I studied and researched Brazilian carnival from 1976 to 1980, approaching it as a psycho-social event, especially as an expression of a collective behavior that has its own characteristics and dynamics. The text I am posting contains a summary with some comments of a thesis presented in 1991.

1. Brazilian Carnival: a psycho-social approach
Marcos Goursand 1
PRESENTATION
I studied and researched Brazilian carnival from 1976 to 1980, approaching it as a psycho-
social event, especially as an expression of a collective behavior that has its own
characteristics and dynamics. The text I am posting contains a summary with some
comments of a thesis presented in 1991 to Federal University of Minas Gerais, Belo
Horizonte, Brazil 2.
Carnival is the biggest and most representative party in Brazil and one of the largest in the
world. Millions of people across the country are intensely involved in it during an official four-
day period, but today extended for several days.
Despite having changed in the last decades, carnival remains a significant manifestation of
Brazilian culture and has grown year by year in the number of participants and in its various
forms of expression, such as parades in blocks, samba schools and electric trios.
Carnival events have also become expressions of political criticism and manifestations
against racism, sexism, homophobia and sexual prejudice. But, on the other hand, there has
been a significant increase in violence, traffic accidents, alcohol and drug abuse, and sexual
harassment.
Despite these changes, carnival continues to be a psychosocial phenomenon of verbal and
non-verbal communication of collective and individual behaviors and as well a mean to
overcome frustrations and release needs, desires, feelings and fantasies
INTRODUCTION
Despite its importance and significance, there is an almost complete lack of scientific studies
on this matter. The few that exist are mainly sociological and anthropological approaches.
There are several reasons pointed out for this. The first is the methodology required for this
research. Field study is the only applicable method because it is impossible to create any
kind of controlled situation. The extension, complexity, mobility and transience of the
phenomenon discourage systematic scientific studies. There are no psychological studies
on the subject. The main data of the carnival are their nonverbal expressions (dances,
attitudes, gestures, costumes, allegories) whose contents are difficult to be expressed in the
verbal language of the scientific dissertation.
1 Social psychologist and retired professor from UFMG (Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais). Doctorate
from PUC-SP (Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Saõ Paulo). Post doctorate degree from UCLA (University
of California), USA. Currently have 3 books published. E-mail: goursand@gmail.com
2 Carnaval: fato e fantasia – uma abordagem psicossocial. Tese para concurso de professor titular,
Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, 1991.

2. Another aspect is that carnival and other popular demonstrations in Brazil, such as Afro-
Brazilian religions, football, collective behavior and politics, are still taboo for psychologists
who show prejudiced attitudes against them and see the carnival as a non-serious subject of
investigation.
ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT
ETYMOLOGY
Since ancient times, carnival has been defined as a pagan, licentious and erotic feast. Over
the years, its history shows us the strong need of those who celebrated it to release the
restrictions imposed by social organizations, a celebration that was generally tolerated by
governors, who intuitively seemed to understand the necessity of this collective discharge of
tension.
The word CARNIVAL is thought to come from the Latin term "carne levare", which means
"to suppress the flesh", used since the beginning of Christianity, when meat was ablated
during Lent. But the most solid etymological hypothesis is that of "carrus navalis”, because it
sheds light on the principles of carnival history. "Carrus navalis" were boats or large floats
imitating ships. In ancient Egypt, the feasts of Isis ended with a parade of vessels on the
Nile river.
HISTORY
Originally, carnival dates back to the Egyptian, Greek and Roman parties and orgies such
as “saturnalia” and “bacchanalia”.
With the advent and growth of Christianity, the Church decided to regulate carnival in the
three days before Ash Wednesday. Gradually, carnival lost its original orgiastic
characteristics and after the Middle Ages became a bourgeois party in several parts of the
world. European courts had magnificent balls in luxurious ballrooms.
But the sexual freedom that characterized the old “bacchanalia” reappears in the Brazilian
carnival in this century.
In Brazil, carnival began in 1641 as "entrudo" – from "introito" (entrance in the Lent) –
celebration of Portuguese origin that consisted of joyful and aggressive "combats" with
powder, vegetables and water (sometimes heavier objects were used) where the favorite
targets were slaves and servants. Currently, Brazilian Carnival officially lasts four days,
starting on Saturday night and ending early morning on Ash Wednesday. These carnival
days are called "fat days". But nowadays, in the big cities such as Rio de Janeiro, São
Paulo, Recife, Salvador and Belo Horizonte, these days are considered holidays and there
are events related to carnival for almost 24 hours a day.
However, the first manifestation of the carnival occurs at midnight on December 31 at the
"New Year's Eve" celebration with the "grito de carnaval" (carnival cry). Since then, for
almost two months, preparations are made as pre-carnival dances, rehearsals of carnival
parades, manufacture of costumes, and the increase of news about carnival on radio and
television. There are drumming in the streets, open air dancing, outdoor parades, spreading
music, etc. The climax is reached during the four fat days.

3. INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF CARNIVAL
Face to the organized social structure, Turner (1974) opposes the notion of "communitas",
an unstructured or rudimentarily structured and undifferentiated community. Da Matta (1977)
sees carnival as a great "communitas", the perfect summary of the antithesis for everyday
Brazilian life, a ritual that, breaking the "continuum" of daily life, points out in a striking way
some basic points of our social order.
For Queiroz (1978), on the other hand, carnival is "reflecting the society in which it is,
functioning as a preservation factor of the social status quo".
Initially, we must clearly distinguish two types of carnival: street carnival - with two forms,
organized carnival and spontaneous (not organized) - and ballroom carnival.
THE STREET (OUTDOOR) CARNIVAL
The main event of organized street carnival are the parades of the "samba schools",
carnival associations that take on the most diverse historical, folkloric and socio-cultural
characters, with an average of 1,200 participants in each one. Jorio & Araujo (1969) define
the "samba school" as a manifestation of urban folklore, where a group of people expresses
a specific theme in song and dance. In 1977, in Rio, 44 schools of samba and 193
costumed groups and floats paraded.
The "samba schools" are the highest choreographic aspect of the carnival. Externally, what
stands out that draw the attention of anyone deeply is the socio-economic contrast between
their luxurious presentation and the poverty of their participants.
In order to face the fabulous expenses necessary for their presentation, to please the
carnival public and the tourists of the official show and to compete with the other candidates,
the "samba schools" have become complex organizations; they are commercialized and
have a well-defined role, distancing themselves from some basic aspects of the carnival,
such as spontaneity, improvisation and freedom to dance. The luxury of their presentation,
whose majority (about 90%) belong to the lower social level, represents the true and deep
contradiction of carnival: the rich and luxurious character played by the miserable actor.
People who parade in a "samba school" have to pay the expenses of their own costumes, in
addition to make some payment for their association. For the most part, they are workers
who receive the minimum salary or little over (less than US$ 300.00 per month). Therefore,
the simplest costume, as used by the parade participants, costs a monthly salary.
Another aspect to be mentioned is that more and more famous people, such as artists,
singers, soccer players and others of high income and status, seek to parade for a "samba
school", that has become a sign of prestige.
What was usually a popular feast has become a luxurious parade in which authentic groups
of popular origin are pushed aside and tend to disappear. There is then a reversal of the
situation, especially inside some inner cities of the country, where high class parades for
ordinary people who only watch passively. The main character players of some "samba
schools" of these cities are individuals of great socio-economic influence in the community.

4. Although these societies are essentially conservative, we observe in carnival a rupture of
traditions and social taboos. For example, the wife of an industrialist or a wealthy farmer is
allowed to parade displaying her body seductively in complete contrast to the way she lives
the rest of the year, under a dominant, sexist and strongly restrictive patriarchal regime.
Nowadays, the great samba schools of Rio de Janeiro have become sophisticated
organizations with strong political and economic interests. For example, the "Escola de
Samba Beija-Flor", in Nilopolis, an industrial urban city near Rio de Janeiro, is practically an
enterprise, whose "owners" are some families of local businessmen and politicians. In 1980,
this organization spent more than U$ 500,000 for the official parade, in addition to the
individual expenses of its high members for costumes that were about the same value.
In the unorganized street carnival, many bands and countless groups of people gather
around two or three percussion instruments to sing and dance. Anyone who simply has the
desire to participate can join. In Santa Cruz, a suburb of Rio, we can find the "Clovis", a
group that reminds us a little of the European carnival in its style and the "entrudo" in its
origins.
THE BALLROOM (INDOOR) CARNIVAL
Ballrooms carnival take place in enclosed areas such as clubs and hotels, for their members
and guests or for those who buy tickets. They can be:
- the big balls with contests of costumes and prizes for the bests. In these festivities there
are up to 10,000 people in the big clubs.
- the carnival balls, organized by clubs in most of the Brazilian cities. Clubs usually have four
adult and two afternoon dances - "matinées" - for young people.
The club's carnival is almost exclusively for the middle and upper classes. Lamounier (1977)
states that it appeared to allow the women of the middle class society to enjoy carnival
without the presence of the colored and poor people.
Participants at the club's carnival, the "revelers," are people looking for a place to have fun.
They do not belong to a group and their goals are just personal. Their behavior is therefore
marked by a search for ways to externalize their impulses, predominantly sexual, but often
socially liberated and aggressive. Since they do not have a specific rule or function, they can
reveal their own wishes, influenced by the crowd and with little censorship about
themselves.
CARNIVAL AS A COMMUNICATIONAL PHENOMENON
Carnival is a communicational phenomenon and thus its individual and collective
expressions contain verbal and non-verbal messages. Dances, rituals, games, plays and
other types of celebrations are impregnated by rich and complex symbolism, predominating
in non-verbal language.
In carnival it is this non-verbal communication that stands out and includes:
- Body expressions: looks, attitudes, gestures, waves, dances, swings, ripples.

5. - Visual plastic elements: costumes, garments, ornaments, allegories, images.
- Rhythmic and cadenced music.
We can observe, in fact, that the participants exchange few verbal messages during carnival
balls and parades. They are like "analogical communications" that must prevail (Watzlawick,
Beavin & Jackson, 1973). Despite its richness, this kind of language is very difficult to
translate into proper verbal language.
Costumes, phantasies, music and parade themes are plastic elements that make possible to
understand the frustrations, needs, hopes, feelings, traditions and have motivated these
forms of expressions. It is during the carnival that the individual is able to change his/her
mental fantasies into "real" ones. People living in slums can dress like kings, princes,
princesses and nobles, and the obscure worker is observed and applauded by thousands of
people. Different forms of artistic expression can be found not only in the costumes, but also
in the choreography and allegories of the samba schools. Costumes represent a fascinating
aspect in terms of inversion of one's social self and the representation of what he/she would
like to be. On the other hand, the costumes also express some characteristics of the society
popular culture and the people hidden in their roles, representing acceptance or aversion to
social functions.
When someone wears a costume, he/she becomes an actor able to dramatize, even to the
point of living his/her character and role. In a certain way it allows to render concrete (to
make real) wishes and phantasies. This process is similar to that which generates the
symbolic fulfillment of wishes in the dream as described by Freud (1911).
In general, the themes of the great samba schools are not related to the social reality and
true aspirations of both the participants and the spectators. Under a regime of strong
censorship, without full freedom of creation, concerned about their class - there seems to be
a meaning in the parade, where the main criteria are luxury and wealth - large organizations
appeal to mythical and regional themes, tales and legends, and mainly historical epics.
Carnival associations of less importance, such as small suburban samba schools and
dancing groups, are more authentic and capable of offering themes related to daily life and
social reality, where an official prohibition that does not allow political, economic or social
criticism does not weigh so much. Also among individual participants or parties in ballrooms,
we can find some of the attenuated forms of social criticism.
RELEASE OF INDIVIDUAL AND COLLETIVE REPRESSED NEEDS
The decrease in external social censorship corresponds to a decrease in internal censorship
during carnival days, allowing participants to make use of a freedom that does not exist
during the rest of the year. In a sense, carnival acts as a stabilizing agent of social tensions
and allows the expression of unsatisfied needs imposed by a repressive society.
CARNIVAL AS A FORM OF SEXUAL EXPRESSION
As a successor of orgies and bachanalis of the past, Brazilian carnival is an essentially
erotic celebration. Sexual behavior, real or symbolic, is its basic ingredient. Eroticism
involves and colors practically all manifestations of carnival and takes on specific forms

6. during its four days. These contents can be noticed in the way people dance, in body
movements, in female semi-nudity in streets and clubs, in allegories, costumes, music, etc.
The "sexual-psychological" preparation begins two months earlier, in New Year's Eve. From
then on, there are prevailing parties and preparations for carnival, when the emotions grow
intensely until they explode on Saturday, the first day of carnival, in a "collective orgasm".
For most people, a carnival ball should end in sexual intercourse with the partner which is
usually happens among couples already formed before the party. We may say that in a
certain way carnival imitates sexual relationship.
According to Da Matta (1977), in carnival there is a suspension of the principles that control
the relationship between the sexes. Women show themselves up, try to be noticed, and men
show their wives to everybody. Feminine exhibitionism is a celebration feature, as it reveals
the typical carnival custom of having women on the tables and counters wearing summary
clothes. Another aspect to be mentioned is that women can often be hugged, touched and
can ride on horseback of their partners, because the usual reserve present in personal
relationships in public is suspended.
It´s also a picturesque fact that is shown by some couples where the man is formally
dressed and the woman shows herself semi-nude. This is representative of the male
dominant aspect of the Brazilian Society, in which she is seen as man's sexual object. Thus,
in the parades of samba schools and dancing in clubs, the woman tries to exhibit her body
in the most sexually seductive manner. Opening and raising her arms, she seems to
express happiness and freedom, but also an invitation, although copulation is not always her
ultimate goal. She limits herself in being a man's partner during the ball, withdrawing
afterwards; often she dances alone or with another woman.
The man, in the parades, also tries to exhibit himself. But in the ballrooms he becomes a
"voyeur", an observer, waiting for the opportunity to start winning a woman’s attention. In all
parties except the carnival, it´s the man who invites a woman to dance, and the woman
accompanies her male partner. However, in carnival, it´s often the woman who has the
initiatives.
In general, sociologists and psychologists tend to consider female nudity in carnival as a
false and superficial expression of women's liberation. Living in an authoritarian and male
dominant society, the woman becomes an object of sexual use and her nakedness remains
as an external manifestation of a pseudo-freedom that is in fact an escape from an
alienating society.
For the Spanish playwright Fernando Arrabal, the Brazilian carnival, especially in Rio, is the
biggest simulation show in the world, an immense public ceremonial where everything is
simulated: happiness, luxury, sex. (Interview given to the magazine "Fatos e Fotos", No.
182, March 1977).
For a long time men have dressed frequently as women during carnival. Although many do
this in a grotesque and ironic way, with a deliberate or hidden intention to strike women, this
may represent a release of unacceptable female characteristics in men. This custom has an
important cathartic function and the wearer's purpose may be to look repulsive and anti-
seductive.

7. On the other hand, however, feminine fantasies are also used by homosexuals, for different
reasons. Here there is a great concern for beauty, good taste and luxury of the fantasy. The
objective is to become as "feminine" and "seductive" as possible like any attractive woman.
Restricted by the social environment, often rejected and threatened, the homosexual finds in
the carnival the space for his personal affirmation. He participates in organized public balls
of homosexuals (which during the year are restricted to closed environments) and that are
among the most sought articles of consumption, including by non-homosexuals, like famous
artists. They wear fantasies, invariably feminine, the most attractive and sensual imaginable.
OTHER AFFECTIVE NEEDS
a) Self-affirmation. Carnival offers several possibilities for individual or group self-affirmation.
The most enthusiastic participants in carnival and prominent in the parades are exactly
those who belong to lower social levels, such as blacks and mulattos, who do hard work and
household chores. At carnival they have a chance to demonstrate other skills beyond these.
Carnival is temporarily a pseudo-leveling social celebration since it is a unique occasion to
meet people of different socioeconomic level as mistresses and maids dancing and
exhibiting in the same group.
b) Exhibition and exhibitionism. The need to exhibit oneself, finds its fulfillment in carnival.
Initially, through fantasies that often express desires, aspirations or fears of those who wear
them. This expression sometimes becomes exaggerated, reaching exhibitionism and
ostentation when we observe the participants of fancy dress contests. Here the greatest
need is to exhibit economic power over the lower and middle classes, to get applauses and
fame, and to cause envy or jealousy among their competitors, often homosexuals who
assume their condition. These costumes can cost up to US$ 20,000.00. As a less ostensive
form of exhibition of "status" can be seen in the behavior of rich or upper middle-class
people on balconies or at special tables in clubs. Here we note the need to show a high
social level (sometimes) and "going well" in the picture, differently from the authentic
participant, much more spontaneous who is mainly interested in having fun.
c) Autonomy and freedom. The sense of autonomy and freedom (partially allowed), which is
given by the escape of rules, social norms and regulations, is an essential phenomenon to
participate in carnival. It is a climate of apparent freedom produced by the release of social
tension caused by social, political and economic repression. In this sense, it is worth
questioning the value of carnival freedom. There are authors who see in carnival a form of
anesthesia of true feelings of autonomy and a way of disguising true freedom. On the other
hand, there are others who see in it an opening for individual freedom that is not possible
during the rest of the year and, in this sense it would be a salutary and homeostatic channel
of discharging social tensions.
d) Troubled needs. It has been observed that carnival excites and stimulates a pathological
behavior which is easily explained by the suspension or reduction of censorship and
repression. It consists of four days of permissive "madness", after which the individual
returns to his/her normal life on Ash Wednesday. We have noticed, specially:
- A considerable increase in the consumption of alcoholic beverages and drugs, which aims
to free the individual from social inhibitions and help him/her overcome censorship and
resistance.

8. - Carnival itself may be considered a maniac manifestation, reminiscent from ancient orgies.
Exaltation, euphoria, instability, denial of reality, feelings of power and triumph are elements
that saturate carnival events.
- The increase of aggressiveness which generates frequent fights, assaults, murders and
accidents. In São Paulo, in 1977, during the four days of the carnival, there were 183 traffic
accidents involving victims and 594 without a victim, 216 personal injuries, 116 people run
over, 468 assaults, 130 of them with serious personal injuries and murder attempts, 47
murders , 31 suicides, 314 thefts and robberies, 1,197 cases of public disorder, and 277
other cases.
- Behavior expressing narcissism, hysteria, autism and other disorders are often observed in
clubs and public places.
CONCLUDING
Carnival is a collective and communicational behavioral phenomenon and, as such, its
expressions can be studied by Social Psychology, despite its methodological difficulties.
Understanding carnival events can provide us with valuable information about collective
behavior, especially the release of socially repressed needs, such as sexual. The
satisfaction of these needs seems to be much more in symbolic context than in reality.
Carnival events have also become expressions of social and political criticism and
manifestations against racism, sexism, homophobia, and sexual prejudice.
But, on the other hand, there has been a significant increase in violence, traffic accidents,
alcohol and drug abuse, disrespect for women, aggression, nudity, shamelessness, and
sexual harassment of women, children and adolescents who become more vulnerable at
carnival.
Marked by deep socio-economic frustrations and personal dissatisfactions, the Brazilian
takes advantage of the festive occasions to vent and does so with aggression and violence.
Events initially capable of generating joy (carnival, soccer, ballads, popular parties) end up
becoming violent.
We are, in fact, a society in frank and accentuated process of massification and
disintegration. We are losing social and ethical values, while violence, corruption,
dishonesty, opportunism, lack of respect for the laws and other people are taking care of
massive behavior.
Despite these changes, carnival continues to be a psycho-social phenomenon of verbal and
non-verbal communication of collective and individual behaviors and also a mean of
overcoming frustrations and releasing repressed needs, desires, dreams, feelings,
emotions, fantasies.
REFERENCES
DA MATTA, R. Ensaios de Anropologia Estrutural. Petrópolis/RJ: Ed. Vozes, 1977.
FREUD, S. Interpretation of Dreams, Standard Edition. London: International Universities
Press, 1973.

9. JÓRIO, A. & ARAUJO, H. Escolas de samba em desfile. Rio de Janeiro: Poligráfica Ed.,
1969.
LAMOUNIER, B. Foi assim que o Rei Momo virou burocrata. Revista Isto É, Nº 10,
fevereiro 1967.
QUEIROZ, M. I. Festa e Carnaval: temas atuais de pesquisa sociológica. 30a. Reunião
Anual da SBPC, São Paulo, 1978.
TURNER, V. The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. Chicago: Aldine Publishing
Co., 1969.
WATZLAWICK, P.; BEAVIN, J. H. & JACKSON, D.D. Pragmatics of Human
Communication. New York & London: W. W. Norton, 1967.