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Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses 139 140 Manmay Zafar
The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics Vol. 2 No. 4, August 2009
The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics: Vol. 2 No.4 August 2009
Page: 139-146, Published on August 2010 by the Registrar, Dhaka
University ISSN-2075-3098
Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of
Krashen's Five Hypotheses
Manmay Zafar1
1. Commonwealth Academic Staff Scholar and Doctoral Candidate in
English, Wadham College, University of Oxford, UK; and Assistant
Professor, Department of English, Dhaka University.
Email : manmay.zafar@wadh.ox.ac.uk
Abstract
This article discusses Krashen’s Monitor Model and the
attendant five hypotheses. Since its 1977 publication, Krashen,
through a series of revisions, have tried to explain the way
learners acquire a second language. This article closely looks at
his basic premises and the criticism they have generated to
better understand both the Monitor Model and its various
lacunae and biases.
Key words: Affective Filter, Krashen, Language Acquisition
Device (LAD), Monitor Model, Second Language Acquisition
(SLA).
Affiliation: Commonwealth Academic Staff Scholar and Doctoral
Candidate in English, Wadham College, University of Oxford, UK;
and Assistant Professor, Department of English, Dhaka University.
Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five
Hypotheses
1. Krashen's five hypotheses: "clearly false or trivially true"?i
Things fall apart, according to many critics, as they approach
Krashen's 'Monitor' model. Since its first publication in 1977 and
subsequent revisions, Krashen's premises have generated substantial
debate and controversy. Some critics, for instance, have questioned
his use of generalizations in describing the model. For others, the
Krashen hypotheses appear testable according to the somewhat
stringent criteria he has set for them, but beyond that the model is
often not as convincing as he has claimed. In this article, these issues
will be discussed to arrive possibly at a rethinking of Krashen's
'Monitor' model.
2. The Acquisition Learning hypothesis:
The hypothesis states that adults have two independent ways of
developing L2 proficiency: acquisition and learning. In case of
acquisition, instead of being "aware" of the rules of language/s, we
gradually develop a "feel" for correctness in a "subconscious" way
"identical" to "child first language acquisition", credit due to our in-
built Language Acquisition Device (LAD) (Krashen and Terrel,
1988: 26-27)ii
. Language learning, on the other hand, is described as
a "conscious" and "explicit" process of "knowing about language" as
opposed to its "implicit" acquisition. Krashen observes that learning
cannot become acquisition (26-27).
Krashen's claims are meant to arouse controversy. Both McLaughlin
(1978, 1987) and Gregg (1984) find it difficult to accept the idea of a
fully operational LAD in adults, since adults, with regard to language
acquisition, are well past the age of puberty. Krashen's attempt to
stretch the scope of LAD beyond its originally meant-for capacity is
not therefore well received. It is equally not easy to repudiate his
claims by asserting the total opposite. Since Chomsky (1975)
himself, in a later development, acknowledges limited accessibility
to LAD on part of adults (but in no way "identical" to that of
children) provided with age the ability to use LAD declines. To
successfully intervene in this debate, a modified view of Krashen's
version of LAD might be adopted to explain, for example, why some
Language 2 (L2) learners achieve native-like proficiency. As for
myself, the remarkable example of Joseph Conrad (1857-1924 ) —
the Polish-born writer, who started learning English at the age of
twenty-two only to be included in the English canon in the following
decades, might help demystify the stance taken by some anti-
Krashenites.
Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses 141 142 Manmay Zafar
The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics Vol. 2 No. 4, August 2009
However, the vagueness of the terminology used by Krashen has not
escaped criticism. Strictly speaking, what he exactly means by terms
such as acquisition/learning, subconscious/conscious, implicit/
explicit is hard to ascertain. It is not surprising that a need for
definitional accuracy is widely felt, but Krashen remains less
perturbed by that (McLaughlin, 1978, 1987). It is also difficult to
perceive how acquisition and learning, 'housed' in two separate
linguistics systems, could be put into use by L2 learners (Gass and
Selinker, 1994). That learning cannot turn into acquisition is another
contentious issue. In my view, acquisition could be better understood
when described as a process enriched by the learned system. Instead
of drawing a borderline separating acquisition and learning into two
discrete disciplines, the cross-currents of both the systems constantly
at work in second language acquisition (SLA) are to be
acknowledged and explained.
3. The Monitor Hypothesis:
In the Monitor Hypothesis, the learned system is undermined in
favour of the acquired one (Krashen, 1981, 1982; Krashen and
Terrell, 1988). The acquired system is responsible for speech
initiation and the learned system only for its editing/monitoring. To
activate the learned/Monitor system, three conditions (i.e. time, focus
on form, knowledge of rule) need to be met which makes it all the
more difficult either to implement or to test the hypothesis in real-life
situation.
As Krashen (1988) states, the Monitor could be applied in case of
"simple" rules only (e.g. determining third-person singular number),
but as "difficult rules" dealing with complex semantic properties are
to be considered, the Monitor is of little or no use (Krashen and
Terrell, 1988: 31-32). One can rightly ask the justification of
proposing a hypothesis which is a problematic one, theoretically.
The acquired system versus the learned system issue invites
legitimate criticism. Especially Gregg (1984) and McLaughlin
(1987) are not in favour of highlighting the role of acquisition in
generating utterance and comprehension at the cost of learning which
is assigned "an extremely limited function" by Krashen (Krashen and
Terrel, 1988, p.30). With interesting anecdotes, Gregg (1984)
demonstrates how learning, besides acquisition, is used in
comprehension. McLaughlin (1987) points out that speech is a rule-
governed, learned system-activated procedure. Had speech been
solely generated by the acquired system, L2 learners would have
ended up throwing words together in random, without making much
sense. Therefore, in communication, the frequency of the learned
system-activated utterances cannot be denied. McLaughlin (1987)
challenges Krashen’s claim that children, due to their lack of the
Monitor, are superior to adults in terms of L2 acquisition. In support,
he draws from research results that demonstrate adult learners
performing, at times, exceptionally well in learning and ultimately
attaining L2. After all, adults already have in their control the
knowledge of the linguistics properties of Language 1 (L1) (see
Bley-Vroman, 1989). The Monitor is also criticised for being poorly
supported by empirical evidence. Such criticism denies the Monitor
the kind of representational role Krashen has envisaged for it.
4. The Natural Order Hypothesis:
Krashen's hypothesis (Krashen, 1982; Krashen and Terrell, 1988)
assumes a predictable natural order in L2 learner's acquisition of
grammatical structure. However, not all L2 learners adopt the same
route to attain Target Language (TL) proficiency. In fact, the
opposite is quite often proven true (McLaughlin, 1987). Krashen is
certainly provoking criticism by including in one acquired system
various approaches that L2 learners adopt to attain TL. Note that his
claim for a natural order is based mainly on English morpheme order
studies which has already been demonstrated unsatisfactory (Gass
and Selinker, 1994; McLaughlin, 1987).
Krashen has also overlooked the considerable influence of L1 on L2
and the role of positive and negative transferences. As researchers
show, with a specific L1 some learners might find the learning of L2
more difficult in comparison to other learners (see Wode 1977, Zobl,
1980, 1982). Instead of confronting and acknowledging the
complexities involved in SLA research, Krashen seems to have
Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses 143 144 Manmay Zafar
The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics Vol. 2 No. 4, August 2009
simplified his premises and hardly left any room for addressing
individual variations in L2 learning.
5. The Input hypothesis:
For Krashen, the Input Hypothesis holds a special place (it "may be
the simple most important concept in SLA today") because the
hypothesis attempts to answer "the crucial question of how we
acquire language" (Krashen, 1980: 168). A mechanism is devised to
explain how L2 learners gradually acquire language beyond their
current level of competence (i+1) through contextual and extra-
linguistic information. The Input hypothesis, like that of the
Acquisition-Learning and the Natural Order, emphasises acquisition
instead of learning. Krashen maintains that the L2 learner's
production ability has little to do with the learned system.
Interestingly, Krashen (Krashen, 1982; Krashen and Terrell, 1988)
demonstrates the basic tenets of his hypothesis not by providing
much 'evidence' in the real sense of the term, but by arguing in
favour of certain phenomena that could be viewed from the
perspective set by his theory. Also, according to Gregg (1988), the
argument that acquisition occurs through extra-linguistic information
is probably false. In the absence of such information, L2 learners
would have to depend on guesswork to understand certain
grammatical rules beyond their present level of acquisition (i+1), but
that does not mean that such guesswork would gradually be
transformed into acquisition.
As Krashen (1985) further states, since L2 learners acquire language
in a predictable natural order, it would be relatively easy if L2
teachers could detect the level of competence of learners and devise
teaching materials accordingly (i.e. of i+1 quality). The "necessary
grammar" would "automatically" be provided as L2 teachers ensure
that students receive "comprehensible input" in "sufficient amount"
and "right quantities" (Krashen, 1985: 2). Claims like this are indeed
difficult to test empirically since nowhere does Krashen define
"comprehensible input", or tell exactly how to measure the "level of
competence" in "sufficient amount" or "right quantities". The
vagueness of the terms employed makes his theory all the more non-
testable.
6. The Affective Filter Hypothesis:
Taking a cue from the term “affective delimiters” originally
proposed by Dulay and Burt (1977), Krashen (1982, 1988) builds up
this particular hypothesis through various revisions. The hypothesis
recognises three personal variables (motivation, self-confidence and
anxiety) impacting on L2 learner’s success/failure. The idea of an
affective filter is established, which is "that part of the internal
processing system that subconsciously screens incoming language
based on" the three variables mentioned (Krashen, 1982: 30). The
introduction of the affective filter, in effect, takes the proposition of
the Input hypothesis a step forward because now acquisition is seen
as a naturalised process put in track by comprehensible input (i+1)
and the screening by high/low affective filter. In case of weak L2
learners, the filter shields LAD from getting the input necessary to
activate the acquired system, in case of successful learners, the vice
versa.
The application of the affective filter to explain the acquisition
scenario produces disturbing results which can be dealt one by one.
For instance, in case of children, Krashen claims a total absence of
the filter and forgets that even children can be affected by personal
variables such as feelings of insecurity, anxiety and a lack of self-
confidence, factors which are known to stand in the way to some
adult learner's route to acquisition. Despite this, children successfully
master L1 — how and why? Again, if the absence of the filter can
make children such effective learners, how to explain the
achievement of some adults who attain native-like proficiency —
what happens in their case is left unexplained. In this regard, Gregg
(1988) quotes the case of a Chinese woman who has achieved almost
native-like proficiency with the exception of the correct use of the
third-person singular number. How then does, Gregg inquires, the
filter let out all the information but withhold only the third-person
singular number? How does the filter determine which parts of
Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses 145 146 Manmay Zafar
The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics Vol. 2 No. 4, August 2009
language are to be screened in/out? How can the process of
fossilisation and inter-language development be determined by the
filter? As usual, Krashen is too reticent to provide an adequate
reply. It is, thereby, problematic on his part to promote a filter
without specifying its nature and the tools required for assessing its
particular strengths and weaknesses.
7. Conclusion:
Many critics feel that Krashen has postulated a model without
properly explaining its many variations and functions, thus rendering
it unsatisfactory when empirically tested. In the face of increasing
criticism, Krashen is forced to acknowledge that "further research
may change them or even force us to reject one or more of them"
(Krashen, 1988: 2). But such constant changes, modifications and
revisions can frustrate both the researchers and teachers interested in
using this model. Had Krashen taken that into account, he might
have been able to propose a more testable, viable and useable
Monitor.
References
Bley-Vroman, R. 1989. What is the Logical Problem of Foreign Language
Learning?. In S. Gass and J. Schachter (eds.) Linguistic Perspectives
in Second Language Acquisition, 41-68. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Chomsky, N. 1975. Reflections on language. New York: Pantheon.
Dulay, H. and Burt, H. 1977. Remarks on Creativity in Language
Acquisition. In M. Burt, H. Dulay, & M. Finocchiaro (eds.).
Viewpoints on English as a Second Language. New York: Regents.
Gass, S. and Selinker, L. 1994. Second language acquisition: An
introductory course. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers.
Gregg, K. 1984. Krashen's monitor and Occam's razor. Applied Linguistics,
5: 79-100.
Krashen, S. 1977. Some Issues Relating to the Monitor Model. In H.
Brown, C. Yorio, and R. Crymes (eds.). On TESOL '77, 144-158.
Washington DC: Teachers of English to Speakers of Other
Languages.
Krashen, S. 1980. The Input Hypothesis. Georgetown University Round
Table on Language and Linguistics.
Krashen, S. 1981. Second language acquisition and second language
learning. Oxford: Pergamon Press.
Krashen, S. 1982. Principles and practice in second language acquisition.
Oxford: Pergamon Press.
Krashen, S. 1985. The input hypothesis: Issues and implications. New
York: Longman.
Krashen, S. and Terrell, T. 1988. The Natural approach: Language
acquisition in the classroom. Prentice Hall International Ltd.
McLaughlin, B. 1978. The Monitor Model: Some Methodological
Considerations. Language learning, 28: 309-332.
McLaughlin, B. 1987. Theories of second language learning. London:
Edward Arnold.
Wode, H. 1977. On the Systematicity of L1 Transfer in L2 Acquisition.
Proceedings from 1977 Second Language Research Forum (SLRF),
160-169. Los Angeles: University of California, Department of
Applied Linguistics.
Zobl, H. 1980. The Formal and Developmental Selectivity of L2 Influence
on L1 acquisition. Language Learning, 30: 43-57.
Zobl, H. 1982. A Direction for Contrastive Analysis: The Comparative
Study of Developmental Sequences. TESOL Quarterly, 16: 169-183.
i
This quotation is from Gregg, K. (1984).
ii
Language Acquisition Device (LAD): “A language faculty that
constraints and guides the acquisition process” (Gass and Selinker,
1994: 333).

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Criticism of Krashen's 5 hypotheses by Manmay Zafr

  • 1. Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses 139 140 Manmay Zafar The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics Vol. 2 No. 4, August 2009 The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics: Vol. 2 No.4 August 2009 Page: 139-146, Published on August 2010 by the Registrar, Dhaka University ISSN-2075-3098 Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses Manmay Zafar1 1. Commonwealth Academic Staff Scholar and Doctoral Candidate in English, Wadham College, University of Oxford, UK; and Assistant Professor, Department of English, Dhaka University. Email : manmay.zafar@wadh.ox.ac.uk Abstract This article discusses Krashen’s Monitor Model and the attendant five hypotheses. Since its 1977 publication, Krashen, through a series of revisions, have tried to explain the way learners acquire a second language. This article closely looks at his basic premises and the criticism they have generated to better understand both the Monitor Model and its various lacunae and biases. Key words: Affective Filter, Krashen, Language Acquisition Device (LAD), Monitor Model, Second Language Acquisition (SLA). Affiliation: Commonwealth Academic Staff Scholar and Doctoral Candidate in English, Wadham College, University of Oxford, UK; and Assistant Professor, Department of English, Dhaka University. Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses 1. Krashen's five hypotheses: "clearly false or trivially true"?i Things fall apart, according to many critics, as they approach Krashen's 'Monitor' model. Since its first publication in 1977 and subsequent revisions, Krashen's premises have generated substantial debate and controversy. Some critics, for instance, have questioned his use of generalizations in describing the model. For others, the Krashen hypotheses appear testable according to the somewhat stringent criteria he has set for them, but beyond that the model is often not as convincing as he has claimed. In this article, these issues will be discussed to arrive possibly at a rethinking of Krashen's 'Monitor' model. 2. The Acquisition Learning hypothesis: The hypothesis states that adults have two independent ways of developing L2 proficiency: acquisition and learning. In case of acquisition, instead of being "aware" of the rules of language/s, we gradually develop a "feel" for correctness in a "subconscious" way "identical" to "child first language acquisition", credit due to our in- built Language Acquisition Device (LAD) (Krashen and Terrel, 1988: 26-27)ii . Language learning, on the other hand, is described as a "conscious" and "explicit" process of "knowing about language" as opposed to its "implicit" acquisition. Krashen observes that learning cannot become acquisition (26-27). Krashen's claims are meant to arouse controversy. Both McLaughlin (1978, 1987) and Gregg (1984) find it difficult to accept the idea of a fully operational LAD in adults, since adults, with regard to language acquisition, are well past the age of puberty. Krashen's attempt to stretch the scope of LAD beyond its originally meant-for capacity is not therefore well received. It is equally not easy to repudiate his claims by asserting the total opposite. Since Chomsky (1975) himself, in a later development, acknowledges limited accessibility to LAD on part of adults (but in no way "identical" to that of children) provided with age the ability to use LAD declines. To successfully intervene in this debate, a modified view of Krashen's version of LAD might be adopted to explain, for example, why some Language 2 (L2) learners achieve native-like proficiency. As for myself, the remarkable example of Joseph Conrad (1857-1924 ) — the Polish-born writer, who started learning English at the age of twenty-two only to be included in the English canon in the following decades, might help demystify the stance taken by some anti- Krashenites.
  • 2. Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses 141 142 Manmay Zafar The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics Vol. 2 No. 4, August 2009 However, the vagueness of the terminology used by Krashen has not escaped criticism. Strictly speaking, what he exactly means by terms such as acquisition/learning, subconscious/conscious, implicit/ explicit is hard to ascertain. It is not surprising that a need for definitional accuracy is widely felt, but Krashen remains less perturbed by that (McLaughlin, 1978, 1987). It is also difficult to perceive how acquisition and learning, 'housed' in two separate linguistics systems, could be put into use by L2 learners (Gass and Selinker, 1994). That learning cannot turn into acquisition is another contentious issue. In my view, acquisition could be better understood when described as a process enriched by the learned system. Instead of drawing a borderline separating acquisition and learning into two discrete disciplines, the cross-currents of both the systems constantly at work in second language acquisition (SLA) are to be acknowledged and explained. 3. The Monitor Hypothesis: In the Monitor Hypothesis, the learned system is undermined in favour of the acquired one (Krashen, 1981, 1982; Krashen and Terrell, 1988). The acquired system is responsible for speech initiation and the learned system only for its editing/monitoring. To activate the learned/Monitor system, three conditions (i.e. time, focus on form, knowledge of rule) need to be met which makes it all the more difficult either to implement or to test the hypothesis in real-life situation. As Krashen (1988) states, the Monitor could be applied in case of "simple" rules only (e.g. determining third-person singular number), but as "difficult rules" dealing with complex semantic properties are to be considered, the Monitor is of little or no use (Krashen and Terrell, 1988: 31-32). One can rightly ask the justification of proposing a hypothesis which is a problematic one, theoretically. The acquired system versus the learned system issue invites legitimate criticism. Especially Gregg (1984) and McLaughlin (1987) are not in favour of highlighting the role of acquisition in generating utterance and comprehension at the cost of learning which is assigned "an extremely limited function" by Krashen (Krashen and Terrel, 1988, p.30). With interesting anecdotes, Gregg (1984) demonstrates how learning, besides acquisition, is used in comprehension. McLaughlin (1987) points out that speech is a rule- governed, learned system-activated procedure. Had speech been solely generated by the acquired system, L2 learners would have ended up throwing words together in random, without making much sense. Therefore, in communication, the frequency of the learned system-activated utterances cannot be denied. McLaughlin (1987) challenges Krashen’s claim that children, due to their lack of the Monitor, are superior to adults in terms of L2 acquisition. In support, he draws from research results that demonstrate adult learners performing, at times, exceptionally well in learning and ultimately attaining L2. After all, adults already have in their control the knowledge of the linguistics properties of Language 1 (L1) (see Bley-Vroman, 1989). The Monitor is also criticised for being poorly supported by empirical evidence. Such criticism denies the Monitor the kind of representational role Krashen has envisaged for it. 4. The Natural Order Hypothesis: Krashen's hypothesis (Krashen, 1982; Krashen and Terrell, 1988) assumes a predictable natural order in L2 learner's acquisition of grammatical structure. However, not all L2 learners adopt the same route to attain Target Language (TL) proficiency. In fact, the opposite is quite often proven true (McLaughlin, 1987). Krashen is certainly provoking criticism by including in one acquired system various approaches that L2 learners adopt to attain TL. Note that his claim for a natural order is based mainly on English morpheme order studies which has already been demonstrated unsatisfactory (Gass and Selinker, 1994; McLaughlin, 1987). Krashen has also overlooked the considerable influence of L1 on L2 and the role of positive and negative transferences. As researchers show, with a specific L1 some learners might find the learning of L2 more difficult in comparison to other learners (see Wode 1977, Zobl, 1980, 1982). Instead of confronting and acknowledging the complexities involved in SLA research, Krashen seems to have
  • 3. Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses 143 144 Manmay Zafar The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics Vol. 2 No. 4, August 2009 simplified his premises and hardly left any room for addressing individual variations in L2 learning. 5. The Input hypothesis: For Krashen, the Input Hypothesis holds a special place (it "may be the simple most important concept in SLA today") because the hypothesis attempts to answer "the crucial question of how we acquire language" (Krashen, 1980: 168). A mechanism is devised to explain how L2 learners gradually acquire language beyond their current level of competence (i+1) through contextual and extra- linguistic information. The Input hypothesis, like that of the Acquisition-Learning and the Natural Order, emphasises acquisition instead of learning. Krashen maintains that the L2 learner's production ability has little to do with the learned system. Interestingly, Krashen (Krashen, 1982; Krashen and Terrell, 1988) demonstrates the basic tenets of his hypothesis not by providing much 'evidence' in the real sense of the term, but by arguing in favour of certain phenomena that could be viewed from the perspective set by his theory. Also, according to Gregg (1988), the argument that acquisition occurs through extra-linguistic information is probably false. In the absence of such information, L2 learners would have to depend on guesswork to understand certain grammatical rules beyond their present level of acquisition (i+1), but that does not mean that such guesswork would gradually be transformed into acquisition. As Krashen (1985) further states, since L2 learners acquire language in a predictable natural order, it would be relatively easy if L2 teachers could detect the level of competence of learners and devise teaching materials accordingly (i.e. of i+1 quality). The "necessary grammar" would "automatically" be provided as L2 teachers ensure that students receive "comprehensible input" in "sufficient amount" and "right quantities" (Krashen, 1985: 2). Claims like this are indeed difficult to test empirically since nowhere does Krashen define "comprehensible input", or tell exactly how to measure the "level of competence" in "sufficient amount" or "right quantities". The vagueness of the terms employed makes his theory all the more non- testable. 6. The Affective Filter Hypothesis: Taking a cue from the term “affective delimiters” originally proposed by Dulay and Burt (1977), Krashen (1982, 1988) builds up this particular hypothesis through various revisions. The hypothesis recognises three personal variables (motivation, self-confidence and anxiety) impacting on L2 learner’s success/failure. The idea of an affective filter is established, which is "that part of the internal processing system that subconsciously screens incoming language based on" the three variables mentioned (Krashen, 1982: 30). The introduction of the affective filter, in effect, takes the proposition of the Input hypothesis a step forward because now acquisition is seen as a naturalised process put in track by comprehensible input (i+1) and the screening by high/low affective filter. In case of weak L2 learners, the filter shields LAD from getting the input necessary to activate the acquired system, in case of successful learners, the vice versa. The application of the affective filter to explain the acquisition scenario produces disturbing results which can be dealt one by one. For instance, in case of children, Krashen claims a total absence of the filter and forgets that even children can be affected by personal variables such as feelings of insecurity, anxiety and a lack of self- confidence, factors which are known to stand in the way to some adult learner's route to acquisition. Despite this, children successfully master L1 — how and why? Again, if the absence of the filter can make children such effective learners, how to explain the achievement of some adults who attain native-like proficiency — what happens in their case is left unexplained. In this regard, Gregg (1988) quotes the case of a Chinese woman who has achieved almost native-like proficiency with the exception of the correct use of the third-person singular number. How then does, Gregg inquires, the filter let out all the information but withhold only the third-person singular number? How does the filter determine which parts of
  • 4. Monitoring the 'Monitor': A Critique of Krashen's Five Hypotheses 145 146 Manmay Zafar The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics Vol. 2 No. 4, August 2009 language are to be screened in/out? How can the process of fossilisation and inter-language development be determined by the filter? As usual, Krashen is too reticent to provide an adequate reply. It is, thereby, problematic on his part to promote a filter without specifying its nature and the tools required for assessing its particular strengths and weaknesses. 7. Conclusion: Many critics feel that Krashen has postulated a model without properly explaining its many variations and functions, thus rendering it unsatisfactory when empirically tested. In the face of increasing criticism, Krashen is forced to acknowledge that "further research may change them or even force us to reject one or more of them" (Krashen, 1988: 2). But such constant changes, modifications and revisions can frustrate both the researchers and teachers interested in using this model. Had Krashen taken that into account, he might have been able to propose a more testable, viable and useable Monitor. References Bley-Vroman, R. 1989. What is the Logical Problem of Foreign Language Learning?. In S. Gass and J. Schachter (eds.) Linguistic Perspectives in Second Language Acquisition, 41-68. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chomsky, N. 1975. Reflections on language. New York: Pantheon. Dulay, H. and Burt, H. 1977. Remarks on Creativity in Language Acquisition. In M. Burt, H. Dulay, & M. Finocchiaro (eds.). Viewpoints on English as a Second Language. New York: Regents. Gass, S. and Selinker, L. 1994. Second language acquisition: An introductory course. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers. Gregg, K. 1984. Krashen's monitor and Occam's razor. Applied Linguistics, 5: 79-100. Krashen, S. 1977. Some Issues Relating to the Monitor Model. In H. Brown, C. Yorio, and R. Crymes (eds.). On TESOL '77, 144-158. Washington DC: Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages. Krashen, S. 1980. The Input Hypothesis. Georgetown University Round Table on Language and Linguistics. Krashen, S. 1981. Second language acquisition and second language learning. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Krashen, S. 1982. Principles and practice in second language acquisition. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Krashen, S. 1985. The input hypothesis: Issues and implications. New York: Longman. Krashen, S. and Terrell, T. 1988. The Natural approach: Language acquisition in the classroom. Prentice Hall International Ltd. McLaughlin, B. 1978. The Monitor Model: Some Methodological Considerations. Language learning, 28: 309-332. McLaughlin, B. 1987. Theories of second language learning. London: Edward Arnold. Wode, H. 1977. On the Systematicity of L1 Transfer in L2 Acquisition. Proceedings from 1977 Second Language Research Forum (SLRF), 160-169. Los Angeles: University of California, Department of Applied Linguistics. Zobl, H. 1980. The Formal and Developmental Selectivity of L2 Influence on L1 acquisition. Language Learning, 30: 43-57. Zobl, H. 1982. A Direction for Contrastive Analysis: The Comparative Study of Developmental Sequences. TESOL Quarterly, 16: 169-183. i This quotation is from Gregg, K. (1984). ii Language Acquisition Device (LAD): “A language faculty that constraints and guides the acquisition process” (Gass and Selinker, 1994: 333).