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SCORP
NM
Training
移最遙遠的距離
詹博凱
NDMC 醫學四
102學年 醫聯會公關
103學年 系學會會長
柬愛柬埔寨國際志工團
A B O U T
最遙遠的距離,不是相隔兩地
而是在我身邊,完全不了解你
之一
為什麼
我們要關心
認得幾面旗
歐洲系列
東南亞系列
為什麼我們
不關心東南亞
在台移工人數
在台移工人數
584,454
38% 社福 62% 產業
印尼 越南 菲
545,657 原住民捧由~
之二
發生
什麼問題
移工問題https://youtu.be/jUxkOSkD8Rc
人權問題
ABC
ភាសាខ្មែរ
語言隔閡 文化歧視 宗教差異
文化衝擊
職場處境
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KXevpkNajJ4
職場處境
不合理要求
雇主 vs 移工文化衝擊
薪水低無保障 無勞基法保障
高額仲介費
逃逃 逃
社群生活
週間沈睡,週末活躍
不同國籍的隔離
移工為臨時社群
打工旅遊
移民工作
V S
之三
我們可以
做什麼
TIWA 台灣
國際勞工協會1
燦爛時光
東南亞書局2
https://youtu.be/WMxAAp6CVko
我要回家開圖書館!
火車站售票
友善化3
最體貼的舉動,沒有語言隔閡
因為發現需求,才能無遠弗屆
Two more things…
你們
為什麼在這?
LO,你們的
角色定位是?
謝謝大家

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Editor's Notes

  1. 德 奧 比 保加利亞 賽普勒斯 丹麥 西班牙 愛沙尼亞 芬蘭 法國 希臘 匈牙利 愛爾蘭 義大利 拉維雅 立陶宛 盧森堡 馬爾他 荷蘭 波蘭 葡萄牙 捷克 羅馬尼亞 英國 斯洛伐克 斯洛維尼亞 瑞典 克羅埃西亞
  2. 東協10國 東帝汶(非10國) 馬來西亞 印尼 泰國 汶萊 中華民國 緬甸 寮國 新加坡 越南 菲律賓 柬埔寨
  3. 工資上漲造成台灣「勞力短缺」現象,企業因產業結構的調整而形成所謂「勞工短缺」現象, 而在面對勞工運動與環保運動的抗爭下,也使企業的勞動工資在此種壓力下高漲 「推力」與「拉力」 核心、半邊陲國家為擴大資本積累需擴張市場,以及大幅降 低勞力成本。而為了取得廉價的勞動力,資本家或從邊陲地區進口廉價勞力,或外移至廉 價勞力豐沛的地區。而核心國家為進一步打開市場及投資園地,便藉由各國際經貿組織, 迫使邊陲國家開放投資。
  4. 國籍分 印尼 236,592 越南 166,720 菲律賓 121,918 工作類別分 社福外籍勞工224,551 看護工222,460 家庭看護 2,091 產業外籍勞工合計359,903
  5. 低階外勞被認為在「本質」上缺乏一種使他們可以成為台灣社會人口組成 的「素質」,他們缺乏成為「我們」的基本條件。於是原來的階級主義進一步被種族化, 形成了「種族化的階級主義」。外勞並不是移民政策制訂者心目中的典型外國人。「外國 人」所指的是合法進入、有技術性的白領外國工作者,不包括外勞,外勞被視一種單獨的 類別,而不是「外國人」類別下的一項分類。在「他者中的他者」(others within others) 這樣的命名政治之下,低階外勞獨立地成了台灣社會中最外圍的他者 (1)限制性引進:僅某些產業或職業允許引進外勞。 (2)時間限制:初期規定兩年,得延展一年,後改為三年,得延展三年。 (3)限制參與國內勞動市場的自由:外勞不得任意轉換雇主。 (4)限制居住地點:除非獲政府許可,不得改變居住地點。 (5)限制引進來源國:由政府選定少數來源國;除漁工外,嚴禁引進大陸勞工,亦 即,嚴禁大陸勞工「登陸」台灣。
  6. 低階外勞被認為在「本質」上缺乏一種使他們可以成為台灣社會人口組成 的「素質」,他們缺乏成為「我們」的基本條件。於是原來的階級主義進一步被種族化, 形成了「種族化的階級主義」。外勞並不是移民政策制訂者心目中的典型外國人。「外國 人」所指的是合法進入、有技術性的白領外國工作者,不包括外勞,外勞被視一種單獨的 類別,而不是「外國人」類別下的一項分類。在「他者中的他者」(others within others) 這樣的命名政治之下,低階外勞獨立地成了台灣社會中最外圍的他者
  7. 由於平日移工無法自由活動,只有週末休假時才能外出與朋友聚會,也因此形成了幾 處週末移工聚集的節點,而不同國籍的移工由於不同的結構性條件,因而形成了不同的週 末休閒模式(吳挺鋒,2002)。 由於菲律賓移工多信仰天主教,教會成了他們社會生活的集結點,此外,餐廳、舞廳 和購物商店等,也是菲勞週末活動的重點(吳挺鋒,2002;Lan, 2003),而移工特殊的週 末活動模式,也形成了「週末孤村」(weekend enclave)的商業現象──僅於週六日開 店,鎖定移工消費形態的商機(Lan, 2003)。以台北市為例,中山北路已成為北部菲籍勞 工聚會的主要地點之一,附近以移工為主要顧客的店面多由來自東南亞的「外籍配偶」經 營,而為解決週間移工無法消費的問題,她們或提高價格,或與本地店家合作(週間由本 地店家營業)。有些舞廳甚至提供免費接駁服務,將移工從教會接至店裡;而賓館亦提供 週末折扣,以吸引移工光臨(Lan, 2003)。 除了教會,附近的公園成為週休活動的延續地,同時形成一種空間的領域化現象。吳 挺鋒(2002)在台中市的研究指出,由於教會彌撒儀式結束後,教會這場所便無法再容許 菲勞從事其他活動,使得他們需以公園做為延續活動的場域。而菲勞在公園的聚會,多以 五至七人的小團體形式,且成員穩定性相當高,因為絕大多數菲律賓移工都有固定的休假 日,朋友間較能約定聚會的時間。 相對的,泰國移工在公園的聚集不如菲籍移工的固定,成員也不穩定。相對於菲勞豐 富緊湊的休閒活動,泰勞的活動往往只是家鄉小吃店/工作場所、市公園/工作場所…… 的單線式的往返。由於泰勞缺乏一個類似教會之於菲勞的文化介面來銷熔不同地域、工作 場所的藩籬,使得泰勞的社會關係也較容易受這些藩籬所限(吳挺鋒,2002)。 。僱用泰勞的雇主有所謂的「宗教管理」,或 以專車載泰勞去彰化四面佛寺參禮;或在廠場內布置四面佛堂、辦理潑水節;或邀請泰國 法師至廠裡講道,並要求法師在佛理融入雇主所要求的生活規範。相對的,菲勞的雇主, 由於教會在台灣行之多年的外勞服務系統,因此較無法以家長式的「宗教管理」控制菲律 賓移工的宗教文化活動,以及隨之而延伸的社會活動。 回教的清真寺,也未扮演提供印尼移工社會生活的中心角色。因此,印籍移 工的假日活動呈現較去中心化、流動的狀態。台北車站是北部印尼移工聚集的主要場所, 而由於印尼移工的休假常常不固定,他們無法與朋友預約聚會時地,僅能到台北車站幾個 邊門的牆角「巧遇」同鄉;
  8. 整體性訴求: 一、擴編勞檢人員,全面進行3D工廠勞安檢查 二、定期公布移工職災統計,降低移工職災發生率 三、政府編列預算補助3D工廠增設安全設備或汰換危險機具 移工職災個案的權益保障訴求: 一、職災醫療期間應包含復健期間,醫療給付應包含看護費用 二、勞基法第59條規定原領工資補償,不應外籍移工定期契約期滿而停止給付。 三、職災移工雖因勞動契約屆滿,雇主仍應持續為其加保勞健保,直至勞工完整請領傷病、醫療、失能給付為止。 四、職災勞工因醫療或訴訟需求而變更在台居留事由者,外交部應減免其簽證費用(現在簽證費用3000元) 五、職災移工因申請勞保失能鑑定及失能給付而須重新入境者,外交部應協助辦理入境程序,給予職災特殊簽證。
  9. 燦爛時光書局:帶一本自己看不懂書回家 東南亞書店大聯盟 移民工文學獎:回家鄉開圖書館 外婆橋計畫
  10. 影片