion with sexual provocation (eg.
Wink of the man and the final zoom- in close up shot of Jolin’s seductive face from under the
legs of a man. ) The intercut between pub and gym contrasts masculine males with
bookworms and emphasizes the importance of body, shape and physical appearance to a star
herself and her future partner.
Bridge II (Dance sequence) choreography correlates to the tempo and melody. However it is
inserted with pub shots of two couples competing with each other in technology (digital
camera with vintage camera at 2.06 in Chorus II; vinyl disc player with gramophone at 2:27;
ukulele instrument with multi-channel sound recorder at 2:33). Electronic sounds are
incorporated simultaneously with the appearance of vinyl disc. The way these pub shots are
intercut with dance sequence and previous gym shots suggests the competitive psychology on
not merely technology in creative production industry but also on star image construction. It
further reveals the pressure put on artists’ personal qualities (endless intense training in gym
to keep fit) by this fierce competition.

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Figure (15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20) Competition in music industry on recording technologies (蔡
依林官方專屬頻道 Jolin Tsai's Official Channel, 2014)
Chorus III Madness of this competition is visualised by the fight in pub. The bookworm’s
jump and hit motion and Jolin’s upward move spreading banknotes in her bed room are
justified by the uplifting screaming female vocal. Besides the following jump and run motion
in gym full of multicolour smokes further enhance chaos in music industry.
Out Chorus is composed of dance shots across all settings and edited with shots indicating a
few social phenomena such as voyeurism in nudeness (3:02) and narcissism in selfie-taking

21 |
(3.03). The soundtrack remains indifferent to images in the nude shots, which expresses the
normalisation of the abnormal in industry.
Figure 21, 22 Nudeness and self-taking culture (蔡依林官方專屬頻道 Jolin Tsai's Official
Channel, 2014)
PROPS AND SETTING
Play displays four aspects of a star’s life by creating four characters – rich queen, superstar,
hipster and coach dancing against four separate settings. In the bedroom setting we see eye
catching currency signs of United States, United Kingdom and European Union on the wall.
Vernallis (2004, p87) notes the way objects are placed with performers generates meanings.
These signs’ placement behind artists positions financial support as the fundamental base in
music industry. Ironically at the end in special effect she dances among flying bank notes and
finally falls down on her bed smashed into pieces of coins and the camera zooms out back to
a Taiwan’s map. It becomes uneasy to tell the performers apart from banknotes in Chorus III.
The collapse of her figure can be interpreted as revelation of the essentiality of monetarily
sustained star image—stars are made up of money or, stars are money.

22 |
Figure (23, 24, 25, 26) Smashed Jolin; Taiwan geographic map; US currency mark; social
media signs (蔡依林官方專屬頻道 Jolin Tsai's Official Channel, 2014).
Besides, Vernallis (2007) also reminds us that the visual connotations behind props or signs
might get obscure without referring to their musical and social context and this reference is
significant for examining if meanings are interpretable in music videos. Play features signs
suggesting ‘money’s function, so does it give clues of a contemporary digital world. On the
bottom left hand corner of the screen, Social media signs of ‘message’, ‘friend request’ and
‘homepage’ are seen with four little profiles of these characters appearing whenever a new
Jolin is introduced. Upper right hand corner is the moving numbers of firstly financial data,
then of fans who pressed ‘Like’. These signifiers appear discreetly at the margin of frame but
situate the music video in a social media environment close to everyday life.
LYRICS and Westernised Vocal Style
Mandarin rap challenges conventional listening habits that concentrate more on the lyrical
content than how the voice sounds. This aesthetic choice made by composers follows English

23 |
rap and its culture that it does not matter what the singer sings, but how it sounds overall. Rap
lyrics are not written for listeners to follow the concrete content but skip the lyrical
information. Graves (2011, p.247) described orality of hip hop as ‘…lack of an organised,
formal, text based means of transmitting the cultural traditions…’ Listeners are expected to
catch only a few clear keywords and enjoy the obscurity a singer’s voice can create.
The English word ‘play’ is repetitively heard in the lyrics, excessively echoing in the three
Chorus. It is also heard against rapid drum line and in dance sequences for a few times. ‘Play’
is not only a homophone of ‘Pei’ in Mandarin but also sounds like ‘pay’ when sung at rapid
pace. Unlike traditional mandarin popular songs in which lyrics convey limited feelings and
thoughts in long duration, the mandarin rap is sung in fast rhythm and the lyrics give detailed
and descriptive information in short duration. Lyrics in Chorus I mentioned fans’ blind
admiration that they will buy her music whether her music style is mainstream or minor
stream and whatever star image she maintains. The keyword ‘play’ is intended to stress
consumer-oriented industrial philosophy—it’s all about that person who pays.
World Music, a CelebratoryConsideration
By now I have accomplished examination and complication of negative critiques. In
comparison to criticism, celebratory accounts of world music emphasize the gradual
disappearance of defined, rigid and stable boundaries between musical nationalities and
identities. Local music has evolved into world music in a new fashion. As Connell and
Gibson suggested:
Escaping international influences –lyrical, ideological, stylistic or technological –is
impossible, and rarely sought, while attempts to produce music with a specific local
identity are necessarily shaped by global trends: the global and local are thus
relational rather than oppositional (Connell & Gibson 2004, p357).

24 |
Transformation of music tradition for a region does not equal abandon of its cultural heritage;
it rather demonstrates its adaptation towards changing external circumstance (Frith 2000,
p312).
One of Jolin’s music videos that could support above narratives is I’m Not Yours, a
representative music video work of cultural hybridity. I’m Not Yours contains two large
visual constituents—first, events unfolding in dining hall and second, ‘epic’ mode of female
stars’ individual portraits (repetition of single shots of singing and dance sequences). The two
sections start separately independent from each other, then encounter in the middle and
finally the first is displaced and females’ portraits dominate the visual. In a sense, these two
constituents not only represent males’ and females’ roles in subject but also ‘fantasy and
reality’ for females. I will analyse the way core concept of ‘female revolution’ is delivered by
unpacking the song structure.
A CHRONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
Introduction
The title is presented as English words on fire in Chinese calligraphy. Following the three
dimensional searching camera we enter an eastern city. Heavy beats in surround sound
system resemble footsteps of male guests seen stepping forward.
Verse I is formed of equal intercut between females’ single shots (Jolin preparing make up,
singing in front of eastern round gate and Amuro lying on a chair) and coverage of male
guests accompanied by servants stepping into dining hall. Generally at the beginning, female
artists are seen moving in a feminine and elegant way (Jolin with umbrella and servants
slowly walking). Oriental sonic elements from a few of eight ancient Chinese musical
instruments (Chinese bell / Mu Yu mainly, also ‘wooden fish’) are audible. Vocally, female
chorus in Chinese ballad style (‘Woah woah’) recurs – at 0:44 for the first time and at 0:59

25 |
the second. Mandarin and English lyrics co-exist at the beginning but English starts to
completely replace mandarin as it approaches Pre-chorus.
Figure27, 28 Dining hall shot and female portrait (蔡依林官方專屬頻道 Jolin Tsai's Official
Channel, 2014).
Pre-chorus covers only shots of dining hall with uplifting vocal in English. Transformed Mu
Yu line is still audible but it disappears in Chorus I. Rather than mimic English accent, the
two singers demonstrate their unique accents. Therefore interestingly English is sung in an
oriental operatic method which fits with the image in black and red (primary colours used in
opera). Static shots and slow pan shots accumulate energy ready to be released in Chorus.
Figure 29, 30 Operatic colours (red and black); dining hall shot. (蔡依林官方專屬頻道 Jolin
Tsai's Official Channel, 2014).
Chorus I starts with the first dance sequence where Jolin’s modern dance to purely electronic
dance music embodies contrast from her elegant moves in dining hall previously. The dance
in faster edits, along with a few single shots of two female stars, is intercut with shots around

26 |
tables from drunk male guests’ gaze but narratively irrelevant to the dining as it is an
expression of females’ fantasy—gaining power over males rather than serving them around
table.
Figure 31, 32 Female fantasy (dance sequence) and reality (dining hall) (蔡依林官方專屬頻
道 Jolin Tsai's Official Channel, 2014).
Verse II is nearly symmetrical with Verse I in audio track but operatic pronunciation is more
typically audible (in ‘you made me melt’, ‘girls like us aren’t afraid’ ‘boys are stupid let them
fall’). Here girls’ fantasy lies in the group shot of females with Amuro in the middle and the
two shot of her and Jolin. These fantasy shots are intercut with the reality of Jolin’s
flirtatiously serving one guest. Camera parallels females’ elegant move with slow zoom and
pan.
Figure 33, 34 Jolin flirtatiously serving a guest; drunk male gaze (蔡依林官方專屬頻道
Jolin Tsai's Official Channel, 2014).

27 |
Pre-chorus demonstrates the first time females perform in ‘reality’ (Amuro dances on theatre
stage in dining hall) in which she remains the looked object given the eye line match shots of
their eye contact. Her dance includes firstly a slow stand-up correlating to the rising vocal in
‘you cast a spell’ and then a slow bend down revealing her face with a paper fan
synchronised with the rise and fall in ‘I am back from hell’.
Chorus II bears the change about to happen in Bridge later. After the performance on theatre
follow the dancer group in Chorus I, then Amuro’s single shot and finally for the first time
the two stars dancing together in the dining hall (3:05). Jolin shows up next in a new dance
group. Here the dance group does not fit with the dining hall environment occupied by male
guests.
Bridge is the most significant turning section. The same surround sound system we heard in
Introduction recurs. The soundtrack seems to draw our attention onto all the male characters.
Each single shots of poisoned males vomiting or caught by flame are followed with static
shots of an expressionless female. The following dance sequence from 3:46 to 4:01 where the
electronic beats and bass dominate the soundtrack, are intercut between the ‘fantasy’ dance in
Chorus I and dance group in Chorus II. This intercut indicates the realisation of fantasy--
that girls start to take control of the situation and will no longer be cast to passive servants.
The oriental and feminine gesture of applying foundation to cheeks is seen integrated into the
modern choreography from 3:59 to 4:00.
Chorus III All the shots after the dance until the end are either about Jolin or Amuro singing
alone or together with other girls. We no longer see male guests in dining hall. The
previously repressed emotion and energy in Verses and Chorus are released within girls’
smile. In Vernallis’ (2004, p199) phrase, music videos’ character is ‘determined…by
moments that change or break the flow’. The core concept of female ‘revolution’ is delivered

28 |
via adjustment of choreography, shift of languages in lyrics and modification of musical
instruments (between traditional and modern).
Out Chorus a symmetrical end to opening. We are taken back out of house and the same
surround system with opening is heard again. What is different from before lies in that this
time the sound does not represent male guests but females in the house. The two foxes seen
screaming are signifiers of two female hostesses and their girl power. The way we are driven
out of the house indicates mystiques of female heart with more power than you think.
VAGUE NARRATIVE
Audiences with cultural knowledge perhaps associate the narrative with Feast at Hong Gate,
a Chinese historical event in which Xiang Yu invited Liu Bang to a banquet while his real
purpose was to assassinate him. The story reaches its peak when male guests fall on the
ground poisoned by food only to realise they have been in the trap set up from the beginning.
The two white foxes at the end also evoke Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio, a
traditional Chinese horror story in which pretty females living in remote rural countryside are
essentially ghosts transformed from foxes. However, vagueness remain in characters’ social
identities.
AMBIGUITY IN VISUAL
Whilst soundtrack demonstrates hybridity dominated by a modern musical style, image
brings contemporary audiences back to a Chinese historical time thanks to the costumes,
props, and settings. Without watching the music video, it is difficult to associate the song
with Chinese wind. However it is difficult to identity which Chinese dynasty the costumes
Jolin wear belong to as both cheongsams (Mandarin gown or Qi Pao) and accessories that
belong to Republic of China in 1910s and earlier ancient dynasties are visible simultaneously.
In one of the outfits Jolin even has her hair dyed golden and curly despite the sinified

29 |
umbrella she holds and Chinese lanterns surrounding her. The visual, though looking
generally Chinese, remains a unison of modern and traditional elements.
Figure 35, 36 Jolin's outfit and hair style (蔡依林官方專屬頻道 Jolin Tsai's Official Channel,
2014)
Conclusion
This essay has critically examined celebratory and anxious narratives for world music. It
explored critiques by questioning its applicability to Taiwanese society, drawing its particular
local cultural and political policies. It also problematized Americanisation as sole global
impact on Taiwan by looking at other Asian culture influence, especially Japanisation in
Taiwan. It discovered evidence in relevant music texts. While acknowledging
commercialisation in music products in Taiwan by taking Pepsi product placement as an
example, it employed semiotic textual analysis and chronological song structure reading to
particularise medium of music videos of Jolin Tsai, thus obscuring criteria and definitions of
authenticity and recognizing the effectiveness of celebratory narratives. It provides accounts
of exoticism as selling label from non-western perspective and argued that western elements
can be fetishized serving local audiences’ need of a frisson of difference. It is worth noting
textual analysis alone can only provide qualitative accounts by studying the specific texts and
how it conveys meanings. It failed to consider musical practices involved in concrete industry,
for instance, decisions making procedure of Paris and London as exotic shooting locations in

30 |
music movie or Japanese make-up for Taiwanese singers. It also neglect audiences’ or
listeners’ consumption of music goods. This has been briefly mentioned (radio listenership of
Taiwan) while taking International Community Radio Taiwan (ICRT) as an example. The
methodology requires improvement by considering ‘production’ and ‘consumption’ of world
music and providing a more quantitative report.
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