Anna's Story (June 20140 My husband was mentally and physically abusive and had a sexual addiction problem. Once just after we became married, he threatened to kill us both in the car. I thought his behaviour would change once he moved away from his family, and for a very short time it did. Before I gave birth to our first child, twice he again threatened to kill us in the car. After I gave birth, his mental abuse of manipulation, questioning my fidelity and stalking me escalated. After the birth of our second child, his sexual addiction was ignited and he began a series of affairs. Depression robbed me of my ready smile. It was like walking on eggshells, but I loved him. His continual physical abuse ceased the day he belted me so hard I lost partial hearing in one ear and then he raped me. Afterward he felt remorseful and I was grateful for the cessation of physical abuse. In the final futile weeks I remained with him, I narrowly stopped him from a sexual advance on our daughter, and watched in horror as he threw a knife at our son.”

1. Fatally Flawed:
The Family Violence Crisis in Western Australia
Caucus Discussion Paper No: 54
January 2014
John Gregg
Senior Policy Advisor
WA Labor

2. Anna’s Story
“My husband was mentally and physically abusive and had a sexual addiction problem.
Once just after we became married, he threatened to kill us both in the car. I thought his
behaviour would change once he moved away from his family, and for a very short time it
did. Before I gave birth to our first child, twice he again threatened to kill us in the car.
After I gave birth, his mental abuse of manipulation, questioning my fidelity and stalking
me escalated. After the birth of our second child, his sexual addiction was ignited and he
began a series of affairs. Depression robbed me of my ready smile. It was like walking on
eggshells, but I loved him. His continual physical abuse ceased the day he belted me so
hard I lost partial hearing in one ear and then he raped me. Afterward he felt remorseful
and I was grateful for the cessation of physical abuse.
Within months, I saw my children withdraw from their father. In the final futile weeks I
remained with him, I narrowly stopped him from a sexual advance on our daughter, and
watched in horror as he threw a knife at our son.”1
Family violence is a pervasive social issue in this country, with an estimated 15-17% of Australian
women affected over the course of their lifetime.2
It causes dysfunctional intergenerational
patterns of behaviour and individuals and the overall society are deeply affected and not as healthy
as either could be. It causes individuals, families and society to fall far short of their potential.
Family violence costs the community enormously. Family assaults consistently account for 35-40%
of all assault incidents in WA each year3
and the majority of female homicide victims are killed as
a result of Family related conflict4
. One in five West Australian women report they have been
subjected to violence at some stage in their adult lives, increasing their risk of mental health
problems, behavioural and learning difficulties.5
Family violence is multilayered, complex,
1. 2014, Australian Domestic Violence Clearing House, Domestic Violence in WA; “A Comparative Analysis”
2. Australian Bureau of Statistics 2011, Personal Safety Survey, Australia, 2005, cat. no. 4906.0, reissue, ABS, Canberra
3. WA Crime Statistics 2004 – 2014.
4. 2014, Australian Domestic violence Clearing House
5. 2014, October 15th, Interview between Bev Jowle (CEO South Coastal Women’s Health Services, Rockingham and Anna (not real
name) victim of family violence.
6. 2014, September 10th, Interview Professor Colin Binns, Chief Ambassador White Ribbon WA and Associate Director of Public
Health, Curtin University of Technology

3. common and underreported. Most episodes of Family violence go unreported, with possibly only
31% of assault victims and 20% of female sexual assault victims reporting it to police. 6
While a small proportion of men experience family violence, women and children are
overwhelmingly victims of this kind of violence. In each year from 2009-14 in Western Australia,
women accounted for more than 70 per cent of victims of family violence. On average, another
10.5 per cent of victims were children.
At the national level, according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, one in six women has been
victims of violence by a current or former intimate partner. Homicides committed by an intimate
partner account for one fifth of all homicides in Australia and "female deaths account for four out
of five of these homicides." Alarmingly, the Australian Women's Health Network says that boys
who witness family violence are at a greater risk of committing domestic abuse as adults.7
Given the scope of this definition of domestic violence, the private nature of the relationships
within which violence occurs and the fact that most incidents of domestic violence go unreported,
it is impossible to measure the true extent of the problem. We do know, however, that domestic
violence in Australia is common and widespread. We know that a woman is more likely to be killed
in her home by her male partner than anywhere else or by anyone else. 8
We also know that most
women do not report violence to police; they are even less likely to report violent incidents to
police when the perpetrator is a current partner9
Defining Family Violence
Whilst Family violence takes several forms, the most commonly recognised, and officially
recorded, forms include physical and sexual violence, threats of violence and intimidation,
emotional and social abuse, and economic deprivation. In light of the varying ways in which
Family violence can be categorised and understood, we have utilised the definition of family
violence as prescribed in Section 4 of the Family Law Act 1975.
Conduct, whether actual or threatened, by a person towards the property of, a member of the
person’s family that causes that or any other member of the person’s family reasonably to fear
for or reasonably to be apprehensive about, his or her personal well-being or safety.
7 Buiti, Antono, ill Meagher and Saori Jones: A tale of two deaths; The West Australian, February 26th, 2015; Accessed March 9th, 2015
AT; < http://www.theage.com.au/comment/jill-meagher-and-saori-jones-a-tale-of-two-deaths-20150226-13pc4t.html>
8 R Alexander, ‘Women and domestic violence’, in P Easteal, ed., Women and the law in Australia, Butterworths, Chatswood, N.S.W.,
2010, p. 152, viewed 14 February 2011,
http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;query=Id%3A%22library%2Fjrnart%2F158210%22
9 J Mouzos and T Makkai, Women’s experiences of male violence: findings from the Australian component of the International Violence
Against Women Survey, Research and public policy series, no. 56, AIC, Canberra, 2004, p. 98, viewed 14 February 2011,
http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/rpp/41-60/rpp56.aspx; ABS, Personal safety survey Australia 2005 (Reissue),
cat. no. 4906.0, ABS, Canberra, 2006, viewed 19 September 2011, p. 21,
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/DetailsPage/4906.02005%20(Reissue)?OpenDocument

4. Domestic violence includes:
 emotional abuse—blaming the victim for all problems in the relationship, undermining the
victim’s self-esteem and self-worth through comparisons with others, withdrawing interest
and engagement and emotional blackmail
 verbal abuse—swearing and humiliation in private and public, focusing on intelligence,
sexuality, body image or the victim’s capacity as a parent or spouse
 social abuse—systematic isolation from family and friends, instigating and controlling
relocations to a place where the victim has no social circle or employment opportunities and
preventing the victim from going out to meet people
 economic abuse—controlling all money, forbidding access to bank accounts, providing an
inadequate ‘allowance’, preventing the victim seeking or holding employment and taking
wages earned by the victim
 psychological abuse—making threats regarding custody of children, asserting the justice
system will not believe or support the victim, destroying property, abusing pets and driving
dangerously
 spiritual abuse—denial and/or misuse of religious beliefs or practices to force victims into
subordinate roles and misusing religious or spiritual traditions to justify physical violence or
other abuse
 physical abuse—direct assaults on the body, use of weapons (including objects), assault of
children, locking the victim out of the house, sleep and food deprivation, and
 sexual abuse—any form of pressured/unwanted sex or sexual degradation, causing pain
during sex, coercive sex without protection against pregnancy or sexually transmitted disease,
making the victim perform sexual acts unwillingly and criticising or using degrading insults.10
10
NCRVWC, Background paper to Time for Action, op. cit., pp. 13–14; S Tually, D Faulkner, C Cutler and M Slatter, Women, domestic
and family violence and homelessness: a synthesis report, (prepared for the Office for Women), FaHCSIA, Canberra, August 2008, p. 5,
viewed 17 August 2011,
http://fahcsia.gov.au/sa/women/pubs/violence/synthesis_report08/Pages/default.aspx

5. The Wheel of Violence – Core Concepts, Constructs and Drivers of Family and Family
Violence
Figure 1: The Wheel of Violence
The Cost of Family Violence to the Economy and Society
Family violence in Western Australia is growing at a rate never seen before. From 2010 to
December 2013 reported incidents of Family assault and breaches of restraining orders together
increased from 15,661 to 22,728. That’s an increase of 45% over the period and a rise of 10% each
and every year. Quite clearly there is a Family violence crisis in WA. But what is the cost to the
whole of society, not just the victims of this epidemic?

6. To answer this, we conducted a Social and Economic Impact Assessment (SEIA) of the Cost of Family
Violence to the State of Western Australia; the first study of its kind in the State.
We drew upon a number of methods and inputs to populate the SEIA. These included data from
national studies in 2004, 2009 and 2013, ABS statistics and WA specific Family violence statistics in
comparison to the nation.
To calculate the total social and economic costs we built customised Input-Output Transaction
Tables and then developed a Computable General Equilibrium Model (CGE) (nb. A CGE uses the
costs mentioned previously to estimate how an economy might react to changes in policy,
technology or other external factors). The methodology used in each of these methods is explained
in the Apendices.
Figure 1: The study divides the economic costs of DV into three categories
Direct, Indirect and Reduced Health & Wellbeing Caused of Family Violence

7. Findings
We have found the Family violence imposes a huge and growing financial cost to the WA economy
and society as a whole. The total cost of Family violence (DV) to the Western Australian economy
in 2013 is estimated to be $1.9 Billion per annum.
This has grown from $825 million in 2003, an increase of 138% over the decade. To put this growth
into context the average annual rate of growth of DV costs has been 9% over that period. This
compares with a headline average inflation rate of 2.22% over the same period and a state
population growth rate of 2.1%. Quite clearly the economic cost of Family violence is far
outstripping the rate of population growth and inflation.
Figure 2: In 2013 the estimated cost of DV to Western Australia is close to $2
Billion per annum
Estimated Cost of Family Violence to Western Australia: 2003 vs 2013: $Million

8. The nature and relative proportion of each cost category is detailed below:
 Pain, suffering and premature mortality costs associated with the victims/survivors experience
of violence. This is the largest cost category comprising 48% of all costs.
 Consumption-related costs, including replacing damaged property, defaulting on bad debts,
and the costs of moving. This cost category contains 23% of all costs.
 Production-related costs, including the cost of being absent from work, and employer
administrative costs (for example, employee replacement). This cost category contains 8% of all
costs.
 Transfer costs, which are the inefficiencies associated with the payment of government
benefits. This cost category contains 7% of all costs.
 Administrative and other costs, including police, incarceration, court system costs, counseling,
and violence prevention programs. This cost category contains 7% of all costs.
 Health costs include public and private health system costs associated with treating the effects
of violence against women. This cost category contains 5% of all costs.
 Second generation costs are the costs of children witnessing and living with violence, including
child protection services and increased juvenile and adult crime. This cost category contains 2%
of all costs.
Figure 3: Pain Suffering and premature mortality accounts for nearly half the cost
Cost Categories of Family Violence: Costs Are in $Millions

9. How do we know if someone is the victim of family violence?
There is no way to tell for sure if someone is experiencing Family violence. Those who are battered,
and those who abuse, come in all personality types. Battered women are not always passive with
low self-esteem, and batterers are not always violent or hateful to their partner in front of others.
Most people experiencing relationship violence do not tell others what goes on at home.
Nonetheless, practitioners have built a database of warning signs to look out for.
There are high risk times that can be predicted for Family violence to escalate. Handover times for
access visits are a prime time for abuse. Many access visits occur at in public spaces – a fast food
restaurant of park – where there are no protection policies for the families involved or members
of the public.
Other potentially high risk times to look for include
• at relationship breakdown and separation
• at application and granting of Apprehended Violence Orders
• when police become involved in a matter
• when men experience mental health issues including depression
• when men experience significant financial distress
• when men threaten suicide or are having suicidal ideation
• when defence force personnel experience PTSD symptoms.
Injuries and Excuses
In some cases, bruises and injuries may occur frequently and be in obvious places. When this
happens, the intent of the batterer is to keep the victim isolated and trapped at home. When black
eyes and other bruising is a result of an assault, the person being battered may be forced to call in
sick to work, or face the embarrassment and excuses of how the injuries occurred. In other cases,
When there are frequent injuries seen by others, the one being battered may talk about being
clumsy, or have
Absences from Work or School
When severe beatings or other trauma related to violence occurs, the one being battered may
take time off from his/her normal schedule.
Low Self-Esteem
Many battered women have low self-esteem, while others have a great deal of confidence and
esteem in other areas of their life (at work, as a mother, with hobbies, and so forth) but not within
their relationship. In terms of dealing with the relationship, a sense of powerlessness and low self-
esteem may exist. A battered woman may believe that she could not make it on her own without
her partner and that she is lucky to have him in her life.

10. Accusations of Having Affairs
This is a common tactic used by batterers as an attempt to isolate their partners and as an excuse
for a beating. It could include accusations of looking at other men, wanting to be with other men,
or having affairs with the man bagging groceries at the local supermarket. Friends of the couple
may observe this at times, but what is seen in public is usually only a small fraction of what the
battered woman experiences at home.
Personality Changes
People may notice that a very outgoing person, for instance, becomes quiet and shy around his/her
partner. This happens because the one being battered “walks on egg shells” when in the presence
of the one who is abusive to her. Accusations (of flirting, talking too loudly, or telling the wrong
story to someone) have taught the abused person that it is easier to act a certain way around the
batterer than to experience additional accusations in the future.
Fear of Conflict
For many, it is easier to give in to whatever someone else wants than to challenge it. Asserting
one’s needs and desires begins to feel like a battle, and not worth the risks of losing.
Blaming Others for Everything
The abuse, which usually includes the batterer blaming others for everything that goes wrong, is
usually targeted at a partner or ex-partner. A simple drive somewhere could turn into a violent
situation if the batterer blames the partner and/or children for getting them lost.
Self-Blame
You may notice someone taking all of the blame for things that go wrong. A co-worker may share
a story about something that happened at home and then take all of the blame for whatever
occurred.
Aggressive or Care-Taking Behaviour in Children
Children who live in violent homes may take that experience with them to school and to the
playground. Often the class bully is a child who sees violence in his home (directed at mom, or at
some or all of the children in the home). Children who seem very grown-up and are sensitive and
attentive to others’ needs may see violence at home as well.
Attitudes to violence against women
Attitudes and beliefs are also central to domestic violence. They influence its prevalence and
impact, and shape community responses and victims’ help-seeking behaviour.11
11
I Barrett Meyering, What factors shape community attitudes to domestic violence?, Thematic review, no.
1, Australian Domestic and Family Violence Clearinghouse, Sydney, 2011, viewed 13 July 2011,
http://www.adfvc.unsw.edu.au/PDF%20files/Thematic%20Review_1.pdf

11. The most extensive national study on Australian attitudes to violence against women to date is
the National Community Attitudes to Violence against Women Survey 2009.
Comparison of the findings from this survey with data from an earlier study conducted for the
Office of the Status of Women in 1995 reveals some positive changes in attitudes:
In particular there is greater recognition of the range of behaviours which constitute domestic
violence and more importantly female victims are far more willing to report incidents to the
police.
However, the greatest inhibitor ending domestic violence is usually fear. Fear is an
immobilizer and will literally freeze victims from believing there is a way to end the
violence. Fear will stop victims from speaking to the police and from reaching out to
counsellors and other support services.
Fear can be all pervasive. The victim usually knows the perpetrator very well and is
usually best placed to understand the perpetrator’s capabilities. For this reason, the
victim/s will try to manage the domestic violence privately and try to keep the peace in
the home as much as possible. Occasionally the victim/s will react to the perpetrator
and in these instances the victim is often incorrectly identified as part of the problem.
So what can we do to break the cycle of violence?
What has worked/what hasn’t and what could be
tried?
1. The Services need greater awareness and training to understand the
dynamics of Family violence
Court staff, the judiciary, police and agencies providing services to men need regular training to
understand the dynamics and patterns involved in Family violence.
 Currently service providers and police often experience confusion between Family violence and
other aggressive Family incidents. These services need to participate in mandatory training to
understand the layered experiences of fear, control, intimidation, serious violence and
degradation as elements of Family violence.
34. AIC, The Social Research Centre and VicHealth, National survey on community

12.  Often Family incidents are confused with Family violence, yet the majority of the indicators of
Family violence are not present. Examples of this are the one off argument which may escalate
to an aggressive event, or where a woman responds aggressively in an argument to a man. The
test of whether it is Family violence or a Family incident need to be: is there a victim, does the
victim fear the other party, is there control and what type of control (emotional, financial,
physical, social etc)? In a one-off aggressive Family incident the cycle of fear and control are not
featured
2. Funding has to be proportionate to the seriousness of the problem
Funding is for effective Family Violence services and intervention strategies is perennially a key
challenge.
The West Australian government like many in Australia, is facing a funding crisis; and whilst positive
moves have been made to provide NGO and NFPs sector a greater role in the development and
implementation of Family Violence prevention and intervention programmes, over the past two
years grants have begun to dry up as the State Government has seen revenues decline with the end
of the mining construction boom and the fall the the price of the State’s key export commodity,
iron ore. An early example the impact this has had on existing or new programmes was reported in
the Sunday Times newspaper, on November 13th
, 2013.
“Four programs targeting youth, women, social innovation and enterprise are no longer
accepting applications for funding as the Department of Local Government and
Communities scrambles to deliver savings of $5.9 million over three years. It comes less
than a year after the Barnett Government hosted its first social innovation conference,
where then-community minister Robyn McSweeney said the grants program for that area
was ``highly successful'' and delivered ``real benefits''. The $10 million Social Enterprise
Fund was launched in 2010, but so far less than $4 million has been handed out. A
spokesperson for the Department of LG and Communities said they were considering if
they had the budget capacity to continue to support grants for women victims of crime
and violence”12
12
Sunday Times Nov 3rd
, 2013;

13. 3. Recognise family violence is not a “one-off” but a vicious and continuous
cycle
Once we accept this truth we can begin to think differently and approach intervention as a “whole
of life” challenge that requires the collaboration of a number of resources.
Family violence interventions in Australia and around much of the world, have and continue to be
discrete and disjointed actions. Not recognising that family violence is rarely a “one off” occurrence,
but is the final step within a cycle of violence that builds and follows and predictable pathway.
As shown below family violence is most often a “cycle of violence” that that has distinct stages.
If we are dealing with a recurring event, that follows a predictable pattern; the missing ingredients
in the vast majority of interventions to date has been a “joined-up’ multi-faceted approach to the
problem.
Figure 4: The Cycle of Violence

14. What would a “joined-up” approach look like? Ultimately we would hope
to reach a stage where we have a Whole of Society Approach involving the
collaboration of multiple state and federal authorities, police (specifically
Female trained family violence officers), case workers, women’s shelters,
Not-For-Profits especially White Ribbon, employers and many more.
Intuitively the most powerful tool in such an approach is Citizen Action ; but there is still much
groundwork to be laid before we reach this stage of and active and committed public – concerned,
ready and willing to tack action no matter how small. For example citizen preparedness to “dob in
a “basher”.
When a culture of disgust and zero tolerance becomes enters our mainstream beliefs of how
society should be – we act on those beliefs. Precedents abound and our disgust and behaviour
towards drink driving and paedophilia being just two.
This cultural change in belief systems will not change overnight, but when we tap the most powerful
emotional insight that generates disgust and anger, then convey that consistently, often and
repeatedly change can be far faster than we think.
The current public disgust and calls for harsh sentences for “One Punch Killers” where a barely
considered issue became a flame of public anger in less than five years. Now there is ZERO
TOLERANCE for offenders among mainstream society.
The change process requires multiple contributors, developed over time with the help of police
response, the judiciary, advertising campaigns that powerfully dramatize that emotional insight,
media support, celebrity endorsement (think Danny Green and “One Punch”) employers among
others.
4. Further tactical actions – not enough on their own but innovative and
proven successes as part of the larger effort
A) Building a Record of Events
An innovation developed by the Cleveland Family violence officers was the production of pocket-
sized Family violence ‘diaries’. Following a page of safety planning advice, the diary was structured
to enable victims to record subsequent incidents, with prompts to ensure relevant information was
collected, i.e. to record not only what had happened, but also dates, details of location and officers
attending, things that women often overlooked. These ‘diaries’ proved particularly valuable in
relation to civil law injunctions and proceedings under the harassment legislation.

15. Instamatic cameras have been made available to officers to record Family violence injuries as an
aspect of enhanced evidence gathering. These proved valuable in the interviewing of suspected
perpetrators, serving to counter their strategies of denial and minimisation of the violence.
Hertfordshire Family violence officers developed the strategy of printing a double set of
photographs, leaving one with the survivor, the intention being that they could be referred to if
she was tempted to withdraw the complaint, in which case they served as a reminder of the
seriousness of the violence.
B) The Merseyside Family Violence Prevention Project
The innovations introduced in Merseyside included the issuing of quick response pendant alarms
to those women identified as vulnerable. These aimed to deter the perpetrator and prevent
imminent assaults through activation, which alerted the police to an emergency. Post evaluation
of the pilot programme in 2012 indicated A 29% drop in incidents of emotional and/or physical
abuse among the trial participants.
C) The Aurora NSW Family and family violence app
Launched in 2013, The Aurora Family violence app is world first developed by the NSW Government
to help people who are experiencing abuse seek assistance. It is also a valuable resource for those
worried that a friend or family member is experiencing Family and family violence.
The app contains useful and potentially life-saving information including emergency contacts,
information on the sorts of behaviour considered to be Family and family violence vital information
and links to support services available in NSW. The app also allows the user to message their trusted
friends and family members or call emergency services immediately. I can be particularly effective
in regional and rural areas where women don’t always have access to a computer, but they often
own a smart phone

16. D) No “Burdon of Proof” Restraining Orders- Western Australia
A potentially very powerful innovation in WA is changes to the legislation surrounding family
violence restraining orders.
As of July 2015, Victims of family violence will be protected by a new restraining order to be
introduced to West Australian parliament.
The Family Violence Restraining Orders mean victims would not have to provide evidence of
abuse and instead be granted protection under a risk-management approach. The new orders
would also apply automatically if certain conditions were met and removed the broad discretion
of magistrates in deciding whether to grant one.
The power inherent in this change is that it removes yet another hurdle female victims have to
get over to receive protection and escape a life of constant fear. As has been shown, the process
of getting a response from the authorities is extremely stressful, often the victim feels or is made
to feel like she/he had some hand or somehow was “deserving” abuse.
Most importantly the process of having to provide ACTUAL PROOF is often very difficult. Few
victims having been just bashed senseless have the presence of mind to take photos of their
injuries, fewer still attend medical services – the stigma of family violence is all too present and
many feel a misguided sense of “if only I’d been a better….”.
Such is the insidious emotional manipulation that goes hand in hand with physical violence.

17. E) Specialist Family violence courts
These have been developed in several local areas on a multi-agency basis as an attempt to
address survivor dissatisfaction with the prosecution and court process, as well as to ‘narrow the
justice gap’ by increasing the conviction rate and improve sentencing options.
Significantly, other goals have been to reduce the costs of prosecuting Family violence cases
through speeding up the process (fast-tracking) and increasing efficiency by hearing all Family
violence cases on the same day (clustering) (Cook et al., 2004a).
F) The development and implementation of model codes of practice
to ensure that there is consistency, transparency and accountability between sectors (health,
community, legal) in delivering services that respond to sexual assault, domestic and family
violence.
G) Create a professional State-Wide telephone and online crisis support service
For anyone in who has experienced, or is at risk of, sexual assault and/or domestic and family
violence. The service should integrate and coordinate with existing services in all states and
territories, offer professional counselling, provide information and referrals, use best practice
technology, link with other 1800 numbers, have direct links with relevant local and state services,
and provide professional supervision and advice to staff in services in isolated and remote areas.
H) Develop a national evaluation approach to assess the effectiveness of service
responses
To women and their children who have experienced violence, including women with disabilities,
living in a range of settings.
Undertake research to better understand the range of responses needed by women who
have experienced sexual assault and/or domestic and family violence, including women with
disabilities living in a range of settings.
J) Conduct an audit of current services
There is a vast discrepancy between the extent of service delivery the Government believes
available and what in reality is available to prevent and respond to domestic violence. It is
recommended that there be a thorough audit conducted of existing agencies dealing with domestic
violence and that this audit is conducted in consultation with representatives of all existing
agencies. The audit should be driven by representatives from the various groups and resources to
attend should be available – some agencies find it difficult to attend consultations due to budget
limitations.

18. The three areas where resources are required are:
1. Prevention – considerably more resources are required.
2. Early intervention – more resources are required and will lessen the needs for secondary
3. Secondary and Tertiary intervention (fixing the immediate problems) – this is where most
resources and attention is currently applied

19. References
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ABS (2012b) Recorded Crime – Victims, 2012, cat no 4510.0
ABS (2006) Personal Safety Survey 2005, Australia, cat no. 4906.0
ABS (2006a) Crime and Safety Australia 2005, cat no. 4509.0
ABS (2012a) Australian Labour market statistics, October 2012, cat no. 6105.0
ABS (2008c) Criminal courts, cat no 4513.0
AIHW (2007) Child protection Australia 2005–06. Child welfare series no. 40. cat no. CWS 28.
Canberra:
AIHW (2007a) Educational outcomes of children on guardianship Child Welfare Series no. 42.
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23. Appendix A: Calculating Real and Adjusted Costs of Health Care – of Domestic
Violence Victims and Non-Victims
mid mid-year cost of adjusted cumulative
year discount care and cost
survival factor at this discounted this year
year probability 2.5% year cost forward
21 0.6005 0.5881 1.0 0.35 6.28
22 0.5864 0.5737 1.0 0.34 5.93
23 0.5726 0.5597 1.0 0.32 5.59
24 0.5592 0.5461 1.0 0.31 5.27
25 0.5460 0.5328 1.0 0.29 4.97
26 0.5333 0.5198 1.0 0.28 4.67
27 0.5211 0.5071 1.0 0.26 4.40
28 0.5094 0.4947 1.0 0.25 4.13
29 0.4984 0.4827 1.0 0.24 3.88
30 0.4878 0.4709 1.0 0.23 3.64
31 0.4776 0.4594 1.0 0.22 3.41
32 0.4674 0.4482 1.0 0.21 3.19
33 0.4571 0.4373 1.0 0.20 2.98
34 0.4464 0.4266 1.0 0.19 2.78
35 0.4354 0.4162 1.0 0.18 2.59
36 0.4244 0.4060 1.0 0.17 2.41
37 0.4132 0.3961 1.0 0.16 2.24
38 0.4018 0.3865 1.0 0.16 2.07
39 0.3901 0.3771 1.0 0.15 1.92
40 0.3782 0.3679 1.0 0.14 1.77
41 0.3663 0.3589 1.0 0.13 1.63
42 0.3544 0.3501 1.0 0.12 1.50
43 0.3424 0.3416 1.0 0.12 1.38
44 0.3307 0.3333 1.0 0.11 1.26
45 0.3188 0.3251 1.0 0.10 1.15
46 0.3068 0.3172 1.0 0.10 1.05
47 0.2939 0.3095 1.0 0.09 0.95
48 0.2807 0.3019 1.0 0.08 0.86
49 0.2675 0.2946 1.0 0.08 0.77
50 0.2540 0.2874 1.0 0.07 0.69
51 0.2404 0.2804 1.0 0.07 0.62
52 0.2267 0.2735 1.0 0.06 0.55
53 0.2131 0.2669 1.0 0.06 0.49
54 0.1996 0.2603 1.0 0.05 0.44
55 0.1863 0.2540 1.0 0.05 0.38
56 0.1732 0.2478 1.0 0.04 0.34
57 0.1602 0.2418 1.0 0.04 0.29
58 0.1476 0.2359 1.0 0.03 0.25
59 0.1352 0.2301 1.0 0.03 0.22
60 0.1231 0.2245 1.0 0.03 0.19

24. Appendix B: Input Output Methodology Used for the Economic Impact
Assessment
IO Model Overview
Input-Output (IO) analysis demonstrates inter-industry relationships in an economy, depicting how
the output of one industry is purchased by other industries, households, the government and
external parties (i.e. exports), as well as expenditure on other factors of production such as labour,
capital and imports. IO analysis shows the direct and indirect (flow-on) effects of one sector on other
sectors and the general economy. As such, IO modelling can be used to demonstrate the economic
contribution of a sector on the overall economy and how much the economy relies on this sector or
to examine a change in final demand of any one sector and the resultant change in activity of its
supporting sectors.
The economic contribution can be traced through the economic system via:
 Direct impacts, which are the first round of effects from direct operational expenditure on goods
and services; and
 Flow-on impacts, which comprise the second and subsequent round effects of increased
purchases by suppliers in response to increased sales.
These effects can be identified through the examination of four types of impacts:
 Output: Refers to the gross value of goods and services transacted, including the costs of goods
and services used in the development and provision of the final product. Output typically
overstates the economic impacts as it counts all goods and services used in one stage of
production as an input to later stages of production, hence counting their contribution more than
once;
 Value added: Refers to the value of output after deducting the cost of goods and services inputs
in the production process. Value added defines the true net contribution and is subsequently the
preferred measure for assessing economic impacts;
 Income: Measures the level of wages and salaries paid to employees of the industry under
consideration and to other industries benefiting from the project; and
 Employment: Refers to the part-time and full-time employment positions generated by the
economic shock, both directly and indirectly through flow-on activity, and is expressed in terms
of full time equivalent (FTE) positions.
Input-output multipliers can be derived from open (Type I) IO models or closed (Type II) models.
Open models show the direct effects of spending in a particular industry as well as the indirect or
flow-on (industrial support) effects of additional activities undertaken by industries increasing their
activity in response to the direct spending.

25. Model Development
Multipliers used in this assessment are derived from sub-regional transaction tables developed
specifically for this project. The process of developing a sub-regional transaction table involves
developing regional estimates of gross production and purchasing patterns based on a parent table,
in this case, the 2007-08 Australian transaction table (ABS, 2011c).
Estimates of gross production (by industry) in the study area were developed based on the percent
contribution to employment (by place of work) of the study area to the Australian economy (ABS,
2010b), and applied to Australian gross output identified in the 2007-08 Australian table.
Where appropriate, values were rebased from 2007-08 (as used in the Australian national IO
transaction tables) to 2011 values using the Consumer Price Index (ABS, 2011d).
Modelling Assumptions
The key assumptions and limitations of Input-Output analysis include:
 The inputs purchased by each industry are a function only of the level of output of that industry.
The input function is generally assumed linear and homogenous of degree one (which implies
constant returns to scale and no substitution between inputs);
 The total effect of carrying on several types of production is the sum of the separate effects. This
rules out external economies and diseconomies and is known simply as the “additivity
assumption”. This generally does not reflect real world operations;
 The system is in equilibrium at given prices. This is not the case in an economic system subject to
external influences; and
 In the static Input-Output model, there are no capacity constraints so the supply of each good is
perfectly elastic. Each industry can supply whatever quantity is demanded of it and there are no
capital restrictions. This assumption would come into play depending upon the magnitude of the
changes in quantities demanded.
Despite these limitations, IO techniques provide a solid approach for taking account of the inter-
relationships between the various sectors of the economy in the short-term and provide useful
insight into the quantum of final demand for goods and services, both directly and indirectly, likely
to be generated by a project.
In addition to the general limitations of Input-Output Analysis, there are two other factors that need
to be considered when assessing the outputs of sub-regional transaction table developed using this
approach, namely:
 It is assumed the sub-region has similar technology and demand/ consumption patterns as the
parent (Australia) table (e.g. the ratio of employee compensation to employees for each
industry is held constant); and

26. Appendix C) General Equilibrium Model Development
CGE economic models represent the workings of the economy through a system of interdependent
behavioural and accounting equations linked to an input-output database.
Beginning with the production processes of individual industries, supported by inputs from other
industries and the use of the primary factors of production, then adding in investment demand,
private and government consumption, imports and exports, CGE modelling represents a fully
integrated model of the world economy.
In the model used for this assessment, production technology, individual markets, investment, trade
and consumption are represented by equations with strong microeconomic foundations. The
simultaneous solution of these equations in response to external changes (or ‘shocks’) generates the
model solutions. When an economic shock, such as a new project, is applied to the model, each of the
markets adjusts to a new equilibrium according to the economic theory and behavioural parameters
that underpin the model.
In addition to recognising the linkages between industries in an economy, CGE models also recognise
the constraints that apply in an economy (e.g., increased demand for labour will push the costs of
labour up if there is full employment).
The CGE model used for this assessment is a dynamic model, which means it solves year-by-year,
allowing a stream of annual results to be reported. Results are presented as deviations from a base
(or reference) case, where the base case represents an anticipated growth path of the economy
without the Project.
Figure C.1. Representation of WA in the CGE Model
Modelling Assumptions
Capital Labour Land Natural
resources
ProductionSupplying
industries
Using
industries
Investment Private
consumption
Government
consumption
Imports Exports
Final
Demand
Primary factor
market
Production
process
Final demand
International
trade

27. Dynamic simulations using CGE modelling require two separate model runs. The first model run,
known as the ‘base case’, simulates one view of the economic future. In this view of the future the
Project does not proceed.
In the second model run, known as the ‘with Project’ case, an alternative view of the economic future
is simulated. In this view, the Project proceeds including activities associated with gas extraction for
export markets.
The national economic growth rates used in the base case modelling are based on near-term
projections from the Australian Government, with longer term growth rates based on IMF forecasts.
State level forecasts are based on the national growth forecasts and state level demographics and
population growth forecasts. The demographics and population growth forecasts are derived from an
in-house demographic model. The state level economic growth forecasts take into account the age
structures in each state and territory, and state specific participation rates.
Population growth for the eight Australian States and Territories incorporates detailed ABS data on
population levels, births, deaths and migration.
Labour productivity growth is influenced by many factors, including capital intensity, training and
education and composition of the workforce. Over the last 30 years, Australia’s labour productivity
growth has averaged around 1.7% per annum. In the base case, Australian labour productivity growth
is assumed to gradually slow from around 1.7% per annum in 2030 to 1.5% per annum in 2050.
Table C.1. Base Case Economic Growth Assumptions
Region Average Annual Growth (%)
WA 3.3%
Australia 2.7%
Rest of the World 2.9%
Source: Prime Research (unpublished)
A constrained labour mobility assumption was used between states, with labour mobility assumed to
be motivated by real wage differentials. Labour mobility assumptions include both inter-industry
labour movement within regions as well as inter-regional and interstate labour movement. Labour is
assumed to not be sufficiently mobile to remove these real wage differentials completely (i.e., in order
to attract labour, real wages will increase)