MYANMAR SENIOR GENERAL MIN AUNG HLAING

2/3/2018 Myanmar’s military chief’s popularity on the rise » Southasian Monitor
https://southasianmonitor.com/2018/01/30/myanmars-military-chiefs-popularity-rise/ 1/6
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Myanmar’s military chief’s popularity on the rise
Larry Jagan, January 30, 2018
Myanmar’s military chief has become the crucial man in the country’s increasing political crisis. While he and the country’s civilian
leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, may not trust each other, he has become increasingly her indispensible ally amid the increasing
international turmoil surrounding the government’s handling of the Rakhine crisis. As an indicator of the renewed partnership

between the two, Aung San Suu Kyi has extended his term in office as commander-in-chief for another two years, till election year
2020, according to government insiders.
The growing international furor over the government’s handling of the violence in its strife-torn western region of Rakhine, the
horrific condition of nearly a million Muslim refugees – who call themselves Rohingyas – who had fled across the border to
Bangladesh, and the dilemmas of arranging their safe and voluntary return to Myanmar has left the country almost friendless.
International human rights groups and the United Nations have accused the Myanmar military or Tatmadaw of conducting a
campaign of ethnic cleansing in Rakhine in the aftermath of militant attacks on border police posts in late August.
The disaffection of the US senator Bill Richardson – asked to be part of the government’s carefully selected international advisory
board to help with the return of the refugees, their resettlement in Rakhine and assist with the rebuilding and reconciliation
process – has left the Myanmar government shell shocked. His tirade against the State Counselor in particular was devastating
and will have enormous repercussions within the international community. It has thrown the government’s planned re-
engagement with the international community and in particular to ease tensions with the West have been thrown into reverse
gear.
Aung San Suu Kyi – once Myanmar’s democracy icon and the darling of the West – has found herself increasingly isolated
internationally. She has found herself with fewer and fewer friends, and Western nations – Japan, the EU and the US – appear to
have turned their backs on her. Within Myanmar there is increasing disillusionment with the State Counselor’s vision and strategy.
While she retains the loyalty of most Myanmar citizens, she has largely lost the support of the country’s ethnic groups, civil
society and other activists. Her moral leadership, both inside the country and abroad, is being seriously challenged.
Aung San Suu Kyi – once Myanmar’s democracy icon and the darling of the West – has found herself
increasingly isolated internationally. She has found herself with fewer and fewer friends, and Western
nations – Japan, the EU and the US – appear to have turned their backs on her. Within Myanmar there is
increasing disillusionment with the State Counselor’s vision and strategy.
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has emerged as a rival leader, whose political aspirations are increasingly
evident. “Min Aung Hlaing has become the man”, and he is hoping to capitalize on that in future. His
popularity among the country’s population is rising, his stock within the army has increased and in the
wake of Bill Richardson’s condemnation, Aung San Suu Kyi has little option but to turn to Min Aung Hlaing
for support.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has emerged as a rival leader, whose political aspirations are increasingly evident. “Min Aung
Hlaing has become the man”, and he is hoping to capitalize on that in future. His popularity among the country’s population is
rising, his stock within the army has increased and in the wake of Bill Richardson’s condemnation, Aung San Suu Kyi has little
option but to turn to Min Aung Hlaing for support.
The divide between the two remains wide, but the two leaders are beginning to cooperate on a number of crucial issues. On the
peace process the two are working closely together, with Beijing being the necessary bonding agent. Their first meeting in nearly
a year, last October was to discuss the political dialogue and agree on their joint opposition to any
move to include a provision for secession. Since then it has been clear they are singing from the same hymn sheet, with Chinese
support.
Their second meeting – after they both came back from separate trips to China late last year – was to discuss succession planning
with the army, according to reliable sources within the military and the government. The result was Min Aung Hlaing’s extension –
something the State Counselor had resisted since she extended his term for two years as part of the transition agreement in
March 2016.
Sources close to the Lady said she believed she could control the Tamadaw and its commander because she was General Aung
San’s daughter – the founder of the Myanmar army and leader of the country’s independence movement. But the reality is
increasingly that the military are running the show, and Aung San Suu Kyi has little alternative but to accept the army’s dominant
position.
Sources close to the Lady said she believed she could control the Tamadaw and its commander because she
was General Aung San’s daughter – the founder of the Myanmar army and leader of the country’s
independence movement. But the reality is increasingly that the military are running the show, and Aung
San Suu Kyi has little alternative but to accept the army’s dominant position.

The undeclared “power struggle” between the two of them has been evident for most of the past year, as they endeavored to
endear themselves to the country’s key allies and neighbours and present themselves as the country’s leader and international
statesman. Min Aung Hlaing’s forays abroad in the middle of 2017 irritated Aung San Suu Kyi, according to sources close to her.
When he visited India and Japan, and earlier several EU countries, she blamed the host nations for being taken in and boosting
his credibility on international stage: in all these countries he was entertained by the respective heads of state. In India and Japan
in particular, the civilian heads of state do not normally meet visiting military commanders – it runs counter to diplomatic
protocol. But both India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi and Japan’s prime minister, Shinzo Abe met Min Aung Hlaing and had
substantial talks with him.
But what was not reported at the time was how Min Aung Hlaing tried to upstage the State Counselor and tried to isolate her. In
both cases he stressed that that the Myanmar military was strictly non-aligned, and did not support Beijing, as both Delhi and
Tokyo are China’s international rivals, especially within the Asia region. He told both leaders that this was in stark contrast to the
country’s civilian leader, who had thrown her lot in with the Chinese.
This irked the Chinese leaders, especially their Generals, who regarded the Myanmar military and their commander Min Aung
Hlaing in particular as steadfast friends. But the upheavals in Rakhine since August last year, has totally changed the situation.
Before that Min Aung Hlaing and his top brass had believed they could even woo Washington. The Tatmadaw leader even believed
When he visited India and Japan, and earlier several EU countries, she blamed the host nations for being
taken in and boosting his credibility on international stage: in all these countries he was entertained by the
respective heads of state. In India and Japan in particular, the civilian heads of state do not normally meet
visiting military commanders – it runs counter to diplomatic protocol. But both India’s prime minister,
Narendra Modi and Japan’s prime minister, Shinzo Abe met Min Aung Hlaing and had substantial talks with
him.
This irked the Chinese leaders, especially their Generals, who regarded the Myanmar military and their
commander Min Aung Hlaing in particular as steadfast friends. But the upheavals in Rakhine since August
last year, has totally changed the situation. Before that Min Aung Hlaing and his top brass had believed
they could even woo Washington. The Tatmadaw leader even believed he was going to be invited to
America by the US Secretary of State for Defense.

 print
he was going to be invited to America by the US Secretary of State for Defense. Apparently, he even thought Myanmar would be
allowed to buy US-made military transport aircraft, the Lockheed C-130 Hercules, according to sources close to the senior
general.
These four-engine turboprop military transport aircraft are almost unique: capable of using unprepared runways for takeoffs and
landings, and their various uses include being a gunship for airborne assault, search and rescue, maritime patrols and aerial
fighting. “There no way in heaven that Myanmar would have been sold these planes,” a senior US military attaché told South
Asian Monitor (SAM) on condition of anonymity. The irony is of course there is a civilian version the L-130 that the US
administration could not have prevented being sold, and could easily be made combat ready, said the same source.
Now of course this US rapprochement is a dream of the past. Instead of being welcomed to Washington, selective sanctions are
being imposed on certain top Myanmar military commanders who are regarded to have orchestrated the crackdown in Rakhine.
According to insiders, Aung San Suu Kyi may have been instrumental in encouraging Washington to take a hardline against the
Myanmar military and to label the crackdown as ethnic cleansing.
Now instead of a red-carpet Min Aung Hlaing faces the prospect of international criminal charges. While this may have meant to
be a lever to keep the military in check, it is likely to haunt the State Counselor instead, as she will have to pull out all stops to
prevent it happening. So, Bill Richardson’s personal tirade against Aung San Suu Kyi will not only weaken her standing
internationally, but in all intents and purposes has strengthened Min Aung Hlaing’s position at home.
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2/3/2018 တပ်ချ ပ်ကိ လ ကိ က်များလာေနသည်
https://burma.irrawaddy.com/article/2018/02/02/150850.html 1/11
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တပ±ခ²Ëပ±က¨ª လ«¹က¨Ëက±မ²§°လ§¬နသည±

By Larry Jagan 2 February 2018
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 တပ±မ¬တ§± က§က³ယ±¬ရ° ဦ°စ©°ခ²Ëပ± ဗ¨ªလ±ခ²Ëပ±မ´Ì°¹က©° မင±°¬အ§င±လØင± / Reuters

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ထ¨ªÚ¬·က§င¯± ရစ±ခ²တ±ဆန±က ¬ဒµ¬အ§င±ဆန±°စª·ကည±က¨ª ပªဂˆ¨Ëလ±¬ရ° ¬ဝဖန±တ¨ªက±ခ¨ªက±¶ခင±°¬·က§င¯±
Ð¨ªင±င®တက§အလယ± သ«မ၏ရပ±တည±မÊက¨ª မထ¨ခ¨ªက±Ð¨ªင±သည±သ§မက ¶ဖစ±ပ²က±သမÀ အ¬¶ခအ¬န
အ§°လª®°၏ ရည±မ´န±°ခ²က±က ဗ¨ªလ±ခ²Ëပ±မ´Ì°¹က©° မင±°¬အ§င±လØင±၏ ¶ပည±တ³င±° အ¬နအထ§°က¨ªသ§ လª®°ဝ
န©°ပ¦° ပ¨ªမ¨ª ခ¨ªင±မ§¬စရန±လည±° ¶ဖစ±သ³§°သည±။
(southasianmonitor.com တ³င± ¬ဖ§±¶ပထ§°သည¯± Larry Jagan ၏ Myanmar’s military
chief’s popularity on the rise က¨ª ဘ§သ§¶ပန±သည±။)
Topics: ¬ဒµ¬အ§င±ဆန±°စª·ကည±, ဗ¨ªလ±ခ²Ëပ±မ´Ì°¹က©°မင±°¬အ§င±လØင±
Larry Jagan
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
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KNU လက±နက±က¨ªင± လမ±°စÎ±က¨ª မစ³နÚ±ဟª ¬စ§မ«တ«°¬စ°
ဖ¨ª° ¬¶ပ§

12/4/2017 Min Aung Hlaing - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Min_Aung_Hlaing 1/3
Min Aung Hlaing
မင်းေအာင်လိင်
Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed Forces of Myanmar
Incumbent
Assumed office
30 March 2011
President Thein Sein
Htin Kyaw
State Counsellor Aung San
Suu Kyi
Deputy Soe Win
Preceded by Than
Shwe
Personal details
Born 1956
(age 60–
61)
Tavoy,
Min Aung Hlaing
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing (Burmese: မင်းေအာင်လိင်; born 1956[1]) is
the current commander-in-chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces, appointed in
2011.[2]
1 Early life and career
2 Command appointments
3 Criticism
4 References
Born in 1956 in Tavoy, Tenasserim Division, Min Aung Hlaing passed
Matriculation class in 1972 at BEHS 1 Latha.[3] He attended and studied Law
at the Rangoon Arts and Science University from 1973 to 1974 before he joined
the Defense Services Academy 19th Intake in 1974. He was reportedly shunned
by classmates because of his reserved personality.
1972-March / Rangoon Arts and Science University (Law) 1974- University
Training Corps (1971-74 / sergeant) 1974-January / Defence Services Academy
1977-December / second lieutenant in Burma Army.
Min Aung Hlaing's father name is U Thaung Hlaing. U Thaung Hlaing, a civil
engineer, worked at the Ministry of Construction.[1] Following graduation,
Min Aung Hlaing went on to command positions in Mon State and in 2002, he
was promoted to Commander of the Triangle Regional Command and was a
central figure in negotiations with two rebel groups, the United Wa State Army
(UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA).[1]
He rose to prominence in 2009 after leading an offensive against the insurgent
Myanmar Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army in Kokang.[2]
In June 2010, Min Aung Hlaing replaced General Shwe Mann as Joint Chief of
Staff of the Army, Navy, and Air Force.[1] On 30 March 2011 he became the
new Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces, replacing the
outgoing head of state and junta chief, Senior General Than Shwe.[4]
Contents
Early life and career
Command appointments

Burma
(now Dawei)
Nationality Burmese
Spouse(s) Kyu Kyu
Hla
Military service
Allegiance Myanmar
Service/branch Myanmar
Army
Years of service 1974–
present
Rank Senior
General
In November 2011, according to the online newsmagazine The Irrawaddy, it
was "widely believed" that following Min Aung Hlaing's meetings with Chinese
military officials that month and his leadership in creating a bilateral
agreement on defense cooperation with the Chinese, he had also held talks
with Chinese Vice-President Xi Jinping regarding cooperation from China
with respect to the Kachin Conflict.[2]
On March 27, 2012, during a speech in Naypyidaw, Min Aung Hlaing defended
the military’s continued role in national politics.[2][5]
On April 3, 2012, the Government of Myanmar announced that Min Aung
Hlaing had been promoted to vice-senior general, the second highest rank in
the Myanmar Armed Forces.[2] He was promoted to senior general in March
2013.
The UNHRC reported that Min Aung Hlaing’s soldiers have been deliberately
targeting civilians in Northern states of Myanmar and have been doing
"systemic discrimination” and human rights violations against minority
communities in Rakhine State.[6] In particular, he has been accused of ethnic
cleansing against the Rohingya people.[7] These human rights violations could amount to war crimes and crimes against
humanity.[8]
1. Vice-Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Tatmadaw Commander-in-Chief, Alternative Asean Network on Burma,
http://www.altsean.org/Research/Regime%20Watch/Executive/CIC.php
2. David Paquette, "Min Aung Hlaing Appointed Vice-Senior General" (http://www.irrawaddy.org/archives/1890), The
Irrawaddy, April 3, 2012.
3. မင်းေအာင်လိင် , ဗိလ်ချ ပ်မးကြီး (2 April 2011)."တပ်မေတာ်ကာကွယ်ေရးဦးစီးချ ပ်သစ် င့် အမေရိကန် မြန် မာ တပ်မေတာ် စ် ရပ်
ဆက် ဆံရေး - အပိုင် း (၁)" (http://burmese.voanews.com/content/article-04-02-11-soldiers-talk054-119117354/124564
2.html). VOA news Burmese.
4. "New commander in chief of defence services: General Min Aung Hlaing" (http://archive-2.mizzima.com/news/inside
-burma/5090-new-commander-in-chief-of-defence-services-general-min-aung-hlaing.html), Mizzima, March 30,
2011.
5. Aye Aye Win, "Myanmar general defends military's political role" (https://news.yahoo.com/myanmar-general-defend
s-militarys-political-role-061046525.html), Associated Press, March 27, 2012.
6. Section, United Nations News Service (2016-06-20). "UN News - Myanmar must address 'serious' human rights
violations against minorities – UN rights chief" (http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=54268#.WdnLnTt
pG02). UN News Service Section. Retrieved 2017-10-08.
7. Farmaner, Mark (13 September 2017). "Only One Person Can Stop Ethnic Cleansing In Myanmar, And It Isn't Aung
San Suu Kyi" (https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/myanmar-rohingya-aung-san-suu-kyi_us_59b83175e4b02da0e
13cf59f). Huffington Post.
8. https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/03/30/burmas-military-milestone
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Min_Aung_Hlaing&oldid=813103141"
Criticism
References

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12/4/2017 Min Aung Hlaing, Commander-in-Chief of the Burmese military & organizer of Rohingya genocide feted by European governments | Mary Scully…
http://www.maryscullyreports.com/senior-general-min-aung-hlaing-commander-in-chief-of-the-burmese-military-organizer-of-rohingya-genocide-feted-b… 1/2
This is Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Commander-in-Chief of the Burmese military since 2011 & the
man organizing genocide against the Rohingya people in Arakan state as well as war crimes against
other ethnic groups in Kachin & Shan states.
The European Union has maintained an arms embargo on Burma since 1996 which comes up for
renewal on April 30th. Under the sanctions, it is illegal for EU countries to sell or export weapons, with
the exception of non-lethal military equipment. Since India classi es pellet guns as non-lethal for use in
Kashmir, that designation probably covers a multitude of lethal loopholes.
On April 23rd, just days before the renewal date this year, before it was certain what decision the EU
would make about renewing sanctions, Germany & Austria hosted a delegation of top Burmese military
of cials led by Hlaing. They toured arms & aircraft factories & met with senior military of cials in both
countries. A week later, the EU renewed the arms embargo until April 30th, 2018.
Last November, whilst the EU sanctions were in place & during a major military assault in Arakan state
that sent nearly 90,000 Rohingya eeing for their lives, Hlaing was being given red-carpet treatment by
Belgium & Italy where he also visited arms factories. Britain has been providing free military training to
NEWS
MIN AUNG HLAING, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF
OF THE BURMESE MILITARY & ORGANIZER OF
ROHINGYA GENOCIDE FETED BY EUROPEAN
GOVERNMENTS
SEPTEMBER 13, 2017 | BABAKJOY2014
Mary Scully Reports

12/4/2017 Min Aung Hlaing, Commander-in-Chief of the Burmese military & organizer of Rohingya genocide feted by European governments | Mary Scully…
http://www.maryscullyreports.com/senior-general-min-aung-hlaing-commander-in-chief-of-the-burmese-military-organizer-of-rohingya-genocide-feted-b… 2/2
the Burmese army since 2013, sarcastically calling it “training in human rights & the law of armed
con ict.” You can’t make this Kafkaesque crap up. Last year that training cost the UK £305,000
($405,000 USD). A few days ago, 157 British MPs urged the government to suspend the training.
That would explain the dead silence by those European countries & for that matter the EU in response
to the genocidal crackdown going on. Is what the Rohingya are sustaining the result of British “training
in human rights & the law of armed con ict”? Or is the UK teaching them the methods it used when it
was a colonial power & in its wars in the Middle East?
No military aid to Burma. Stop the genocide of the Rohingya people. Stand with them in their struggle
for full human, democratic, civil, & refugee rights.
(Photo of Hlaing from Reuters)

12/4/2017 Myanmar's persecuted Rohingya: Who's really to blame?
https://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/indepth/2017/9/5/How-sanctions-can-help-Myanmars-persecuted-Rohingya-Muslims 1/7
In-depth: Could targeted sanctions against the perpetrators of alleged ethnic cleansing in
Myanmar help put an end to the carnage?
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Homepage : In-depth : Myanmar's persecuted Rohingya: Who's really to blame?
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Rohingya refugees pass a baby through wire fences while walking towards safety [AFP]
Robert Cusack
Myanmar's persecuted Rohingya: Who's really to blame?
Date of publication: 4 September, 2017
169

[Click to expand] Satellite imgery of villages
burning in Rakhine, Myanmar [source: HRW]
d 90,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar since a campaign of state-sponsored violence
broke out in the country's Muslim-majority Rakhine state on August 25.
UN-sponsored aid camps in neighbouring Bangladesh have received thousands of
refugees fleeing the Myanmar army's scorched earth policies, the UN's refugee agency
said.
"These people have been walking for days. They likely have not eaten since they left their
homes," said UNHCR spokesperson Vivian Tan.
"The existing refugees have taken in the new arrivals into their homes," she added
Reports have surfaced of the Myanmar government banning aid deliveries to Rakhine,
while satellite imagery of entire villages burning has also emerged.
To end these atrocities, some experts have argued that targeted sanctions, rather than
general criticism, are the best way forward to effectively help the ethnic minorities of
Myanmar.
The Burma Campaign is a UK-based organisation that works to raise awareness of
human rights abuses in Myanmar and how to stop them. It believes the international
community needs to focus its attention on the Myanmar military itself to stop the violence.
"There is one person in Burma [Myanmar] who has the responsibility for what's happening
and has the power to stop it and that is Min Aung Hlaing, the head of the military," said
Mark Farmaner, director of the Burma Campaign UK.
"But at the moment all the focus is on Aung San Suu Kyi [the de facto leader of Myanmar]
and none of the focus is on him."
General Hlaing is the military man who had postponed a peaceful transition from military
dictatorship to democracy. He is the man in charge of the troops, the man thought to have
Tags: Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi, Rohingya, Min Aung Hlaing
Trump adviser holds
talks with Saudi Arabia's
Syria's grand mufti, a
key Assad ally, claims
Bad day for Saudi
diplomacy: Lebanese
The Rohingyas: Inside
Myanmar’s Hidden

[Click to expand] General Min Aung Hlain with
US State Secretary John Kerry
commanded soldiers to enter Rakhine in the first place - yet he receives little to no
international criticism.
The UK's foreign minister, Boris Johnson, made headlines on Sunday after
he criticised Aung San Suu Kyi for the allegations of ongoing human rights abuses.
"Aung San Suu Kyi is rightly regarded as one of the most inspiring figures of our age but
the treatment of the Rohingya is alas besmirching the reputation of Burma," Johnson
said.
There's no one single thing that's going to persuade Hlaing to
change
But some experts argue that Johnson's criticism was misplaced and pressure should
instead be placed on General Hlaing.
Instead of criticism, Hlaing has instead received nothing but the red carpet. Foreign
governments have been tripping over themselves, trying to gain access to Myanmar’s
virgin markets and untapped resources since the economy opened up to capitalism for
the first time in 2013.
Hlaing has reaped the benefits of this flattering. He enjoyed a week-long visit to Italy,
Austria and Germany in May, visiting military equipment factories only days after the EU’s
arms embargo against Myanmar expired on April 30. His red-carpet tour of arms dealers
and foreign investors clashing with simultaneous criticisms of alleged war crimes against
the country’s ethnic minorities.
"There's no one single thing that's going to persuade Hlaing to change, it's a hundred
small things - it's about adding straws to the camel's back," said Farmaner.
"He loves his international trips - going abroad and luxury dinners. He's posting it on his
Facebook all the time."
Hlaing's trips abroad could come to an end - if enough pressure were placed on individual
governments. Lobbying government indirectly for a vague goal of ending human rights

abuses is ineffective, and targeting the perpetrators and asking your government to act
decisively works better, according to independent experts.
Arms Embargo
And these targeted sanctions could happen. Canada's Parliamentary Subcommittee on
International Human Rights recently issued a report which called for just that. The report,
titled "Sentenced to a Slow Demise", calls for a formal response within 120 days.
Change will only come if enough pressure is applied on the right areas by a number of
international governments, they say and that can only happen if politicians feel that direct
pressure.
"Ideally we need a UN-mandated arms embargo - countries can individually decide to
impose their own embargos but it would require governments like Turkey and the United
States - countries that have expressed support for the Rohingya to mobilise international
support," said Farmaner.
Large protests have broken out around the world against the treatment of Myanmar's
ethnic minorities [source: AFP]
Many argue the European Union is in particular need of lobbying over Myanmar. Until last
year, the UN published an annual review of the human rights situation in Myanmar. This
has now ended while various EU members have started to directly train the Myanmar
military and police responsible for the human rights abuses in question.
Pakistan too, a majority Muslim state itself, was one of the first countries to respond to
allegations of violence against Myanmar's Muslim minority - expressing "serious
concerns". Yet despite this official condemnation lies an implicit support for the military.

Pakistan, partnered with ally China, signed an agreement in 2015 to export millions of
dollars worth of fighter jets to Naypyidaw.
India is one of the biggest cooperators with the Myanmar military. General Hlaing
received the warmest of warm welcomes ahead of eight days of luxury in New Delhi in
July.
India has been a major supporter of the Myanmar military since 1993. It exports millions
of dollars of weapons to the country to contain the perceived geopolitical spread of India's
rival, China.
Shortly before violence broke out in Rakhine, New Delhi announced plans to deport
thousands of Rohingya refugees back to Myanmar - a process one human rights activist
called "legally, procedurally and practically impossible".
According to human rights NGOs including Article 19, these countries in particular need to
stop supporting Myanmar's military and they must be shamed into action.
Direct action is never easy, but those following the situation in Myanmar closely believe
merely criticising the government of Aung San Suu Kyi is pointless and will not effect real
change in the country without sanctions and pressure against the country's military.

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David Lejdar • 3 months ago
The military in Myanmar seems to have made it so that they still quite sit at the helm, but Aung San Suu Kyi
seems quite weird with rhetoric that according to some sounds as if Goebbels talking about Jews. And due to
her apparent vocal approval, that military will perhaps hide all of sudden behind as if civilian authority to blame.
Nevertheless, certainly seems reasonable to point out that policies of colonial days in which plantation masters
had plenty of support to do as they saw fit, that those days are gone quite some time now however some are
still continuing in those policies. Well, perhaps a bit exaggerating, but seeing how particularly EU apparently has
not much an issue with ten-thousands of civilians in China having been harvested for organs and hundred-
thousands of civilians being imprisoned for being merely Falun Gong practitioners, all while many in the west
are happy about profit gained from labour camps where not even trade unions are allowed, the occasional voice
daring to point out that surely money can't be considered the most important thing in the world, such doesn't
seem to cut it at all about simply excluding those state actors who refuse to respect international law from
friendships among the community of those who do respect it instead of treating them as if a lover with a
migraine.
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g
And even in merely economical terms, how is a company e.g. in Germany supposed to compete with a labour
camp which perhaps doesn't even pay wages nor respect work law at all with that situation applying to most
companies in Germany while only a handful actually have resources from Tibet yet that handful apparently
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12/4/2017 Myanmar General’s Purge of Rohingya Lifts His Popular Support - The New York Times
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/26/world/asia/myanmar-rohingya-min-aung-hlaing.html 1/7
https://nyti.ms/2k11spD
ASIA PACIFIC
Myanmar General’s Purge of Rohingya
Lifts His Popular Support
By RICHARD C. PADDOCK NOV. 26, 2017
YANGON, Myanmar — The most powerful person in Myanmar now, Senior Gen.
Min Aung Hlaing, was little known outside the country’s military circles until the
villages started burning.
Within just a few weeks in 2009, his forces drove tens of thousands of people
out of two ethnic enclaves in eastern Myanmar — first the Shan, near the Thai
border, then the Kokang, closer to China. Locals accused his soldiers of murder, rape
and systematic arson.
Two years later, the general, who was meeting with Pope Francis on Monday,
was promoted to commander-in-chief of the armed forces in a country where the
Constitution keeps the military in power despite the veneer of democratic elections.
The methods his forces used in 2009 have all been on display this year as the
military has driven more than 620,000 Rohingya Muslims out of Myanmar in a
campaign the United States has declared to be ethnic cleansing.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel laureate who is the country’s de facto civilian
leader, has been harshly criticized for allowing the Rohingya’s expulsion. But under
the Constitution, which was written by the military, she has no authority over the
armed forces.
That is solely the province of General Min Aung Hlaing, 61.
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His campaign against the Rohingya has further cemented his status, creating an
air of crisis that has galvanized support both within the ranks and the country’s
Buddhist majority.
“They are pinching themselves,” David Scott Mathieson, an analyst in Yangon,
said about the military leadership. “They hit the jackpot. They are six years into the
democracy era, and they are more popular than in decades.”
General Min Aung Hlaing has effectively sidelined Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, whose
electoral landslide in 2015 blocked a potential path for him to become president of
Myanmar, also known as Burma. She is barred in the Constitution from becoming
president and heads the government under the title she created, “state counselor.”
She and the general rarely meet or speak to each other. And as his military
offensive continues, it is deeply undermining Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s international
standing.
“Aung San Suu Kyi and her government are a human shield for the military
against international and domestic criticism,” said Mark Farmaner, director of the
London-based Burma Campaign U.K.
General Min Aung Hlaing’s power includes appointing three key cabinet
members, overseeing the police and border guards, and presiding over two large
business conglomerates. He fills a quarter of Parliament’s seats, enough to block any
constitutional amendment that would limit his authority.
The general makes occasional public appearances and often posts on social
media about his high-level meetings. Mostly, though, he asserts his power quietly
from behind closed doors. People who know him are reluctant to talk publicly about
his character or their conversations. He declined to speak to The New York Times.
Interviews with more than 30 people, including current and former military
officers, rights activists, analysts, diplomats and legal experts, paint a portrait of a
thoughtful strategist who has used his power to promote a starkly nationalist
agenda.

Now, many expect he will try in coming elections to again put a general in the
presidency: himself.
“His plan is to become president in 2020,” said U Win Htein, an adviser to Ms.
Aung San Suu Kyi and a leader in her party, the National League for Democracy.
Min Aung Hlaing grew up in central Rangoon, now Yangon, where his father
was a construction ministry official.
After high school, the future general studied law. But his dream was to attend
the Defense Services Academy, the surest route to success for a young man during a
half-century of military rule. He passed the entrance exam on his third try, said his
childhood friend, U Hla Oo, a writer who lives in Australia.
The future general was known for his smile, but his tendency to criticize and
blame others won him few friends. His contemporaries gave him a nickname
meaning cat feces, an especially vulgar epithet in Burmese, said three former
military members, including Mr. Win Htein.
One fellow cadet recalled in a 2011 radio interview that the young Min Aung
Hlaing liked to bully the newer students.
“We were so afraid of him,” recalled U Aung Lynn Htut, who became an
intelligence officer and diplomat before defecting to the United States. “Whenever
we walked by in front of him, he always loved to find fault. So we always tried our
best to keep away from him.”
Min Aung Hlaing graduated in 1977 and became an infantry officer in a military
whose existence had largely been defined by its wars against ethnic minorities. It
waged a ruthless counterinsurgency strategy known as the “Four Cuts,” isolating
rebels from civilian support by violently severing their access to food, money,
intelligence and recruits.
“Burning villages is what they have done for years,” Mr. Mathieson said. “He
would have risen in the ranks in the ’80s when this was happening all the time.”

Mr. Hla Oo wrote about the record of “my dear friend Min Aung Hlaing,” saying,
“He truly is a battle-hardened warrior of brutal Burmese Army.”
One of his commanding officers, Mr. Hla Oo said, was a colonel named Than
Shwe, who later became senior general and head of the ruling clique.
In early 2009, Min Aung Hlaing was named chief of the Bureau of Special
Operations-2, overseeing northeastern Myanmar. In July and August that year, his
troops targeted rebels in Shan State campaigns that drove nearly 50,000 people
from their homes.
“This campaign has been carried out coldbloodedly and systematically,” Kham
Harn Fah, director of the Shan Human Rights Foundation, said at the time. “The
troops commandeered petrol to burn down the houses, and radioed repeatedly to
their headquarters as the buildings went up in flames.”
The assault in the Kokang region of northern Shan State began after the
military, known as the Tatmadaw, tried to arrest a popular Kokang leader, Pheung
Kya-shin. Fighting erupted, dozens were killed and 37,000 refugees fled into China.
Mr. Pheung accused soldiers of robbing, raping and killing civilians.
In March 2011, Senior Gen. Than Shwe bypassed older and more experienced
generals and picked Min Aung Hlaing, then a young lieutenant general, as
commander-in-chief.
His selection was part of the junta leader’s plan to restructure the government
under the new Constitution. Then in his mid-70s, Than Shwe needed a trusted
successor who would not hold him accountable in retirement for his brutal reign or
his accumulation of personal wealth.
Than Shwe put two other top generals into civilian positions, including Thein
Sein as president, and dissolved the junta in 2011.
In 2013, Min Aung Hlaing took on the title of senior general previously held by
his mentor. It is unclear who promoted him.

Min Aung Hlaing was in line to succeed Thein Sein in the presidency, but that
plan was foiled by Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s overwhelming victory in 2015.
After the election, he decided to stay on past the mandatory retirement age of 60
for five more years, despite complaints that the move was improper.
As commander-in-chief, he has acted much like a head of state, traveling to
meet foreign leaders and arms suppliers, and holding court in Naypyidaw, the
capital, with ambassadors and visiting dignitaries.
“He pays attention to detail,” said U Min Zin, executive director of the Institute
for Strategy and Policy Myanmar, an independent center in Yangon that promotes
democracy. “He is good at delegating; he presents himself as a statesman.”
On Twitter and Facebook, he extols fitness and discipline, complains of
“bullying” by foreign organizations, and accuses the international media of “hiding
the truth” about Rohingya refugees. Like other nationalists, he calls them “Bengalis”
and insists they are illegal immigrants.
“There is exaggeration to say that the number of Bengalis fleeing to Bangladesh
is very large,” he posted in English on Facebook after meeting with United States
Ambassador Scot Marciel in October.
The two countries said last week that they had reached an “arrangement” on the
possible repatriation of the Rohingya, but they gave few details.
The military’s edge in Myanmar is not an accident. The generals spent more
than 15 years drafting their Constitution, instituting a byzantine government
structure with many built-in powers for the commander-in-chief.
Since Parliament selects the president, the commander-in-chief’s control of a
quarter of the seats gives him a big head start in any future contest.
He has extensive authority over local civilian affairs through his control of the
Ministry of Home Affairs and its General Administration Department. “That means
day-to-day administration of the country is under the military,” said U Yan Myo
Thein, an independent analyst in Yangon.

The general also oversees an extensive intelligence apparatus, unlike Ms. Aung
San Suu Kyi, who at times seems poorly informed about events in the country.
And the military owns two of Myanmar’s largest conglomerates, the Union of
Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited and Myanmar Economic Corporation.
Those secretive companies operate in many sectors, including jade mining,
energy, banking, insurance, telecommunications, transportation, tourism and
information technology, analysts say.
Historically, they have been an important source of wealth for the generals, said
U Ye Myo Hein, executive director of the Tagaung Institute of Political Studies, an
independent policy center in Yangon.
“They have a vast economic empire,” he said. “He does not have to answer to
Parliament or the civilian government. We have a long history of the business-
military complex. It is very difficult to stop that.”
Most land in Myanmar is owned by the government, and the generals have a
history of seizing desirable properties and handing them to favored companies,
including their own. The commander-in-chief also has authority over many land-use
decisions through the Ministry of Home Affairs.
“He controls everything that has to do with the land,” said U Myint Thwin, a
lawyer who represents farmers trying to recover 20,000 acres outside Yangon that
the military seized two decades ago. Twenty farmers were jailed for months in 2014
after they filed a lawsuit seeking the land’s return.
He said he and the farmers sent letters last year to General Min Aung Hlaing
asking him to give back the land.
“The military people were calling the farmers and threatening them.” he said.
“The military sent me a letter saying, ‘If you don’t withdraw the letter, we will sue
you for defamation.’ ”
Some activists fear that the general will declare the abandoned Rohingya
villages vacant and give the property to other ethnic groups, making it harder for the

refugees to return.
In September, the general visited Maungdaw, a town in northern Rakhine State
on the border with Bangladesh, and lamented in a speech that the Rohingya had
been more successful in business than other ethnic groups.
He urged non-Rohingya who had fled the violence to return home and rebuild
their communities.
“It’s necessary to have control of our region with our national races,” he said.
“That is their rightful place.”
Saw Nang contributed reporting.
A version of this article appears in print on November 27, 2017, on Page A1 of the New York edition with
the headline: Ethnic Purge Elevates Myanmar’s Other Leader.
© 2017 The New York Times Company

12/4/2017 Min Aung Hlaing | Notes toward an International Libertarian Eco-Socialism
https://intlibecosoc.wordpress.com/tag/min-aung-hlaing/ 1/8
Notes toward an International Libertarian Eco-
Socialism
Posts Tagged ‘Min Aung Hlaing’
Stop Rohingya Genocide!
October 18, 2017
Courtesy Kevin Frayer/Ge y Images

By Black Rose/Rosa Negra External Communications-International Relations Comi ee (EC-IRC)
(h p://blackrosefed.org/stop-rohingya-genocide-2/)
The Burmese military that effectively rules the Southeast Asian State of Myanmar is currently engaged in
a campaign of intensifying genocide (h ps://www.opendemocracy.net/amal-de-chickera/when-is-
genocide-genocide) against the country’s Rohingya minority. Of the 1 million Rohingyas who were
estimated to have lived in Myanmar’s northwestern Rakhine State before this newest episode of ethnic
cleansing, approximately one thousand have been killed
(h p://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2017/08/rohingya-muslims-170831065142812.html) and over
a half-million displaced in the past two months. These Rohingya refugees, many of whom are women
and children, have fled the brutal scorched-earth tactics
(h p://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/09/myanmar-scorched-earth-tactics-rakhine-report-
170914152129789.html) of the Burmese State for neighboring Bangladesh—although over 100,000 remain
internally displaced in Rakhine in perilous conditions.
The Rohingyas of Burma
The dispossessed Rohingyas have confronted mass-murder, torture, and sexual assault and had their
homes torched and their crops destroyed. Scores of villages have been burnt to the ground
(h p://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/interactive/2017/09/rohingya-crisis-explained-maps-
170910140906580.html). In addition, the Burmese military has installed a series of landmines
(h ps://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/10/myanmar-accused-of-planting-landmines-in-path-of-
fleeing-rohingya) adjacent to the Naf River that divides Myanmar from Bangladesh, both to harm those
fleeing and to dissuade their return. Why has this happened?

Many observers point to the ethno-religious aspects of this oppressive dynamic. Whereas the Burmese
State is largely controlled by majority ethnic Bamars who are Buddhists, the Rohingya minority—
considered by the State to be “Bengalis,” as from the region of Bengal that spans India and Bangladesh—
are mostly Muslim, with a Hindu minority. While Islam and Buddhism are not mutually hostile to each
other, such fault-lines as diﬀering religious identities have been used in this case to prepare and ultimate
rationalize the ongoing genocide. British colonialism—with its logic of racialization and bordering—
prepared the groundwork for the atrocities unfolding today, as imperialists used Rohingyas during the
war against Japan and even at one point promised them independence, a promise later revoked. Since its
1962 takeover in the early post-colonial period following Burmese independence from Britain in 1948,
the military has promoted Buddhist nationalism (h p://www.independent.co.uk/voices/rohingya-
genocide-myanmar-aung-sun-suu-kyi-colonialism-bangladesh-a7932876.html) as an ideal and excluded
many of the country’s ethnic minorities, none more than the Rohingya. In 1974, the State identiﬁed all
Rohingyas as foreigners; in 1982, it formally revoked their collective citizenship.
Military “Clearance Operations”

Over the past half-century, the State has systematically starved, enslaved, and massacred the Rohingya
people. In response, between the 1970s and August 2017, an estimated 1 million Rohingyas fled
Burma/Myanmar (h p://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2017/08/rohingya-muslims-
170831065142812.html), with 168,000 refugees crossing State borders between 2012 and August 2017. In
violation of international law, Rohingya refugees have been forcibly repatriated to Rakhine
(h ps://www.opendemocracy.net/beyondslavery/natalie-brinham/breaking-cycle-of-expulsion-forced-
repatriation-and-exploitation-for-r) several times over the past 40 years. This time, however, the ethnic
cleansing appears to be meant to be final.
In his report on an October 2017 meeting with the U.S. ambassador, General Min Aung Hlaing, the
Burmese commander accused of ordering the ongoing atrocities, falsifies history
(h p://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/10/rohingya-muslims-native-myanmar-army-chief-
171012064646341.html) by claiming that the Rohingyas are “not native” but rather foreigners who were
introduced to the country by British imperialism. Such a self-serving account overlooks the historical
presence of Muslims in Rakhine since at least the fifteenth century
(h p://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/locating-rohingya-time-space-170927100542729.html) and
conveniently erases the cosmopolitan past in which Muslims, Hindus, and Buddhists coexisted without
war. Ominously, Aung Hlaing has publicly declared (h p://www.independent.co.uk/voices/rohingya-
genocide-myanmar-aung-sun-suu-kyi-colonialism-bangladesh-a7932876.html) that the ongoing
“clearance operations” are meant to resolve “unfinished business” from Burma’s independence. For her
part, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, the former political prisoner and recipient of the 1991 Nobel
Peace Prize, is entirely complicit in these crimes, given her guarding of silence on the current crisis and

her past rejection (h p://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/04/aung-san-suu-kyi-denies-ethnic-cleansing-
rohingya-170406081723698.html) of the idea that the State’s military campaigns in Rakhine constitute
ethnic cleansing.
The “Last Asian Frontier” to Capital
Yet however much responsibility for the Rohingya genocide rests with the Burmese military and ruling
class, capitalist and imperialist elements play important roles in the oppression of the Rohingyas as well.
The power of the Burmese State and military has grown hand-in-hand with the expanding extraction of
its fossil-fuel resources and the accelerating opening-up of trade and investment in recent years. Having
been relatively unknown to global capitalism, Burma/Myanmar is sometimes considered the “last Asian
frontier” for capitalist models of plantation agriculture, deforestation, mega-mining, and the super-
exploitation of labor.
Over the past two decades, the State has dispossessed millions of Buddhist peasants of their land to
make way for corporate-extractivist projects, and before the current crisis erupted, the State had already
awarded a million hectares (h ps://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-
network/2017/jan/04/is-rohingya-persecution-caused-by-business-interests-rather-than-religion?
CMP=share_btn_tw) in Rakhine for “corporate development” schemes. In northern Rakhine, moreover,
the State has plans to establish a “special economic zone” (h ps://frontiermyanmar.net/en/rakhine-govt-
to-sign-maungdaw-economic-zone-mou-with-mysterious-consortium) with Chinese investors to
construct oil and gas pipelines (h ps://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20170929-the-military-plan-to-
wipe-out-all-muslims-in-myanmar/#.Wc7zB8st0Wk.twi er) to the tune of $10 billion. When one
considers that all burnt land in Burma reverts to State property, the meaning of its military’s “clearing
operations” against the Rohingyas becomes clearer. The ferocity of the State’s response to the
coordinated guerrilla a acks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on 40 Burmese police
stations and a military base in Rakhine on August 25, which provoked
(h p://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/interactive/2017/09/rohingya-crisis-explained-maps-
170910140906580.html) the current wave of mass-displacement, shows that the ARSA a ack is only a
pretext for the State to implement its broadly genocidal designs.

Courtesy Showkat Shafi/Al Jazeera
International Complicity in Genocide
Since 1990, China, Russia, Israel, and former Yugoslavian countries have been Burma’s major arms
suppliers (h p://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/interactive/2017/09/selling-myanmar-military-weapons-
170914151902162.html), while the UK provides training (h ps://newint.org/features/web-
exclusive/2017/09/13/burma-rohingya-crisis) to the Burmese military. In fact, in September 2017, the
Israeli State argued (h ps://www.haare .com/israel-news/1.814266) before the High Court of Justice that
ethics have no place in business or international relations, and that no restrictions should be placed on
Israeli arms sales to Burmese security forces. Although the U.S. and the European Union currently
observe an embargo on trade in weapons with the country, recent meetings between EU leaders and
General Min Aung Hlain suggest that this embargo may well be lifted soon in the interests of
profitability.
Moreover, recently at the United Nations, the Trump Regime cynically used accusations of war crimes
against the Rohingyas as leverage (h p://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/09/rohingya-demands-
prosecution-myanmar-officials-170929043932384.html) against the State’s allies, China and Russia. While
it is clear that Trump has no actual interest in the Rohingyas as human beings, it bears noting that the
Obama administration helped legitimize Suu Kyi and the military junta she serves by suspending
sanctions (h p://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/10/obama-economic-sanctions-myanmar-

161007215716882.html) against Burma following her party’s electoral victory in 2015. Of course,
overcoming the “barrier” that such sanctions had represented to the expansion of capital serves U.S.
imperialist interests as well.
In closing, we condemn the State Terror that has targeted Rohingyas for four decades, leading to the
current genocidal catastrophe, and we express our solidarity with those displaced both internally in
Burma/Myanmar and as refugees in Bangladesh. We denounce all imperialist and capitalist support for
the Burmese junta, whether provided by the U.S., Israel, Russia, or China. We take inspiration from the
mutual aid (h p://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2017/09/farmer-techie-bangladeshis-helping-
rohingya-170914084039681.html) provided by Bangladeshis to the Rohingya refugees, even as that
country confronts mass-inundation and disappearance due to rising sea levels that result from capital-
induced climate change. We look forward to the potential uniﬁcation of peasantry and working class
across ethnic lines against the Burmese State, and we demand justice.
Never again! Stop Rohingya genocide!
For more information:
Message to the world from Nasima Khatun, a Rohingya (h ps://t.co/DenQhLIZsG) (Al Jazeera, 17 Sept.
2017)
Message to the world from Noor Kajol, a Rohingya (h ps://t.co/UD2Bx2sICj) (Al Jazeera, 15 Sept. 2017)
Message to the world from Begum Jaan, a Rohingya (h ps://t.co/FQrSria8u7) (Al Jazeera, 12 Sept. 2017)
UN: Rohingya in Bangladesh need ‘massive’ assistance
(h p://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/09/rohingya-bangladesh-massive-assistance-
170924110654841.html) (Al Jazeera, 24 Sept. 2017)
Al Jazeera releases virtual reality project on Rohingya (h p://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/09/al-
jazeera-releases-virtual-reality-project-rohingya-170928160013641.html) (Al Jazeera, 28 Sept. 2017)
‘No pictures, no words can explain Rohingya plight’
(h p://www.aljazeera.com/podcasts/2017/10/pictures-words-explain-rohingya-suﬀering-
171016124920701.html) (Al Jazeera, 16 Oct. 2017)

12/4/2017 Amnesty: Myanmar committed crimes against humanity | News | Al Jazeera
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/10/amnesty-myanmar-committed-crimes-humanity-171017190744359.html 1/4
18 Oct 2017
Amnesty: Myanmar committed crimes against humanity
NEWS / ROHINGYA
Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have been victims of systematic and widespread attacks, says Amnesty [File:Al Jazeera]
Amnesty International has said it has strong evidence that the Myanmar army committed crimes against humanity in northern Rakhine
State.
A new report published by the global rights group on Wednesday detailed mass killings, rape, torture and forcible transfers of Rohingya
Muslims in the army's ongoing campaign against fighters from the persecuted minority.
Amnesty has called for the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar and set targeted sanctions against senior
officials.
The report said hundreds of thousands of Rohingya men, women and children have been "the victims of a widespread and systematic
attack", and that "Myanmar's security forces unleashed an attack against the Rohingya population in its entirety."
The army's Western Command was responsible for some of the worst violations, it said.
The Amnesty report, based on about 150 witness accounts, satellite data, and photo and video evidence, is the most detailed and
comprehensive analysis to date since Rohingya refugees began pouring into Bangladesh in late August.
Efforts to reach the Myanmar government were unsuccessful.

Officials have previously denied any systematic violence against the Rohingya, who they consider as illegal immigrants from
Bangladesh.
Laura Haigh, Amnesty's Myanmar researcher, said the crimes they documented were similar to the army's abuses against other ethnic
minorities in Myanmar, including the Kachin, Shan and the Palaung.
"There are common threads here: A military that is completely unaccountable, often out of control, and impunity that breeds further
impunity," she said.
"And it's time for that to stop."
The violence in Buddhist-majority Rakhine erupted after an armed group known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)
attacked at least 30 security posts on August 25.
An estimated 582,000 refugees have now fled Myanmar and thousands more are continuing to make the perilous journey on foot to the
country's border with Bangladesh, the UN said on Tuesday.
Page after page in the Amnesty report, entitled "My World Is Finished", provide detailed testimonies of widespread killings, rapes, and
burning of entire villages.
'Burned all over'
In one account, a 30-year-old woman from the village of Min Gyi, also known as Tula Toli, said soldiers killed scores of men and older
boys, raped the women, torched Rohingya homes, and burned people, including children, to death.
"They [the soldiers] first hit us in the head, to make us weak ... Then, they raped us," she said.
Soldiers then set fire to the house she was assaulted in, but she said she managed to escape after her seven-year-old daughter found a
weak point in the hut's bamboo siding.
"I was burned all over," she told Amnesty. "The flame was so hot. When I ran, the fire was still on me. The clothes we wore, they were all
burned."
The pattern was similar in dozens of villages across Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathetaung townships, the report said.
The Myanmar army killed at least hundreds of Rohingya women, men, and children in the hours and days since the ARSA attacks in
August, it said. Many people were shot as they ran away.
The elderly and disabled were often unable to flee and were killed or burned in their homes.
Mohamed Zubair, 26, told Amnesty he left his 90-year-old grandmother in their home when the military opened fire on his village, Chut
Pyin, in Rathetaung.
"I asked her to follow us to the hill. She said, 'I'm old, they won't do anything to me. Go,'" Zubair said.
In hiding, he watched as soldiers torched his village, including the house where he had left his grandmother.
When the military left, he found his grandmother dead, her body "burnt very seriously".
More than a dozen other witnesses from Chut Pyin also described seeing soldiers, border guards and local vigilantes deliberately burn
down Rohingya parts of the village, and leave the non-Rohingya areas intact, the report said.
The accounts of targeted burning were backed by satellite imagery.

"I was burned all over ... The flame was so hot. When I ran, the fire was still on me."
ROHINGYA RAPE SURVIVOR
Amnesty said the killing of the elderly, disabled and children demonstrated the military's campaign "has been far from a 'clearance
operation' in the sense of being designed to root out ARSA members.
"Instead, it has been an attack on the Rohingya population as a whole, with the seeming objective to 'cleanse' Rakhine state of that
entire population".
Amnesty said its investigations into the responsibility of specific units and individuals were ongoing, but testimony indicates that a unit
led by Major-General Maung Maung Soe was disproportionately involved in some of the worst crimes.
Witnesses consistently described a patch on soldiers' uniforms that match the one worn by Western Command, the report said.
Amnesty said it is also investigating claims that ARSA fighters killed Hindu men and women, and burned ethnic Rakhine villages.
Haigh, the researcher, said Amnesty wants to see the UN General Assembly adopt "a strong resolution on Myanmar" as a first step to
end the violence.
"We'd like to see a strengthened call for a global arms embargo, in addition to targeted sanctions on specific senior military officials who
are responsible for crimes," she said.
Myanmar must also allow unfettered access to UN investigators, she said.
Myanmar has strongly denied allegations of human rights abuses.
On Monday, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of Myanmar's army told UN officials that soldiers acted lawfully
in their response to attacks by ARSA.
On his official Facebook page, Min Aung Hlaing said UN comments on Rakhine, which include allegations of ethnic cleansing, were
"totally contrary to the situation on the ground".
SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS

12/4/2017 It's Time To Talk About Min Aung Hlaing
http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/mark-farmaner/min-aung-hlaing_b_15001514.html 1/6
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Mark Farmaner
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It's Time To Talk About Min Aung Hlaing
 13/04/2017 15:19 BST | Updated 13/04/2017 15:19 BST
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
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, head of the Burmese military, is the most powerful
person in Burma. It is his soldiers and security forces who have been raping Rohingya
women, shooting Rohingya civilians and burning Rohingya villages. It is his soldiers who
have increased conflict in Kachin Sate and Shan State, displacing thousands of villagers
already forced from their homes by Burmese army attacks.
Min Aung Hlaing is the one who is threating the entire peace process by insisting on
hard-line conditions unacceptable to many ethnic organisations. It is Min Aung Hlaing
who is blocking constitutional reform which would make Burma more democratic. Civil
servants under his control are obstructing reforms and policies the NLD-led government
are trying to put in place. He is also starving health and education of funds by insisting on
a huge budget for the military at the same time as the health service and education
systems are one of the most poorly funded in the world.

Min Aung Hlaing is the biggest obstacle to improving human rights, democratic reform,
peace, modernisation, and improving health and education in Burma.
Yet somehow, he largely escapes direct criticism. Since the latest Rohingya related crisis
began in October 2016 it is Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who has received most attention and
criticism, not Min Aung Hlaing, whose soldiers are the ones committing the abuses.
Last November Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had to cancel a trip to Indonesia, reportedly for
fear of protests over her stance over the Rohingya. In the same month, Min Aung Hlaing
was enjoying a red carpet tour in Europe after being invited to attend a meeting of
European military heads. There were no protests against him in Italy or Belgium. As his
soldiers raped and killed Rohingya, and increased conflict in Kachin State, he enjoyed
sightseeing in Brussels and Rome, travelled the canals of Venice, and even toured
factories of arms manufacturers, despite there being an EU arms embargo on Burma.
The current approach of the international community towards the military has been one
of soft engagement, hoping they will have a gradual epiphany and realise it is in their
own self-interest to agree to further reform. It amounts to a fingers crossed approach that
if we are nice to the Burmese military, they will suddenly come around.
This approach clearly isn't working. The more Min Aung Hlaing is welcomed into the
arms of the international community, the more sanctions are lifted, the more UN
engagement on human rights is lifted, the more they are praised for reforms, the more
his confidence grows that he can continue to commit human rights violations and block
democratic constitutional reform with impunity, and the more human rights violations and
conflict have increased.
A key question now for the international community is how to influence Min Aung Hlaing.
The international community needs to develop an approach towards Min Aung Hlaing
with two clear goals in mind. First, how to persuade him to stop committing human rights
violations, and second, how to persuade him to agree to constitutional change which will
enable the peace process to succeed, and which will allow further democratic transition
in the country.
Min Aung Hlaing will only agree to change when he decides it is in the interests of the
military to do so. At the current time, he has little incentive to reduce human rights
violations or agree to further democratic reforms. The military have in place the system

Conversations
they designed to protect their interests and give them control over areas such as security
and defence. They believe only they are able to guarantee the safety and security of the
nation. Yet clearly Min Aung Hlaing and his military are enjoying the embrace of the
international community and want the respect of the people of Burma. This provides
some leverage.
When the EU and USA lifted sanctions they made no differentiation between sanctions
which targeted the government and sanctions which targeted the military and their
associates. The same applies to discontinuing the UN General Assembly Resolution on
Burma. This decision was justified as being in acknowledgment and support of reforms
and the new government, without differentiation between the government and the military
and their actions. There are two powerbases in Burma now, and different approaches are
required for each.
It is time to identify potential points of leverage specifically targeting the military and how
they can be most effectively applied to induce Min Aung Hlaing to agree to change. This
could include United Nations investigations into violations of international law, economic
sanctions targeted at their interests, visa bans, ending military training, and more robust
diplomatic pressure. One option that cannot be considered is carrying on as before while
Min Aung Hlaing systematically destroys hopes for peace, respect for human rights, and
democracy in Burma.
IMPORTANT NOTICE: IF YOU ARE IN BURMA SHARING THIS ARTICLE ON SOCIAL
MEDIA COULD RESULT IN ARREST. If you live in Burma please consider carefully
before sharing this article on social media such as Facebook. Sharing this article could
result in arrest and prosecution under article 66d of the Telecommunications Law.
Several media organisations in Burma felt unable to publish this article because of
concerns over this law.
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7 Comments Sort by Oldest

Andreas Lyon · Student at LaValle Actors Workshop
Thank you
Like · Reply · 14 April 2017 12:14
Michael John Wilson
The "international community" needs to think about what it means to celebrate
and support the kind of "democratization" we have witnessed in Myanmar.
Mr Farmaner and his organization invested a lot in the chimera of the "Human
Rights Icon" Suu Kyi and here he is protecting that investment by suggesting
that it is up to the international community to attempt to restrain the Myanmar
military when that is in fact the root of the problem.
The democracy that NGOs and journalists from the neoliberal west celebrated
so loudly a year ago is, of course, nothing like what most westerners understand
w... See more
Nurun Nabi
The still military rule of Myanmar has fooled the Inter national
coomunity except China and Russia. New North Koria on horizon
Like · Reply · 1 · 3 October 2017 09:06
Khaing Aung Aung · Independent Writer at Self-Employed
Your proposal won't work either because public opinion in Burma is to root out
the military rule after terminating Min Aung Hlaing or whosoever from the army.
Like what happened in the French revolution, Burma needs a fundamental and
paradigmatic change. For that, so-called the international community plays just
a marginal role. Economic sanctions imposed by the West didn't work and this
method is a failed foreign policy. The mindset of such political infant shouldn't be
proposed again.
Mie Maung · Senior Communications Officer at WWF-Myanmar
What a piece of nonsense! Look like an essay written by an elementary student.
Nurun Nabi
Mie Maung You are also a sadistic, How many Rohyangas you have
slaughtered by your own hand. How many you have raped? What
wreong thy did on you. Where you went for your elementery Hate
school. May god give you miseries, my prayer. Do you know who
created ARSA and this fabricated storey. You criminal army.
Oo Aung · Mandalay University
Big heads, thick heads of this universe are helpless with this nut.
Add a comment...

Like · Reply · 1 October 2017 10:54
Oo Aung · Mandalay University
Strip off your laurels and go and beg this nut to do you a favour.
Like · Reply · 1 October 2017 10:56
Nurun Nabi
Thanks for publishing this post on the miseries of Rohyangas a new era
Holocust.
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12/4/2017 Senior General Min Aung Hlaing
http://www.seniorgeneralminaunghlaing.com/ 1/106
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ေနျပည္ ေတာ္ ၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာ - ၃
ရခုိင္ျပည္ နယ္ သည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ဗုဒၶဘာသာထြန္းကားျပန္႔ပြားရာဘူမိနက္ သန္ နယ္ ေျမတစ္ခုျဖစ္ၿပီး ဗုဒၶဘာ
သာအၿမဲတမ္းတည္ တံ့ ခုိင္ၿမဲ ထြန္းလင္းေတာက္ ပေစရန္ႏွင့္ ပရိယတၱိ၊ ပဋိပတၱိသာသနာ ေဆာင္ရြက္ ၾကမည့္
သာသနာ့ အာဇာနည္ သံဃာေတာ္ မ်ား စဥ္ဆက္ မျပတ္ ေပၚထြန္းႏုိင္ရန္အတြက္ ရည္ ရြယ္ ၍ တပ္မေတာ္ (ၾက
ည္ း၊ေရ၊ေလ) မိသားစုမ်ားႏွင့္ ေစတနာရွင္ျပည္ သူမ်ား၏ စုေပါင္းလွဴဒါန္းမႈျဖင့္ စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕၊ ေလာကနႏၵာ ေစ
တီေတာ္ ပရိ၀ုဏ္ အတြင္းတည္ ေဆာက္ ခဲ့သည့္ သာသနာ့ ဗိမာန္ေတာ္ ႀကီး ဖြင့္လွစ္လွဴဒါန္းျခင္း အခမ္းအနား
အားယေန႔နံနက္ ပုိင္းတြင္က် င္းပျပဳလုပ္ရာ တပ္မေတာ္ ကာကြယ္ ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗုိလ္ ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီးမင္းေအာင္လႈိင္
တက္ ေရာက္ ဖြင့္လွစ္သည္ ။
အဆုိပါအခမ္းအနားသုိ႔ ျပည္ နယ္ ၾသ၀ါဒစရိယဆရာေတာ္ ၊ စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕၊ ဒကၡိဏာ ရာမေက် ာင္းတုိက္ ပဓာန
နာယက၊ အဂၢမဟာပ႑ိတ၊ အဂၢမဟာသဒၶမၼမေဇာတိကဓဇ ဘဒၵႏၲစႏၵႏွင့္ ျပည္ နယ္ သံဃနာယက ဥကၠ႒ဆ
ရာေတာ္ ၊ စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕၊ ဓမၼသုခေက် ာင္းတုိက္ ပဓာနနာယက၊ အဂၢမဟာဂႏၲ၀ါစကပ႑ိတ ဘဒၵႏၲေသာမ အမွဴးျ
ပဳေသာသံဃာေတာ္ မ်ား၊တပ္မေတာ္ ကာကြယ္ ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗုိလ္ ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လႈိင္ႏွင့္ဇနီး ေဒၚၾကဴၾ
ရခုိင္ျပည္ နယ္ ၌ ဗုဒၶဘာသာသာသနာေတာ္ ႀကီး တည္ တံ့ ျ
ပန္႔ပြားေစရန္၊ သာသနာ့ အာဇာနည္ မ်ား ေပၚထြန္း ေစရ
န္၊ ပရိယတၱိစာေမးစာျပန္ပြဲမ်ား၊ ဘာသာေရး၊ သာသနာေ
ရးအခမ္းအနားမ်ား ခမ္းနားတင့္တယ္ စြာက် င္းပ ႏုိင္ရန္အ
တြက္ စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕သာသနာ့ ဗိမာန္ေတာ္ ႀကီး တည္ ေဆာ
က္ ၿပီးစီးဖြင့္လွစ္လွဴဒါန္း
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MYANMAR SENIOR GENERAL MIN AUNG HLAING

MYANMAR SENIOR GENERAL MIN AUNG HLAING

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MYANMAR SENIOR GENERAL MIN AUNG HLAING