This document summarizes a paper analyzing the origins of the Spanish Civil War using the international relations theory of constructivism. It argues that constructivism provides a useful lens for examining how the new democratic narrative during Spain's 2nd Republic challenged established social norms and disrupted elite consensus, contributing to the civil war. It discusses how competing narratives between republican, nationalist, and union groups became increasingly polarized, facilitating direct action outside political processes and increasing the likelihood of conflict. While constructivism offers insights, the document also considers realism theory and the impact of international actors in shifting the military balance of power within Spain.

1. In this essay I will consider the origins of the Spanish Civil War, and apply to them the international
relations (IR) theory constructivism to analyse the pathways to war. I will argue that constructivism
provides a theoretical lens with which to examine the impact of the new democratic narrative during
the 2nd Republic on established social norms and to consider the extent to which this disruption of
authoritarian norms was one of the root causes of the civil war. I will argue that constructivism pro-
vides a powerful theoretical understanding of inter-subjectivity and of the escalating, conflicting
narratives and identities between the liberal republican government, the nationalist right, and left
wing trade unions, and that this led to direct action which increased the likelihood of civil war. I
will consider the strengths of constructivism as a leading IR theory in accounting for the origins of
the Spanish Civil War, and the contribution of this theory to understanding how war can be avoided.
I will briefly contrast this with Realism in considering theoretical causes of war.
Constructivism is an IR theory developed by theorists Wendt and Onuf in response to the approach
competing IR theories took to international politics. Among the most central of constructivism’s
epistemological assumptions is the idea that ‘reality’ is constructed by concepts and ideas (Geller
and Vasquez:2004:1). In opposition to materialist theories that focus upon state relations in terms of
power, hierarchy and self-interest, constructivism embraces an intersubjective ontology, seeking to
explain interrelations through study of social processes (Fierke:2013:189). As neither identity nor
interests can be detached from a world of social meaning, constructivism argues to ignore them is to
discount Weber’s concept of Verstehen. By considering the social factors that may influence actor
behaviour, constructivists seek to explore the argument that ‘action must always be understood from
within’ (Alder:1997:326). Wendt contends the causes of war within anarchy are socially construct-
ed, not natural creations of the environment (Wendt:1992:405). By understanding identity formation
within the process of interaction, constructivism analyses the effect social processes have upon ac-
tors prior to conflict (Kissane and Sitter:2006:10). One of the most important effects is the way that
identities facilitate collective action (Kalyvas:2008:1044), increasing the likelihood of war. Kissane
and Sitter contend that constructivism’s study of the relationships between actors makes it an indis-
pensable tool for the analysis of intrastate war (2006:8).
By the turn of the 20th century, Spain was a country in which economic and social inequality was
prevalent. Emerging from a historical context of an undermined monarchy and military regime, the
dominant narrative had shifted from the monarchy towards a new identity of dominant elites who

2. together constructed considerable political and economic powers. Reliant upon each other to sup-
port their dominant identity within Spain, a ‘power block’ of the Church, Army and oligarchy
emerged on the right (Casonova:2013:4). The ‘power block’ sought to create social identity and
norms that would entrench their power base. Their narrative was constructed from the authority of
the Church in Spain and the legitimacy of the Army as a stabilising presence in Spanish society
(Ellwood:1991:14). Their dominance was dependent on the demobilisation of a large section of the
working class population (Graham:2002:7). Constructing a narrative that justified their political
dominance, the collective identity of Army, Church and oligarchy created a socially legitimised
prevailing narrative within Spain.
The creation of the new democratic 2nd Republic was, therefore, a significant cleavage from the
previous political regimes of the late 19th and early 20th century Spain. WW1 had acted as a cata-
lyst of social, economic and political change (ibid:2002:7). Breaking from the monarchy and with
the enfranchisement of the Spanish population, the 2nd Republic represented a significant challenge
to the established norms and dominant narrative of the Nationalist Right. Higley and Burton (1998)
have argued that 'elite consensus' is the hallmark of a stable political regime, and the breakdown in
consensus can be the starting point of a drift towards civil war. The development to a new democra-
tic political narrative would have been perceived as a significant threat by the right wing elite to
their established identity and supportive social norms. The creation of the democratic social narra-
tive of 2nd Republic could, therefore, be regarded as the point at which the breakdown of ‘elite con-
sensus’ in the Republic began.
Constructivist theory highlights the centrality of inter subjectivity in the development of competing
social identities and the way in which socially constructed narratives of threat can lead to conflict. It
can be argued that both processes contributed to the causes of the civil war: the emerging democrat-
ic narrative of the liberal republican government challenged the dominant narrative of the national-
ist right; the competing identities of the protagonists increasingly became polarised. These com-
peting narratives, it can be argued, served to create social instability within the Spanish political
system.
As the first significant challenge to the dominant right wing, the liberal republicans’ democratic dis-
course exacerbated the threat felt by the establishment elite. The liberal republicans created a politi-
cally divergent identity and narrative based upon principles of democracy, liberalism and secularism

3. (Preston:1996:34), that created instability within the political system. The liberal republican gov-
ernment introduced into Spanish society a competing identity that sought to undermine the power
structures of the established elite. Written into the constitution, this separated the Church from
State, destroying the clerical ties that had made Spaniards ‘subjects’ instead of citizens (Salvado:
2005:29). This identity change empowered Spanish people through a powerful narrative of citizen-
ship, weakening the religious discourse of the nationalist right. The liberal republicans established a
new norm of an empowered citizen population liberated from subject status and curtailed the social
influence of the dominant religious narrative in Spanish society. This act was supported by the cre-
ation of a secular narrative, with War Minister Azana claiming that Spain had “ceased to be
Catholic” (Knight:1991:12). Callabero’s labour reforms strengthened the citizen by restricting
working hours and extending employment rights to landless labourers (Beevor:2006:3). Changing
the subjective relationship between workers and employers (Preston:1996:27), these reforms un-
dermined the established norm of the dominant right wing elite and their exploitative discourse.
Military reforms sought to transform the armed forces into a professional institution whose purpose
was to defend Spain’s constitutional order (Salvado:2005:30). In an attempt to reduce the politicial
ambitions of the Army, Azana removed officer corps loyal to the right wing elite (Preston:1996:30).
By challenging the Army’s role within the political system, Azana aimed to change the very nature
of the Army’s identity; undermining its dominant political and social influence.
As the result of the liberal republicans’ narrative, there was a counter identity shift (Kalyvas:
2008:1045) within the nationalist right, in response to the perceived threat from the government’s
discourse. Constructivist theory would argue that, as a reactionary force, the creation of an increas-
ingly polarised narrative on the right could lead to increased instability within the Spanish political
process. Capitalising upon the cohesive role of religion across Spain, the nationalist right created a
similar narrative to that of the Christian reconquista of Spain, presenting the right as a force defend-
ing Spain’s traditional Catholic civilisation against the Godless Soviet communism of the Republic
(Preston:1996:28). The comparison made between Soviet Communism and the Republic was an
attempt to exaggerate the threat of the Republic to the middle and upper classes. This built upon the
Right’s increasing narrative of the threat of anarchy engulfing Spain under the Republic and the de-
struction of Spanish unity (Knight:1991:15). Conservative politicians spoke against the Republic in
the Cortes, with Sotelo dwelling on a threat narrative of social disorder to gather support for mili-
tary insurrection (Graham:2002:33). The dominant elite, under the umbrella of Catholicism
(Casanova:2013:9), presented the nationalist right identity as a counter to the Marxist front by

4. whom Spain alone could be saved. The rightist discourse of saving Spain from anarchy and Marx-
ism became increasingly a narrative of revolution that became progressively fierce (Salvado:
2005:1). The effect was to further polarise the Liberal republicans and Nationalist Right narratives,
taking the discourse increasingly to one of conflict.
Alongside these developments, the narrative of the trade unions was one deeply rooted in political
disenfranchisement. Previously excluded from and alienated by the political system (Graham:
2002:6), the rural and urban working class became frustrated with the speed at which the reforms of
1931 were taking place. Seeking to create an alternative left wing identity, their narrative was creat-
ed through the direct action of the trade unions. Identities are not only created within social interac-
tions, but also sustained through social interactions (Zehfuss:2001:324); the actions of both the lib-
eral republican government of 1931 and subsequent conservative government of 1933 had the effect
of propelling the unions towards a belligerent discourse. Disenfranchised for so long, the unions
developed an identity as the dominant means of response to extant power relations, and became a
crucial discourse for left wing groups within Spain (Graham:2002:9). Advocating a narrative of di-
rect action through the take over of estates and the creation of collectives, this discourse became
increasingly militant during the 2nd Republic (Preston:1996:36). Within the political context of in-
creasing polarisation, this narrative hardened. As the discourse increasingly began to take place out-
side of the democratic political arena, the Nationalist Right began to perceive the unions as a grow-
ing threat to stability within Spain, further fuelling their own narrative of the threat of anarchy.
It is possible to argue, therefore, in analysing the origins of the Spanish civil war, the importance of
the way in which deeply conflicting narratives were created through the social interactions of the
actors. Constructivism contends that once the structures of identity have been created, they are dif-
ficult to transform (Zehfuss:2001:320). This can be seen to be the case in Spain, with the social
identities and narratives of each of the main protagonists becoming increasingly hardened in the
lead up to the conflict. Comparisons can be drawn between the process of interaction of Wednt’s
Alter and Ego and the processes of interaction within the 2nd Republic. In its perception of the de-
mocratic 2nd Republic and the Liberal republicans narrative as an inherent threat to their en-
trenched norms, the ‘power block’ of the Nationalist Right sought to undermine and reverse the
Liberal Republic changes to Spain’s social identity. What followed was a back and forth destabilisa-

5. tion between the opposing actors; an increasingly hostile and violent discourse within the National-
ist Right (Preston:1996:42), which was met by the increasingly militant narrative of the trade unions
(Salvado:2005:53). As each side acts, the other adapts their identity and concept of self (Wendt:
1999:ch7). Applying this to the causes of the civil war, the perception of each actor’s identity served
to push the other to further extremes. The discourse between the actors became increasingly con-
flictual in nature, as the ideological polarisation deepened (Kalyvas:2008:1046). The gulf between
the identities and narratives widened, limiting the possibility of political reconciliation, as conflict
and military action became more likely. As their identities hardened, the Nationalist Right and
Trade Union narratives became more distrustful of the democratic political process, with both in-
creasingly advocating direct action outside of the political process. As the creation and development
of social identities facilitates collective action (Kalyvas:2008:1044), the competing political dis-
courses began to be increasingly fought outside of the political realm and narratives developed into
violent action in the streets (Casanova:2013:15). These social interactions, including the uprisings
and strikes of the Unions and the violence between left and right youth groups, progressively con-
structed a social context of anarchy within which the paths to civil war were created.
Within this analysis, constructivism proposes that ‘truth’ arises from the intersubjective norms and
practices with which it is associated, rather than from a subject–object relationship (Fluck:
2010:265). From this theoretical perspective, it can be argued that one of the main paths to the
Spanish Civil war lay in the social constructions of the opposing actors, the culmination of the
process of interactions between them. The creation of a secular, democratic narrative and identity
for the Republic was, at first instance, a direct challenge to the established norms of the Nationalist
Right and the point at which, it can be argued, breakdown of the Right elite’s consensus on the re-
public occurred. With the trade unions creating a more extreme narrative on the Left of change
through direct action, the protagonists identities became progressively polarised through the per-
ceived threats each actor believed the other posed. The hardening of each actor’s identity and dis-
course escalated the political and social instability increasing the likelihood of conflict, to a point
whereby Spain was on the path to civil war.
Yet, constructivism can be argued to provide only a partial account of the causes of the civil war,
placing material factors outside of its consideration of the origins of war. I will turn to realism for
an alternative analysis of the origins of the civil war. With the study of politics as “interest defined
in terms of power” (Morgenthau:1967:5), the actions of international actors in the origins of the civ-

6. il war may be considered critical. Within the context of a European wide struggle, the early years of
the 2nd Republic can be seen to be a struggle for power between the Fascist nationalist right and
Communist trade unions (Salvado:2013:98). Within the developing social anarchy within Spain, the
need for military alliances to strengthen each side’s position were key to gaining advantage (Lebow:
2010:64). Seeking a Fascist ally on the other side of the Mediterranean Sea (Salvado:2005:69),
Italy’s role as a revisionist state (Mearsheimer:2010:79) in supporting the nationalist right can be
argued to tilt the balance of power in right’s favour. Realism argues that a balance of military power
facilitates peace, and that power discrepancies result in war (Mearsheimer:2010:86). The influence
of Italy in creating a power shift within Spain, therefore, could be regarded to have strengthened the
right’s military position, and, subsequently, their confidence in victory in military conflict. Thus, it
could be contended, rightist hardliners, like Robels, were able to push for increasingly violent ac-
tion against the Republic, provoking the retaliatory violence that killed Castillo and Sotelo (Preston:
1996:71). Wary of the unpredictable nature of anarchy (Mearsheimer:2010:79), and strengthened by
their military position and external allies, the nationalist right’s decision to stage a coup could be
seen to be the beginnings of the path to war.
Constructivism holds that the reality of politics and war is socially constructed. The social interac-
tions of actors, influenced by their identities and narratives, creates the social conditions within
which war becomes possible. Following constructivist theory, I have argued that a root cause of the
war in Spain was the creation of the democratic, secular narrative within the 2nd Republic that chal-
lenged the dominant social norms and identity of the established nationalist right. Applying Wednt’s
Alter and Ego theory, I have argued that the role of inter subjective perceptions and identities had
the effect of hardening actor identity and polarising narratives. I have considered the way in which
both the discourses of the nationalist right and the trade unions became increasingly located outwith
the political process. These polarised narratives, I have argued, became progressively located in
conflict and military action outside of political solutions, setting Spain on the path to war. I argue
constructivism provides a partial analysis, outside of consideration of the material causes of war. I
have alternatively considered realist theory in order to examine the role of power balances and mili-
tary alliances outside of Spain which can be argued to be a major factor in the origins of the civil
war.
Constructionism provides a powerful contribute to the understanding of the origins of war. Through
analysis of competing intersubjective perceptions and identities, it offers an understanding of con-

7. flict on the basis of competing political narratives as in Spain, or of competing ethnic narratives in
Africa. It can provide a theoretical understanding of the current escalation of conflicting social nar-
ratives of religious difference. A constructionist theoretical analysis can offer an understanding of
the way in which competing social narratives and identities can be de-escalated and perceptions of
threat reduced so that conflict can be held within political processes, reducing the possibility of civil
or interstate war.
2750
Bibliography:
Adler. E (1997) ‘Seizing the Middle Ground: Constructivism in World Politics’, European Journal
of International Relations, vol. 3, no. 3 p319-363
Beevor, A (2006) The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-39, Penguin Books
Casonova, J ‘Franco, the Catholic Church and the Martyrs’ in Raychaudhuri, A (2013) The Spanish
Civil War: Exhuming a Buried Past, University of Wales Press, Cardiff
Ellwood, S (1991) The Spanish Civil War, B. Blackwell
Fierke, K, ‘Constructivism’ in Dunne, T, Kurki, M and Smith, S (2010) International Relations
Theories: Discipline and Diversity, p187-203
Fluck, M (2010) Truth, Values and the Value of Truth in Critical International Relations Theory,
Journal of International Studies, vol.39, no.2, p259-278

8. Geller, D and Vasquez, J (2004) The Construction and Cumulation of Knowledge in International
Relations: Introduction, International Studies Review, vol.6, no.4, p1-6
Graham, H (2002) The Spanish Republic at War, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
Higley, J and Burton, M (1998) Elite Settlements and the Taming of Politics. Government and Op-
position, vol.33, no.1, p98-115
Kalyvas, S (2008) Ethnic Defection, Comparative Politic Studies, vol.41, no.1, p1043-1068
Knight, P (1991) The Spanish Civil War, MacMillian Education Ltd, Hong Kong
Lebow, R, ‘Classical Realism’ in Dunne, T, Kurki, M, Smith S (2010) International Relations Theo-
ries: Discipline and Diversity, Oxford University Press, United Kingdom
Mearsheimer, J, ‘Structural Realism’ in Dunne, T, Kurki, M, Smith S (2010) International Relations
Theories: Discipline and Diversity, Oxford University Press, United Kingdom
Morgenthau, H (1967) Politics Among Nations, 4th ed, Knopf, New York
Preston, P (1996) A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War, Fontana Press, London
Salvado, F (2005) The Spanish Civil War, Origins, Course and Outcomes, Palgrave Macmillan,
United Kingdom
Kissane, B and Sitter, N (2006) The Comparative Study of Civil War: Towards A Dynamic Model,
The Centre for European and Asian Studies, p1-28
Wendt, A (1992) Anarchy is what States Make of it:The Social Construction of Power Politics, In-
ternational Organisation Foundation, vol.46, no.2, p391-425
Wendt, A (1999) Social Theory of International Politics, Cambridge University Press

9. Zehfuss, M (2001) Constructivism and Identity: A Dangerous Liaison, European Journal of In-
ternational Relations, vol.7, no.3, p315-348