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9606762
27 April 2007
AI 3000
FIELD METHODS AND DISSERTATION
THE NAKED BIKE: THE EMBODIMENT
OF THE BIKER SPIRIT
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CONTENTS
Acknowledgements 3
Glossary of folk terms. 4
Introduction 5
What I originally thought about bikers 5
METHODOLOGY 6
LITERATURE REVIEW 8
THE MOTORCYCLIST COMMUNITY: 10
More bikers & Shock treatment 15
So, why do you (want to) ride a bike? 16
What it takes to be a biker? 18
The bike as a symbol / alter ego. 20
Act of creation 21
IN GROUP – OUT GROUP. 24
My Honour is my Loyalty 28
Costly signalling 31
The Totem / The Bike 34
CONCLUSION 37
AFTERTHOUGHT 39
APENDIX (1) Map 41
APENDIX (2) Central Category 42
BIBLIOGRAPHY 44
E. REFERENCES 45
APENDIX (3) More field photos 46
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my family for their
unconditional support during all this time, well, there
was the odd divorce threat, and to all bikers /
motorcyclists coming to High Beach who, without
their cooperation and contribution, sometimes
unwittingly, this essay could not have been possible.
Special thanks go to “my bikers”: ZZ top, Sandals,
Adrian, Costner, Ginger beard, Mechanic, Morris,
Norton guy, Julie, Paula and family, etc. Especially
Steph, whose patience putting up with my questions
matched my stoic determination to scratch “just a
little bit” at the surface of biker culture.
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GLOSSARY OF TERMS.
1%er
Prestigious badge displayed by some outlaw bikers.
24/7 Committed biker
Ape bars Outsized tall handle bars
B.M.F British Motorcyclists Federation
Bobber Type of chopped bike
Chapter A group of bikers within a larger association.
Chopper Customised bike whose non mechanical parts have been removed.
Citizen Non biker and / or motorcyclist.
Colours The emblem / motif of a particular chapter.
Drag pipes Unmuffled customised exhausts
H.D. Harley Davidson
H.O.G. Harley owners group
High Beach Biker’s meeting place.
Hog A Harley Davidson.
Independent Biker no affiliated to an outlaw M.C. but with similar ethos.
Jap crap Derogatory folk term for Japanese motorbikes.
Low rider Type of chopped bike
M.A.G Motorcyclists Action Group
M.C. Motorcycling Club
Outlaw Biker affiliated to an outlaw M.C. i.e. Hells Angels or similar.
Plastic rocket Name for road going version of racing bike.
Plastic shit Name given to an unmodified or over accessorised motorbike
Racer Someone who rides a road going version of a racing motorbike.
Rat bike Type of chopped bike
Rice grinder Derogatory folk term for Japanese motorbikes
Run An organised motorcycle ride.
Skull cap Head gear used instead of the full helmet.
Supplicant Biker aspiring to outlaw M.C. membership.
Touring Type of bike fitting wind shield and side leather / plastic bags.
Trikes: Three wheeler, usually put together by the owner himself.
“Weekend Warrior” Someone who rides for fun at weekends.
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THE NAKED BIKE:
The Embodiment of the Biker Spirit
“Oh, those. Those are not bikers. They are just show offs, posers.
They don’t follow the biker’s lifestyle. For them it is just a weekend
hobby, weekend warriors, you see. These are guys with lots of money
who can afford a fucking expensive bike and rub it in your nose. They
don’t use their bikes, really. To them the bike is like, like …a very
expensive accessory” (Ls 414-419)
-Old Biker’s rant.
In all human societies, and I understand “society” as an aggregate number of people
sharing common interests, beliefs, ideas, values etc., individual members’ actions and
attitudes need not be identical. These are part and parcel of the behavioural kaleidoscope
that gives any cultural group its richness and idiosyncrasies characteristic of a defined
cultural group or society.
What I originally thought about bikers
When I first thought of doing my
dissertation on bikers I did not think
that it was going to turn out the way it
has. What I had in mind was to study
the culture of people who buy very big
and expensive motorbikes, surely must
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spend countless hours and money polishing and customising their machines and making
sure that they always look at their best. And all this effort just in order to take them for a
ride to their favourite haunt, socialise with like-minded people and going back home to
buff them up again until the next get-together event! I thought that was fascinating and
worth having a look into it. Apart from this group of riders who clearly stand out from
the crowd, with their big motorbikes and their haughty posture upon their bikes, I thought
that motorcyclists in general would be a fairly homogeneous group. After all, they ride a
two wheeled vehicle.
METHODOLOGY
The findings in this ethnographic work are based on eighteen visits to the field. Each
visit lasted from two to seven hours.
The first day I went to the field I did not know what I was going to find so, I decided to
take with me pen and paper, a voice recorder and a camera. I soon realised that
producing my pen and paper was not the right thing to do as it put people off somehow,
let alone the sight of a voice recorder. It soon became clear that I had to drop the
“participant” bit, (I do not have a motorbike) and be just like a fly on the wall, observing
what was going on i.e. who came and went, where did they stay, who talked to whom,
what they did…etc. and made trips to the car to quickly scribble in key words or short
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sentences what I had just heard and seen. Then, I found out that my mobile phone has a
voice memo facility which let me record in the field without being too conspicuous.
As there seemed to be no obvious gatekeepers (how naïve I was), I just approached
motorcyclists, sometimes introducing myself, made an appreciative remark over their
bikes which invariably flattered the biker and allowed me to conduct what I would
describe as “conversational informal interviews”.
As the weeks went by and I gained more confidence in me and the trust from the regular
bikers coming to High Beach, I somehow managed to convince one biker to concede me
a formal interview to which he acceded to after having postponed it several times.
I have also made use of photography to jog my memory by capturing the moment and the
different types of bikes and customisation as well as bikers’ clothing and their patterns of
distribution across the field.
Then, all the data I gathered in the field was analysed and coded following the principles
of grounded theory (Strauss and Corbin 1998). I coded my notes as best as I could and
created a working central category with its sub categories. However, during the process
of writing this ethnography, I found that one of the main sub categories, barriers to entry,
has taken prominence over the rest as it permeates them all in an “anarchic-orderly” way
but, without which, I could not explain what it means to be a biker.
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Finally, if it can be included in the methodology, I would like to include patience; lots of
it. Patience to wait for the right moment to strike a conversation so as not to be intrusive,
even if it meant staying out in the cold and rain for hours on end until dusk set in.
LITERATURE REVIEW
To assist me with this task I have read two pieces of work on bikers and several other
anthropological texts dealing with ritual, reliability of signals, prestige and costly signals.
The paper by John W. Schouten & James H. McAlexander (1995) deals with
“Subcultures of Consumption”. This paper studies the relationship between what they
call the Harley Davidson Subculture of Consumption and the marketing efforts of the
Harley Davidson brand to create customer loyalty through exploiting the old outlaw
mystique and creating a whole range of products ranging from pins to shirts to leather
jackets to the bike, of course, in order to create an inclusive image by exclusivity. It
encourages people to buy the “right” accessories in order to achieve acceptance and
increase status among peers. By spending lots of money, time and effort on the Harley
brand, in fact, a barrier to entry, individuals find themselves also against an effective
barrier to exit which, in fact is promoting the continuation of the relationship and loyalty
of consumers with the brand of choice; i.e. a Harley rider would not ride any other brand
of motorcycle. Needless to say, this rampant commercialism may alienate traditional
customers in favour of other people with enough financial clout to afford the lifestyle. In
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a nutshell, one not only buys a bike but also one is submerged into a “society of
consumption”.
The other is a book by Hunter S. Thompson [1966] (1967), Hell’s Angels. He tells of his
research and experiences of almost two years of close association with the outlaws. It is
the account of an American West coast social phenomenon. How individuals from the
lower strata of American industrial society, mainly poorly educated, holding no steady
jobs and a disregard for the law etc. but with a passion for customised, stripped down big
Harley Davidson motorbikes, often their only and most precious possession, used to get
together in groups. Their rowdy behaviour and their unusual looks and lifestyle were
anathema to the socially upheld norms of behaviour, decorum and decency. Hence, the
blowing out of proportion by the press of any, however small, misdemeanour committed
by these organised gangs of outlaw motorcyclists on a run, being the Hell’s Angels the
most notorious band. It was this unprecedented and excessive press exposure which
made the Hell’s Angels known internationally and, as a result, an international
phenomenon, gaining adepts among like-minded people from all over the world.
I have also used anthropological literature dealing with ritual, prestige and costly signals
in order to understand issues regarding status, prestige and identity amongst bikers.
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THE MOTORCYCLIST COMMUNITY:
The bikers’ meeting place is at High Beach, a clearing of Epping Forest which is
accessed by road going
from Woodford to
Loughton. This
gathering at this spot has
been taking place since
the 30’s, originally ½
mile up the road where
the Motorcycle Speed-
way was located. It was
relocated to the present site after the local authorities decided to close down the original
venue due to a spate of some rowdy and antisocial behaviour. This meeting place is not
the exclusive domain of a specific group of bikers but all types of bikers with their bikes,
mopeds or trikes meet there for a little bit of gossip, talk about the weather – one of their
main concerns directly affecting their safety and enjoyment of the activity- and
socialising around a cup of tea, coffee and some home made rolls, while appreciating
each other’s machines.
Motorcycling is overwhelmingly a white male activity. I have only seen, very
sporadically, the odd black rider and always as a “racer”; never on a “hog” touring or
“chopped” bike and I have never seen an Asian person on a bike at High Beach.
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Motorcycling is one of those activities which ooze with macho imagery and symbolism
which it is obvious in the more “hard core” bikers. They shun safety gear like the full
helmet preferring the use of the
“skull cap” accompanied by
goggles or sun shades leaving
the face exposed to the elements.
Their clothes tend to be black or
of a dark colour and the use of
surplus army fatigues in good
weather is widespread. Heavy
black boots and grease soiled denim jackets and trousers are also part of the “etiquette”.
Long hair and, particularly, facial hair seems to be compulsory; “I would feel naked
without it” (Ls 437-439) said one to me while another one was trying to grow his beard
back again. Tattoos also are a biker’s trade mark and range from crude, to much
elaborated ones. Moreover, the fact that one “rides” / “mounts” a bike, lends itself to
sexual connotations.
Motorcyclists see themselves as members of a community or a “family”, sometimes
addressing each other as “brother” so, taking into account that most motorcyclists are
male, I feel that saying that they are a fraternity is quite appropriate.
Coming to High Beach, at least on Sundays, is a kind of ritual and everybody who is a
regular is expected to turn up sooner or later; it is reassuring to them to find their friends
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there. It is the place and time where they bond by giving each other assistance and
cooperation by sharing their experience and expertise, helping each other fixing or
tweaking their machines making sure that the bike sounds and looks good or simply, talk
about the weather or social chit chat. This is also the time to check on other bikers for
their welfare. Accidents, and unnecessary evil, is a major hazard and concern for riders
and they send get-well wishes to their injured friends with whomever is going to visit if
they cannot make it themselves.
Female riders are still a rarity although there seem to be more women taking to biking
now than a few years ago but, as Steph put it, “it is not the done thing” (L 1040). All
female riders I have had a chat with about how they did get into riding and why they
think that there are no more female riders, responded with almost identical answers: “it
is in the blood”(Ls 180& 729) meaning either you are born a biker or you are not. Two
other conditioning factors seem to be the fact that there were always bikes in their
families or they have been introduced into bikes by boyfriends who ride bikes. But, as
Julie once said, “riding a bike is a physical and dirty activity” (L 1313) and that most
girls are concerned with looking good and quite content to be at the back.
Sexual dimorphism is apparent in the size of bikes of couples who ride together, with the
male always riding the bigger bike. I have also
found it
fascinating
that when
a young
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couple comes on a trike, the man gets off and goes for drinks or meets other bikers while
the woman remains seated until he comes back. Thus, Julie’s statement and trikers’
behaviour seems to reaffirm the stereotype of women “as an accessory” or, perhaps,
because “it is not in their brain” (L 1477).
Bikers can be a noisy bunch. Motorcycle noise serves both as a “presentation card” –
people turn their heads when hearing a bike approaching, often trying to identify the
bike’s make and model by the sound or who is coming – and also it is used as a marker of
bike “quality”. “Kill it off; it sounds like a bag of nails” (L 682-3) is not a particularly
flattering remark implying the bike’s poor quality and perhaps the owner’s as well!
Apart from that, the atmosphere in the field is
very (extremely?) friendly and everybody
seems to get on well with each other. There
could be up to sixty / seventy people at any
one time in a warm and sunny Sunday
morning / afternoon divided into groups of
four to five people. They exchange greetings, sometimes profusely if they have not seen
each other for a long time, gossip about other people they know and exchange
information on the latest news around bikes and events related to the motorcycling world
while criticising or appreciatively admiring each other’s machines, sometimes literally
encircling a rare or new bike.
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However, this does not seem to be the whole story. There are clear issues regarding
territoriality, which may be a marker of individual biker’s identity and linked to the
perceived / allocated status amongst bikers. The three main issues regarding territoriality
as I have experienced and seen them are: First, High Beach is a place for motorbikes. I
soon found out that cars, at least on a busy day, are frowned upon when I overheard a
rider saying to another that “cars should not be allowed here”(L 22). It was my own car
they were talking about. Second, there seems to be a tacit understanding amongst
motorcyclists about where, in the clearing, one should dismount his / her bike as one of
my informants made it clear when he complained about “that fucking plastic shit”(L
1466) which had taken his usual spot. Moreover, riders tend not to stray much from
where they dismount apart from trips to the tea cabin and into the woods to relieve
themselves. The third example of bikers showing a marked trait of territoriality comes in
the form of blind defence of a fellow biker against perceived threats by non-bikers.
Riders share the area in such a way that, whilst they are together, they are not mixed (see
appendix 1). The partition of the area is as follows: at the entrance of the clearing on
both sides of the junction there are some performance and customised / tuned cars. On
the right of the road delimiting the right side of the clearing is the place for road-going
racing bikes, also known as “plastic rockets” or “plastic shit”. On the left and centre of
the clearing, in front of the tea cabin, is the place for scooters, classic, rare and “touring”
bikes. On the centre-right is the place for more touring and other customised bikes such
as trikes (three wheelers) and profusely decorated and highly polished bikes. Lastly, on
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the far left and almost behind the tea cabin, there is the place for the “chopped”, defaced,
stripped down, unmarked, mat-black painted bikes and their riders.
More bikers & Shock treatment
During my stay in the field at High Beach, and meeting these other bikers whose
existence previously I was unaware of, my focus has turned around 180 degrees, because
what I originally thought about what “real bikers” were, was eschewed by this other
group of bikers. They define themselves as “independent” but they are also known as
“outlaw” (some of them are). This group of riders are the antithesis regarding looks,
behaviour and attitude
of what I originally
believed was intrinsic to
biker culture. This
group ride “chopped”
bikes, and depending on
their style of
customisation they can
be “rat bikes”, “bobber”
and “low rider” whose customisation mainly consists in chopping off every plastic part
from the bike that is not necessary for the handling of the bike, leaving it with a “naked”
appearance. Depending on the biker’s taste, the bike will have its suspension removed;
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some will be fitted with a smaller “peanut” shaped petrol tank, longer front forks, “ape
bars” and chrome “drag pipes” to enhance the bike’s appearance and sound. Finally,
everything apart from the chrome exhausts and the engine, will be painted black by most
bikers. These bikers take a contemptuous stance towards other riders because, as one of
my informants told me, “they don’t follow the biker’s lifestyle”. It soon became very
clear to me that biker culture and their allocation of status was far more complex than I
had anticipated.
So, why do you (want to) ride a bike?
Motorcyclists ride bikes for a variety of reasons. Some reasons have a ludic quality such
as: it is fun, it is thrilling, invigorating, dangerous or “makes you feel like a rebel” (L
116-8). Others suggest utilitarian reasons such as: bikes are cheaper to run than cars and
can get you quicker from A to B without be stuck in traffic while others stress that riding
bikes is a “social thing”(L116-8), that it is a matter of individuality and freedom and that
it becomes a “way of life”(L 116-8). This latter reason is exemplified by the independent
/ “outlaw” bikers who plainly say “I couldn’t do without it. It [the bike] is an obsession”
(Ls 711-13)
During all my stay in the field, I have never seen two identical motorbikes at any one
time. In order to achieve this great variance of individuality, most motorbikes are
customised to a lesser or greater degree by their owners.
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Thus, the reason for riding a bike directly influences the choice for the type of bike one
rides. There seems to be a markedly different attitude towards bike use by the different
groups of bikers although there are some overlapping properties, in particular, “freedom”
and “individuality” which apply to all groups of bikers.
“Racers” would be mainly concerned with utilitarian and ludic reasons i.e. speed and fun.
Touring riders, in particular the Harley Davidson riders, are concerned with looks, class,
prestige, individuality and status – “it is the bike to have if you can afford it” (L 488),
they would say, and are also concerned with
“ride quality”. They describe their experience
of riding their bikes as “smooth”, “like gliding”
or even having a “second childhood” (L 164).
Big boys need big toys.
Independent / “outlaw” bikers are concerned with reliability, looks and individuality.
Thus, the possession of a motorbike is, in itself, a very personal statement of
“individuality”. For an enthusiast or a dedicated motorcyclist, the bike is a unique
“object of desire” whose choice is not taken lightly. A motorcyclist will ponder for
months what bike to own according to what use he intends for the bike or what desired
“effect” he wants to achieve for himself.
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What it takes to be a biker?.
Just as with any other activity humans engage in that requires investment of resources,
the availability and willingness to invest in them becomes, in effect, a barrier to entry in
such activity. So, apart from sex and race which seems to be an effective barrier to entry
judging by the small representation of female riders and even smaller representation from
non white members of society, there are two more barriers to entry, that is, economic
costs and social costs, which need to be considered.
On the one hand, the pursuit of individuality and status through bike choice is constrained
by economic costs. These are the opportunity costs of investing money into the
motorcycling activity that could have been invested into any other activity or spent
elsewhere. This is a very important commitment that can put a serious strain on personal
finances. The motorcyclist not only has to buy the motorcycle which, if it is a Harley
Davidson, could cost
anything from £9999
for a customised good
second hand 91’ reg, or
buy it new for about
£20000 and customise it
with a nice paint job
and accessories for
some extra £5000+
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from the dealership. Alternatively, one can spend up to £40000+ for a fully workshop
build chopper style customised one plus a few hundreds on the riding gear and
accessories for the motorcyclist. A leather jacket with the Harley Davidson’s logo on it
goes from £352 from a specialist H.D. online retailer and, there are also multiple
accessories ranging from pocket watches, wallets, key fobs, lighters, belt buckles, sun
glasses, gloves, helmets, patches…even piggy banks and other collectables and
memorabilia (http://www.sycamoreharleydavidson.co.uk). The prestige afforded by
riding an iconic machine and the privilege of a “weekend glide” or living the “Harley
experience” does not come cheap.
A cheaper option is provided by the Japanese version of touring bikes. Riders of these
bikes claim that their Yamahas are far
more reliable than the Harleys and give
them as much satisfaction in terms of
looks and ride quality without having to
pay a premium for the Harleys’ badge.
However, the difference in the price tag
has a trade off. These cheaper Japanese
motorbikes are known by demeaning
terms such as “jap crap” (Donne 2006)
or “rice grinders” and do not command the same status as the H.D’s because they will
never be the genuine article.
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A still cheaper option is that chosen by the independent / “outlaw” bikers. Here, any
reliable motorbike will do but will be submitted to a process where instead of adding
accessories to the bike, the bikers remove everything they deem superfluous and “ugly”
thus, achieving a very radical and individual look.
The Bike as a Symbol / alter ego.
The bike is a very personal affair for the biker. It is his “alter ego”. Thus, the bike is not
just a mode of transport but the means by which the biker exteriorizes his “personality”
while, at the same time, it is his “presentation card” to other motorcyclists.
Basically, there are not two motorbikes you could say are identical in their appearance
even if they are of the same make and model: motorcyclists always customise their bikes
in one way or another by adding a personal touch.
This personal touch may take the form of adding stickers on the fibre bodywork with the
name of a racing team and that of the sponsors whose bikes are competing in the race
track, other bikers will replace the original factory muffler in the exhaust with another
more generous one on the borderline of legality, or fitting an exaggeratedly fat rear tyre
or tuning the engines to achieve enhanced performance. This type of customisation is
typically done by the “racers” to their road going “plastic rockets” as they are generally
known or “plastic shit” as I heard one of my informants describing them.
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Touring bikes, like the Harley Davidson and their Japanese counterpart look alike, are
customised by adding accessories on to the bike, like leather side bags, extra headlights,
and lots of shiny chrome, highly sophisticated paint work or even a Hi Fi system.
On the diametrically opposite side of the customisation spectrum are the “chopped”
bikes.
Act of Creation
“It is not like those ‘plastic shit’ over there that when they break down
you just throw them away. They have no personality’. “You kick a stone
and hundreds come up from underneath; common as muck” (Ls 246-248)
Thoughts on “personality” and commonness.
The first time I heard this remark it came from a fifty nine year old “outlaw” biker talking
about his bike, a chopped, matt black “rat bike”. He said that by painting the bike black
he did not care about scratches because “you just paint it black again” (L 243) and that
he did not care about makes or badges either. So, being naïve about bike culture I made
what must have been seen as the most stupid statement I could have ever made: “But by
stripping it down you have kind of depersonalised your bike”, I said. It turned out to be
just the opposite. He said that it was the other bikes which did not have “personality”.
How could this be? One sees a Harley and it is not difficult to identify it as such, or a
Yamaha or a Norton. What did he mean by “having no personality”?
The bike a biker rides is not just a bike to him or a convenient means of transport. The
relationship between the biker and his bike starts before he considers taking it on as a
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“companion”. For a biker, the bike straight from factory or the show room is not
something he would consider riding (Thompson 1997). It is seen as a lump of “plastic
shit” “having no personality” but, at the same time, it is considered as something with
“potential” that has to be worked on in order to be worth it to ride.
And so, the
motorbike has to
go through its
transformational
rite of passage.
This “ordeal”
involves the
“defiling” of the
bike by stripping it
off any badges, signs or marks. It is as if the bike has to lose its “virginity”. Its past
“identity” has to be erased in order to acquire its new one. Then, it is “undressed” by
removing all the protective, non mechanical parts and “cannibalised” by having other bits
removed and replaced with other parts deemed more appropriate by the biker. Finally,
“she” will receive several coats of matt black paint. The metamorphosis is remarkable.
There is no resemblance to the original piece of “plastic shit”; one would be hard pressed
to guess the make and model. Now it has become a biker’s bike. Thus, the main
characteristics of a chopped bike are its simplicity and its uncluttered, “naked”
appearance. All you see is a well greased naked engine framed in a black painted frame,
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petrol tank etc. The only chrome is in the wheels and customised “drag pipes” and some
even paint the wheel spokes black. I feel that what the biker is doing is, effectively,
stamping his own personality on to the bike and, subsequently, creating his own “ideal
type” bike in his own image. The bike thus, is like a canvas where the biker, through the
process of customisation, “transfers” his own “personality” upon the bike. It is then,
through this “act of creation” that a total symbiosis is created between man and machine
forming a “unit” with its owner / creator becoming inseparable.
It seems far fetched but I fancy this symbiotic relationship between man and machine as a
sexual fantasy with the bike as the
landscape where it is enacted: The biker is
riding an “always ready”, “naked”, “dirty”
and well “lubricated” bike that has (or
wants) to be “mounted”. It is the “dream
machine” that purrs with satisfaction when
paid attention to (kick-starting it up) or screams with delight with a squeeze of the
accelerator when “giving her a good trashing home” in any long straight section of the
road. All this without costing the biker a rib! The rib, arm, neck or leg may come
nevertheless, in a slippery oily or wet bend of the road.
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IN GROUP – OUT GROUP.
Well, that’s the way it has always been…we are different…we are
not united. They have other interests. We, bikers, could get a lot
more from the government if we were united but we are not. The
B.M.F. is of no use to us. We are the “scum of the road” to them, to
be knocked off on sight’. ‘They just don’t like us. They don’t like
our bikes nor the way we look. So, I don’t care fuck all about what
is going on in the racing track and they don’t care about what we
do. So they park over there and we over here. That is the way it is’
(Ls 699-707)
Biker’s understanding of political arena.
There seems to be a chronic breakdown of communication amongst the different
subgroups of bikers arising out of mistrust and conflict of interests.
Of the three main groups of bikers meeting at High Beach, that is, the “racing boys” with
their “plastic rockets”, the “tourers” / “hog’s” with their “touring” bikes and the
“independent” / “outlaw” with their various kinds of “chopped” bikes and trikes, it is
these latter two groups who show the greatest variance regarding bike, personal looks and
individuality through bike customisation, bike choice and personal attitude to riding
bikes. In fact, they are at the opposite ends of the motorcyclists’ “spectrum”. What one
is, the other is not. Their differences are played out not only by their choice of bike or
customisation, but also in the political arena – who is a biker - where at the core of their
idiosyncrasies lie issues regarding perceived / given status and how it is contested.
Status is a “hot potato” between bikers coming to High Beach. Every sub group think of
themselves as the most deserving one, particularly between the Harley riders versus the
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“outlaw” / independent riders. They become very self-conscious or non-judgemental
when raising issues about status denying that there are any real issues with status amongst
them. However, status between groups is highly contested (conflict) judging by their
actions, comments and what they think of each other.
Touring and “hog” riders, specially the Harley Davidson riders and, to a certain extent the
riders of Japanese touring motorbikes (“rice grinders”), tend to be middle aged,
professional and economically well off males. So, on the one hand, the Harley riders feel
that they are at the helm of the bikers’ world. They are a select group that ride an iconic
machine which it is not within everybody’s economic reach and consider themselves to
represent the respectable side of motorcycling. They lobby the government through the
British Motorcyclists Federation, BMF, for issues concerning motorcyclists such as
exemption from road tolls, more free parking in London, noise nuisance in the country
side etc (appendix (4). They also engage in charitable rallies, like the annual “pet food
run” supporting animals’ charities or the “toy run” just before Christmas whose proceeds,
toys and cash, go to children hospices and other events of the same sort like the “egg run”
at Easter. These are well orchestrated public relations strategies where by involving non
motorcyclist members of society, they try and shake off the image problem that all
motorcyclists, in general, have. (http://www.stokebikeruns.co.uk.)
26. 26
The fact that they ride a classy iconic motorbike gives them a sense of superiority, to the
point that, as other riders complain, some of them ignore the nods of acknowledgement
from other riders which it is regarded as an “offence” in the biker code.
They consider the independent / “outlaw” riders as of a lower class – “unwashed” –
someone called them “for a bit of fun”. They are seen as troublemakers because they
enjoy the odd spliff – never seen them refusing one – or as Steph succinctly put it “with
us is drugs, sex and rock and roll and whatever it is involved” (L 1162-3). Also, their
non conformist world view i.e. their looks, their display of Nazi memorabilia and their
reticence about paying road tax, insurance or M.O.T their bikes by some of them, is
claimed to give the rest of the motorcyclist community a bad name and so, they are
considered the “scum of the road who should be knocked out of the road on sight”.
On the other hand, though, the “outlaw” / independent bikers, consider themselves to be
the “real bikers”. They resent what seems to them another American cultural export that
has corrupted somehow, by commercialisation, a genuine way of life, which has become
the exclusive activity of a few privileged “wankers who nobody decent trusts” (L 635).
And so, at best, they accuse the H.O.G. crowd of being just a bunch of show offs, posers
with lots of money and, at worst, “weekend warriors”, fakes who have hijacked the
original iconography of what the Harley represented to the original outlaw riders and
converting it into a hobby. Schouten and McAlexarer (1995) in their study of subcultures
of consumption, describe the Harley riders as ‘putting out a show, performing for an
audience which they monitor and respond to audience response’. Consequently, the H.O.G.
27. 27
crowd are denied the status of “real” bikers by the independent / “outlaw” bikers because,
as they claim, they “don’t follow the biker’s lifestyle”; to them, riding is just for show, or
a weekend pastime.
The “outlaw” bikers claim that they are non conformist as a matter of principle. They
abhor being told what to do and dislike legislation curtailing their enjoyment of their
activity. For example, the drag pipes do not fit a sound muffler; it would interfere with
the bike’s personality, or their refusal to wearing a helmet claiming their right to feel the
wind in their hair and face and their opposition to legislation regarding motorbike
modification or speed limiters through M.A.G., a more radical motorcyclist association
which was born out of the opposition to make wearing a crash helmet compulsory. It
may be due to the symbiosis between man and machine that any attempt to legislate
changes on their attire or their bikes is considered an attack to their rights and personal
freedom.
This is why, I feel, the outlaw / independent take pride in being considered the “scum of
the road”. This sense of being excluded from mainstream motorcycling reinforces their
belief in themselves as the “defenders of the faith” by keeping the “real” biker spirit
alive.
28. 28
Meine Ehre heißt Treue (My Honour is my Loyalty)
“First, not to mess with other’s bikes or with their ‘mamas’; these are taboo,
and help each other like if you seen someone broken down or into trouble
with drugs, alcohol…you would take them home; if it is with the police…you
would give them refuge… things of common sense really you know. We are
like a family: no questions asked” (Ls 393-397).
Biker’s short explanation of the biker code.
The biker’s ethos, at least within the more hard core bikers like the outlaw and, to a
certain extent, followed closely by the
independent riders, could be neatly
encapsulated by the old Nazi SS
motto: “My honour is my loyalty”. It
extolled virtues such as individuality,
unconditional commitment and fierce
loyalty to your comrades. It neatly fits
the dedicated biker’s ethos which brings me to introduce the last barrier to entry still to
discuss: Social costs.
The social costs a motorcyclist will pay will be directly proportional to the time spent
dedicated to the bike and associated activities like customising, cleaning, servicing, riding
and spending time meeting with like minded individuals. For the owner of a motorbike
who goes for a ride at the weekends, “weekend warrior”, providing that the weather is
good, will not have paid the same price as someone who is committed to riding his bike
29. 29
all the time and in all weather conditions, even in the snow as the case of the
independent / outlaw bikers would be. Hence their refusal to consider weekend warriors
as bikers. One has to show personal commitment to riding, not just money. Still, even
couriers, who spent a great amount of time upon their bikes, are very much respected for
their riding skills but, nevertheless, they are considered just “part time” bikers only
because the bike is part of the job. Once the job is finished, the bike is forgotten.
Couriers may not live the biker lifestyle either; they may not even socialise with other
bikers after all.
However, the social costs a dedicated, 24/7 biker pays can be huge, particularly if he
joins a motorcycling club. Unconditional dedication to the biker lifestyle could mean
losing contact even with the closest relatives, freedom or his life.
Their social life is reduced to “hanging around” with like minded individuals. I recall
when I asked Steph about issues regarding biker status in High Beach and how I had
noticed that he was a figure of high status amongst bikers because of the deferential way
they all treat him. Every body gets him drinks, there was a food collection for him at
Christmas, every body who greeted him for his sixtieth birthday gave him a hand shake
with £10 note, every one knows his name…when his ex partner said: “Ah, he lives here”!.
I knew that Steph’s social life was reduced to the “nice people” coming to High Beach.
However, his ex could not have put it any better. It is self explanatory.
30. 30
It is through participating in their rituals such as coming to High Beach, displaying their
own and admiring each other’s bikes, providing mutual assistance, the use of symbols
such as the bike as the vehicle to achieve personal freedom and individuality, the choice
of bike customisation, other symbols stressing manliness such as facial hair and apparent
disregard for their own safety, the choice of the black colour for their bikes and
themselves (black colour in our society is associated with power, secrecy, death,
knowledge and, most importantly, with “quality”. Some top of the range products are
“black label”) outlaw bikers form, what Fernandez 1986 (cf. Galt 1994) called a “domain
of belonging” which is reinforced by their constant “play of tropes” and “hanging
together” thus, creating a “real” parallel society with its own rules; what Turner 1969 (cf.
Galt 1994) called “communitas” / anti structure.
I have always thought it a bit odd that bikers, particularly the hard core ones, who are so
individualistic and love their freedom above anything, commit themselves to M.C.’s with
their restrictive codes of behaviour thus, defeating “freedom” by default becoming, in
effect, conformists. This contradiction of outlaw biker behaviour closely resembles
Galts’s “trope of irony” in his analysis of Carboneria (1994: 79).
Losing one’s freedom and individuality, which are the most important attributes
associated with riding a bike seems to me the ultimate price to pay, and yet, it is out of
this ultimate “sacrifice” that they may derive their prestige amongst other group of bikers.
31. 31
Costly Signalling
“Can you tell me how many of them do you see over there”? (Ls 797-7)
-Bad weather day.
Both groups of motorcyclists consider themselves to be bikers and claim the status of
biker. However, there are distinctive patterns of bike use that would indicate that both
groups use motorbikes for very different reasons.
According to Zahavi
and Zahavi (1997)
signals have to be
costly to the individual
in order to be reliable.
It is a matter of quality,
that is, the costlier the
signals are, the more
honest they are
supposed to be and the easier to impress the receiver by the signaller. This works
because the signals are so costly for the individual that they effectively become a
“handicap” for the signaller. These signals can be so “wasteful” that they could be of
apparent little “practical” use to the owner / signaller just as the peacock’s extravagant
plumage would suggest. The bird expends a great amount of energy growing, grooming
and keeping his plumage which may hinder his flight, apparently defeating the purpose of
32. 32
growing them but, what he is showing is the fact that he can afford such wasteful display
and still be around thus, showing that he is a fit and healthy individual, being more
desirable. However, beauty is in the eye of the beholder; how good are the signals?
Desalles (2000) suggests that ultimately, it is the receiver of those signals who is going to
check on them and deem them honest and reliable and not a fake, that is, that the emitter
is not cheating.
In humans, like the rest of the animal kingdom, whenever there is a conflict of interests
that prevents conventional communication, individuals will resort to extravagant, holistic
advertisements of their “quality” to what they claim to be. Bikers are not an exception.
Wry (2000: 289) tells us that the purpose of holistic signals is the ‘manipulation of the
hearer, (the spectator in this case), either to act in the interest of, or to recognise the
identity and status of, the speaker’, (the actor). Motorcyclists follow different strategies
to get their message across to show their prestige and status.
Among the touring riders, the display of big, expensive, shiny, accessory laden bikes,
fancy paint work, branded riding apparel etc. all forms part of a ritual whose holistic,
repetitive signals say nothing much but the fact that individuals can meet the cost (Knight
1998). Their main function seems to impress the
crowd.
“Outlaw / independent riders’ signals are just as
repetitive but stressing just the opposite in their
33. 33
attempt to differentiate themselves from the H.O.G. riders. So, their bikes are unmarked
and stripped down, greasy, dirty, black painted and the riders wear unbranded black
clothing, refuse to wear safety gear, display of Nazi memorabilia…it is as if they wanted
to “shock the crowd”.
So, what is going on? Who is cheating? Who is telling the “truth”? Is there any way we
can verify the quality of the signals? Knight (1998: 70) suggests that ‘a status conferring
in-group admits members only at a price’. So, what is the price that different bikers pay to
join their respective groups and how do they compare?
It is undeniable that H.O.G / touring riders pay a very high economic cost for the
privilege to practice their activity. But all they have to do is buy a “qualifying bike” (L
769) and pay their fees which, if it is a Harley, gives its owner automatic free
membership to any local H.O.G. chapters. This is a Harley Davidson sponsored
commercial venture that gives the new biker access to a community of like minded
individuals with access to specialised publications, organised social events,
merchandising…etc. where new riders would be “socialised” in the “Harley experience”
Schouten et all (1995). It is a commercially money fuelled “theme park-less” adventure
where one can even buy the lifestyle for one day at a cost of £90
(http://www.sycamoreharleydavidson.co.uk) and experience the “outlaw fantasy”. The
motorcycle thus becomes an item of consumption; a fashionable item and a hobby for
those who can afford it while alienating other traditional bikers by pricing them out of an
item they secretly covet. So, for this group, money seems to be the biggest commitment
34. 34
to the motorcycling “cause”. They are buying a lifestyle or practicing their hobby in the
most comfortable way, for example, going for a ride in good weather upon a classy bike.
Why not?
On the other hand, outlaw / independent riders may not spend as much money on the bike
as such but they may spend nevertheless, a higher percentage of their disposable income
and although this is a handicap for the individual, they also invest a far greater amount of
time dedicated to the bike and socialising with like-minded individuals, in particular, the
“outlaw” bikers.
The Totem = The Bike
“Do not mess with somebody else’s bike”(L.393).
-The sacredness of the Totem
Outlaw bikers do set themselves apart from the rest of the motorcyclist community.
Their M.C.s are akin to secret / totemic societies with their own ethos, hierarchies and
rules.
Their overall social structure and organisation is remarkably similar to totemic societies:
Totemic societies are divided into units / clans. Bikers, like tribal societies, are
divided into groups in the guise of motorcycling clubs.
Outlaw motorcycling clubs, just like clans, are exogamous. They always recruit
new members (supplicants) from outside who will be at the bottom of the
hierarchy.
35. 35
Their appellation, bikers, derives from the name of the totem item i.e. “from the
bike”.
Members are male. They bond through shared routines, rituals, gatherings,
runs…etc. fostering intense loyalty among the coalition of males.
Members share the same substances, beliefs and practices such as their passion
for their bikes, commitment to riding…again, reinforcing their bonds.
Bikers also use fictive kinship terms such as “brother”, “uncles” and “mama” to
show unity and their belonging to a community.
Members profess a quasi-religious obsession for an inanimate object, the bike.
The totem is sacred / taboo. The statement “do not mess with somebody else’s
bike or their mamas” bears resemblance to the “own kill taboo” and exogamy
rules (Knight 1991). One should never touch other people’s bikes without
expressed permission from the owner; it is considered as a disrespectful, serious
offence that can lead to retaliation. The same applies to a biker’s female partner;
if you want a woman you should get one from outside the group unless she makes
it explicitly clear that she is available (Thompson 1997).
Members are socialised by participating in initiation rites / rites of passage.
It is precisely this last point that really validates their ritualistic displays. If we follow
Lewis’ (2007) train of thought and consider animal sounds, song, dance, mimicry etc. as
forms of language / communication, so is ritual. However, human communication is
displaced. When we see a military parade showing all its might with soldiers, tanks,
fighter planes etc. we do not go cowering to the nearest anti air raid refuge we can find,
36. 36
we know that the military ritualistic display is just for show. This means that signs ‘refer
to a concept of something, rather than to the thing itself’ (Kendon 1991) and, ritual displays
for ritual displays’ sake, it is an analogue form of communication; it could be more or
less (Knight 2000) of something. Therefore, it is wide open to cheating unless there are
effective policing methods in place to prevent it (Desalles 2000).
It is the personal ordeals involved in the initiation rites or rites of passage that validate the
ritual fanfare. Anthropological texts are full of accounts where the common denominator
in these rites is the shedding of blood. The initiated is usually mutilated (knight 1991),
secluded (Power 1999), or scarified (Turnbull 1993). It is through the shedding of blood,
a very costly signal of commitment, that the initiate becomes worthy to be accepted
within the “in-group”.
Thus, initiation rites become the ‘gold standard’ of costly signals in humans. It elevates
the individual to another sphere in his social hierarchy. It functions as a reliable
mechanism to promote cooperation and loyalty within the group. It is also a “cheat
detector”, that is, scarification and bodily mutilation, apart from identifying the bearer to
a particular group, are there for all to see as proof of having “paid the price”.
Supplicant outlaw bikers do have to go through initiation rites before they are accepted
by the group and given their “colors”. I must admit that I have not been very successful
in obtaining much data regarding their initiation rites. Although they admit that the
practice exists, they become coy and self conscious and dismissed the subject as
37. 37
“childish” and “silly”. “A good piss up where you get all the stick” (L 1506) or “having
your colours urinated on by the rest of the members and put it back on; you are proving
that you are worth to wear the colours. That’s all” (Ls 1401-2) are accounts of bikers’
initiation rituals. Admittedly, there may not be drawing of blood in these initiation rites
but the symbolism is there. By having one’s clothes urinated by other members it is as if
one has become “marked territory”, like tom cats do, and also, by putting back on the
clothes donned with the members’ “essence”, the novice is accepting the group’s ethos
while, at the same time, by having been urinated all over, one is acknowledging his lower
status within the hierarchy.
So, I do not think it childish or silly; it is just a nice way of saying “Oi, you’ve been too
nosy now; that’s meant to be secret” because it is through acquiring membership to an
outlaw motorcycling club that bikers can sew on the “1%er”
patch in their jackets
(Thomson 1967). This patch is the symbol for the gold standard, the “quality mark
approved” in the biker’s world which separates bikers from the rest of the law abiding
“citizens” (L 1160) including other motorcyclists. It is a prestigious badge that signals
the wearer as an individual of high status within the motorcyclist community, someone
who has acquired “secret knowledge” (Power 1999), someone who has paid the price.
38. 38
CONCLUSION
Hence, here lies the difference between bikers and motorcyclists. A motorcyclist is
someone who, more or less, rides a bike. A biker is a “24/7” biker. This means total
commitment, social and economic commitment to the bike and the lifestyle associated
with it. What is in it for the biker? Social capital.( http://en.wikipedia.org 20/04/07)
The more a biker embraces the biker lifestyle i.e. its rituals, being loyal and altruistic to
his “brothers”, giving them assistance, refuge, cooperation, riding everyday in all weather
conditions…etc. the higher the recognition and prestige, that is, status, he is awarded.
Even by motorcyclists with big bikes. That is why the outlaw / independent riders do not
need a cumbersome, over accessorised motorbike to show their status among peers. It
would not mean anything to them. It would not be a biker’s bike anyway. Can you
imagine what a peacock would look like without its feathers? Well, it would be almost
undistinguishable from a large chicken in a polystyrene tray at the supermarket in the
poultry section. With a “naked bike”, what you see is what you get; a bike to ride
carefree, unconstrained by the vagaries of the weather, scratches, wind shields, rear
suspension…etc, (life is a bumpy ride, as Steph succinctly put it). It is a biker’s bike.
Status has to be earned by “non fakeable” means as opposed as being wantonly given or
bought. Money can be an indicator of personal success but it can be an unreliable
indicator of commitment. One can invest more or less of it: it is an analogue signal.
However, unconditional personal commitment backed up by initiatory rites and
accompanied by an indelible mark like tattoos or other physical or psychological ordeals,
39. 39
can not be taken ambiguously. Either one has gone through it or one has not gone
through it: it is a loud and clear digital signal sent out to the world at large.
Afterthought.
“You just fuck off and never come back again because once you are accepted, it is
for life, it is never forgotten. I’ve done my time in prison and all that crap…. I’ve
had enough you know”.
-Outlaw Biker in a Liminal State
Therefore, I feel that the constant acquisition of symbolic capital increases cultural
capital and thus, the individual's social capital increases among his group. ‘The benefits
which accrue from membership in a group are the basis of the solidarity which makes
them possible’ (Bordieu. P. 1968). The Forms of Capital.
Now, it is to the individual's best interest to immerse himself and acquire as much
knowledge and symbolic capital as possible pertaining to his group and the wider
community, i.e. internalizing their code of behaviour as well as everything else to do with
bikes and bikers. This is relevant knowledge and information which they compete to
share with each other (giving assistance of any kind is part of the biker's code). This
seemingly altruist behaviour reverts into personal prestige which, at the same time, may
predispose other individuals to award a higher degree of status to charismatic holders of
such behavioural traits.
Thus, the greater the social capital, the greater the prestige. For outlaw bikers, people is
divided between Bikers and Citizens. It culminates with the award of the “1%er” badge
40. 40
of honour. “The 1% who do not fit and don’t care” (Thompson, 1997. p4). This is the
ultimate cost and handicap. Not everybody is prepared to pay such a high price to exit
mainstream society in order to gain membership in a “parallel” one. Likewise, There is
nothing one can do to buy oneself out. Membership is for life, “you are not forgotten” (L
1602). This has implications regarding becoming a social outcast after exiting the MC.
Biker lifestyle 24/7, does not seem to operate a “refunds” policy. It is so costly that once
the price has been paid to get in, there is hardly an “honourable” exit, becoming, in effect,
a barrier to exit.
41. 41
Does the spatial distribution of bikes across the clearing have to do anything with status?
Note the apparent pyramidal shape and distribution: “plastic rockets” at the bottom,
“touring” etc. in the center and “rat/chopped” bikes at the pinnacle of the triangle hidden
behind the tea cabin, just like the “high” priests behind the altar. Is it just a happy
coincidence? Is it to do with perceived / given / assumed / accepted status? I feel that
this could be an interested lead to follow i.e. status among different sub-groups of bikers.
Wouldn’t it be paradoxical that the “scum of the road” would be at the top? If so, why?
T
e
a
P
L
A
S
T
I
C
R
O
C
K
E
T
S
Touring bikes
Rare bikes
Mopeds
Trikes
Classic bikes
Rat /
chopped
bikes
Classic cars
42. 42
IN GROUP - OUT GROUP (Biker
Politics at High Beach)
Community
Rules / Codes
Family /
Brotherhood
Assistance /
Cooperation
White male
activity
Machismo
Barriers to Entry
Social
Costs
Economic
Costs
Status Territoriality
Conflict Defence Parking
BIKERS BIKES
Tourrers
H.O.G.’s
Racing boys “Outlaw”/independent
Conformist
“Weekend warriors”
Hobby / Work
“Run away”.
Money will do.
Nonconformist
Personal commitment
Bikers’ way of life.
“Biker spirit”
“Difficult to Fake”. Costly
signal of commitment
Harleys &
other “touring”
bikes
“Plastic rockets”
“Rat bikes”
“Bobber” and
“Chopped” bikes
Trikes
“Act of Creation”
“Defenders of
the faith”
LESS (of a bike)
IS MORE (of a
biker?) HUM!
Sex &
Race
Taboos
Image
problem
44. 44
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anselm Strauss and Juliet Corbin (1998). Basics of Qualitative Research. SAGE
Publications, Inc. Thousand Oaks. California. 91320
Bordieu, P. (1968). The Forms of Capital.
http://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-
capital.htm
D. John. (2006) The Bikers’ Digest. Vol.110. p 40.
Desalles, J-L. (2000) Language and Hominid Politics in C. Knight, M. Studdert-Kennedy and J. R.
Hurford (eds), Evolutionary Emergence of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
pp. 62-80.
Galt, Anthony H. 1994. The Good Cousins’ Domains of Belonging: Tropes in Southern
Italian Secrete Society, Symbol and Ritual 1810-1821. Man. Vol.29, No.4. pp. 785-806.
Hunter S. Thompson. 1997. Hells Angels. Penguin Books. Clays Ltd, St Ives plc.
Jerome Lewis. (2007) Aspects of the Communicative Culture of Mbenjele Pygmy Forest
Hunter-Gatherers in Congo: Some Thoughts on Language. (Seminar held at UEL)
Kendon, A. (1991) ‘Some Considerations for a Theory of Language’, Man. Vol.26 (2): pp. 199-221.
Knight, C. (1991) Blood Relations. Menstruation and the Origins of Culture. Yale
University Press. New Haven and London.
Knight, C. (1998) Ritual / speech coevolution: a solution to the problem of deception in J. R.
Hurford, M. Studdert-Kennedy and C. Knight (eds), Approaches to the Evolution of Language.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp.68-91
Knight, C. (2000) Play as precursor of phonology and syntax in C. Knight, M. Studdert-Kennedy
and J. R. Hurford (eds), Evolutionary Emergence of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, pp. 99-119.
Power, C. (1999). Beauty Magic: The Origin of Art in R. Dunbar, C. Knight & C. Power. (eds), The
Evolution of Culture. Edinburgh University Press. Pp. 92-112.
Schouten, J.W. & James H. McAlexander (1995). Subcultures of Consumption: An
Ethnography of the New Bikers. The journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 22. pp 43-61.
Turnbull, C. 1993 (new edition). The Forest People. Pimlico. Random house. London.
45. 45
Wry, A. (2000) Holistic Utterances in Protolanguage: the Link from Primates to Humans in C.
Knight, M. Studdert-Kennedy and J. R. Hurford (eds), Evolutionary emergence of Language.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 285-302.
Zahavi, A. and A. Zahavi (1997) The Handicap Principle. Oxford and New York:
Oxford university Press.
E. REFFERNCES
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_capital#Original_usage_by_Coleman_and_Bourdieu
http://www.mag-uk.org
http://www.stokebikeruns.co.uk
http://www.sycamoreharleydavidson.co.uk
PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE:
Catherine.Phillpotts@london.ac.uk
graham.wade@bmf.co.uk
47. 47
Status? What status? Anybody’s looking at me?
Nope, I don’t have a pot to piss in (sorry, I couldn’t help it).
48. 48
A cow boy in Epping Forrest Is this the bike “with the bed-sit on it”?
Fancy paintwork with matching crash helmet Big boys need big toys
Old boys criticizing a “jap crap” replica. The original “Indian”
49. 49
High Beach on a warm, sunny afternoon.
Bad weather day In the independent / outlaw spot
Bad weather day. “Where are they”?
