1. Chapter
1
Introduction
This
project
is
going
to
investigate
the
relationship
between
religious
space,
identity
and
meaning,
by
investigating
how
counterpatriachal
religious
spaces
are
produced.
In
order
to
do
this
I
am
going
to
critically
examine
the
terreiro
(temple),
which
is
the
religious
space
central
to
the
worship
of
the
Afro-­‐
Brazilian
religion,
Candomble.
To
compile
my
case
study
I
have
carried
out
research
within
the
terreiro
Sao
Roque
(appendix
A),
in
Salvador
the
capital
of
the
state
of
Bahia
in
the
north
east
of
Brasil
(see
figure
1).
Candomble
is
a
cult
religion,
whose
foundation
is
centred
on
a
set
of
beliefs,
practices
and
cosmology
introduced
to
Brasil
by
Yoruba
(a
group
of
people
from
south
west
Nigeria
and
Benin)
slaves
and
freedmen
during
the
colonial
era.
The
religion
is
characterised
by
the
worship
of
Yoruba
gods
and
goddesses
known
as
the
Orixas
(appendix
B).
As
roughly
11
million
Africans
were
dispersed
across
the
colonies
via
the
slave
trade,
they
carried
their
core
beliefs
and
practices
with
them.
In
Brasil,
one
of
the
beliefs
that
stuck
with
tenacity
is
the
belief
in
the
spirit
world
to
which
the
Orixa
belong.
Candomble
is
often
referred
to
as
a
hybrid
or
syncretic
religious
form.
It
has
gained
this
title
because
over
time
specific
aspects
of
Catholicism
have
been
infused
with
the
traditional
elements
of
Yoruba
spirituality
mentioned.
The
blending
of
the
Orixas
and
Catholic
saints
has
created
gods
and
goddesses
who
act
as
models
for
the
range
of
behaviours
exhibited
by
their
mortal
followers.
They
are
perceived
to
embody
the
strength
and
foresight
of
their
adherents
as
well
as
their
weaknesses.
The
emergence
of
hybridised
religious
forms
like;
Santeria
in
Cuba,
Vodun
in
Haiti
and
Candomble
in
Brasil
are
often
linked
back
to
the
mass
movement
of
people
during
the
colonial
era.
During
this
epoch
both
slaves
and
colonial
powers,
each
with
their
respective
cultures
had
to
adjust
to
new
physical,
social
and
political
conditions.
As
a
result
of
the
rapidly
changing
demographics
and
increasing
population
diversity,
these
conditions
aided
the
mixing
of
the
cultures
of
the
colonisers
and
slaves
and
new
hybridised
forms
of
culture
were
born.
In
Bahia,
the
dominance
of
Yoruba
religious
practices
from
which
Candomble
originates,
has
a
direct
link
to
the
geographic
movements
of
the
slave
trade.
The
last
wave
of
slaves
to
Brasil
during
the
late
eighteenth
century
were
from
Dahomey
(now
Benin)
and
Nigeria.
Yoruba
spirituality
is
an
inherently
portable
practice;
there
is
no
scripture
and
it
is
less
tied
to
the
worship
of
objects
and
place
than
other
forms
of
African
folk
religion.
In
addition
to
this,
the
cultural
practices
and
spiritual
values
of
the
dispersed
were
continuously
reinforced
and
rejuvenated
by
each
fresh
shipload
of
slaves
that
arrived
in
the
diaspora.
Figure
1:
Location
of
Salvador,
Bahia
Source:www.googlemaps.com

2. The
ecclesiastical
focus
of
catholic
missionaries
and
colonisers
to
save
the
souls
of
the
indigenous
heathens
of
Brasil
meant
that
there
was
a
lack
of
focus
on
and
regulation
of,
the
religious
activity
of
the
slave
population.
During
the
period
in
which
slaves
were
in
captivity
they
appeared
to
begin
to
acquiesce
to
the
religion
of
the
whites
(Catholicism)
while
continuing
to
practice
the
religion
of
their
ancestors
(Candomble).
There
was
an
obvious
correspondence
between
the
archetypes
of
the
patron
saints
and
Orixas
(appendix
C).
The
Yoruba
migrant
population
actively
engaged
in
a
process
of
associating
their
own
deities
with
those
of
Catholic
hagiology
and
“precisely
this
fact
gives
the
illusion
of
the
Catholic
conversion
of
the
Negroes”
(Voeks
1997:158).
This
union
of
saints
and
Orixas
gave
the
Yoruba
slaves
the
license
to
worship
their
own
gods
in
relative
freedom.
Afro
Brazilian
religions
like
Candomble
are
often
associated
with
the
urban
poor
and
in
some
cases,
ideas
surrounding
the
religion
and
its
adherences
can
be
negative
because
the
practice
is
reliant
on
interacting
with
the
supernatural
world
through
spiritual
possession,
sacrifice
(of
animals)
and
medicine
(appendix
D).
Since
the
abolishment
of
slavery,
Candomble
communities
have
come
under
attack
from
some
members
of
the
Christian
church
and
the
police;
this
has
helped
sustain
the
slight
mysticism
that
surrounds
it
in
contemporary
Salvador.
Nevertheless,
its
perception
in
modern
society
is
considerably
more
prominent
than
when
it
emerged.
Today,
Candomble
in
Salvador
has
relatively
the
same
structure
as
it
did
during
slavery;
it
is
the
worship
of
the
Orixas
just
in
a
less
clandestine
fashion.
There
are
12
main
Orixas
that
are
commonly
worshipped
throughout
different
communities;
Xango,
Ogun,
Oxala,
Oxossi,
Omolu,
Ossaim,
Iroko,
Yemanja,
Oxum,
Iansa,
Nana
and
Oxumare.
Each
Orixa
has
a
folk
lore
history
and
strong
characteristics
that
are
celebrated
by
followers
and
within
Candomble
communities.
For
example
Xango,
one
of
the
most
popular
Orixas
in
Salvador,
is
the
tempestuous
warrior
god
of
thunder
and
lightning.
He
personifies
indefatigable
strength,
and
found
a
receptive
following
amongst
the
oppressed
neo-­‐Yoruba
population
of
Bahia.
The
success
or
failure
of
these
Yoruba
deities
in
Brasil
is
determined
by
their
individual
social
and
cultural
relevance;
“the
spiritual
survivors
(Orixas)
were
those
who
empowered
the
captive
population
–
who
employed
their
powers
to
further
the
cause
of
their
believers,
not
of
their
oppressors”
(Voeks
1997:55).
Candomble’s
intransience
in
modern
Salvador
is
often
associated
with
the
failure
of
the
church
to
directly
address
the
primary
concerns
of
its
people,
whether
it
is
a
domestic,
sexual
or
spiritual
issue.
Candomble
in
Salvador
is
an
exceptional
and
unique
case
study
for
a
variety
of
reasons.
There
is
a
huge
range
of
resources
that
I
can
access
because
the
traditions
imported
by
Yoruba
slaves
have
been
preserved
and
transmitted
most
faithfully
to
this
day
(Capone
2010).
Most
case
studies
on
Candomble
have
focused
on
the
roles
found
in
the
religion.
In
doing
this
they
have
failed
to
address
and
critically
analyse
how
the
religious
spaces
associated
with
the
religion,
work
to
empower
the
identities
of
the
devotees
and
through
this
deficit
I
have
identified
my
aims
and
objectives:
Aim-­‐
To
critically
examine
how
counterpatriachal
religious
spaces
are
constructed
Objective
1-­‐
To
describe
and
characterise
sacred
spaces
used
in
Candomble
Objective
2-­‐
Investigate
how
the
performance
of
gender
roles
within
these
spaces
challenge
the
expected
patriarchal
and
heteronormative
roles
of
wider
society.

3. Objective
3-­‐
To
explore
how
these
religious
spaces
contribute
to
female
empowerment
Objective
4-­‐
To
explore
how
these
spaces
contribute
to
male
empowerment
From
here
within,
I
am
going
to
critically
analyse
the
literature
surrounding
my
thesis
with
close
reference
to
the
key
theoretical
works
that
have
influenced
my
research.
I
shall
then
outline
the
theoretical
framework
that
has
influenced
my
method
and
methodology
and
chronologically
discuss
and
analyse
the
data
I
have
collected
whilst
out
in
the
field.