LeanoraLinebaugh_Dissertation_1357622 (1)

University number: 1357622
University of Warwick Sociology Department
MA Gender and International Development Dissertation Wednesday 2nd
September 2015
AN ANALYSIS OF HOW THE LATINA
POPULATION IS UNDERSTOOD
THROUGH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
POLICY IN TEXAS: ARE LATINA
WOMEN UNIQUELY CHALLENGED?
Word count: 16,490

University number: 1357622 i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my gratitude to my dissertation supervisor, Dr. Hannah Jones, who
provided me with support through every stage of this process. Additionally, I would like
to express gratitude to everyone on the Gender and International Development course, as I
have learned so much from each one of you this year; I would not have been able to
academically grow without your help. I would also like to thank my parents for their
endless support and love during my year at Warwick. Finally, a special thanks to my
fiancée, Erk, for your continual wisdom, love, and encouragement throughout my
dissertation process.

University number: 1357622 ii
ABSTRACT
Domestic violence is a growing epidemic in the United States, with nearly one in four
women having reported experienced domestic violence at some point in their lives (Alianza
2010). Additionally, 54.9 percent of Latina women in the U.S. have reported violent
victimisation during their lives (River 1994). Domestic violence in southern states
continues to be a major health concern for Latina women (Murdaugh 2004), therefore, this
research will focus predominantly on Latina women in the state of Texas. This research
investigates the ways Latina women are understood through domestic violence policy in
Texas, as well as identifies the unique challenges these women face when suffering through
intimate partner violence. I chose six texts from two non-profit organisations, the Texas
Council on Family Violence and Alianza, for my research. I used discourse analysis to
study specific socioeconomic, cultural, and legal reasons Latina women remain in abusive
relationships. Within these texts I looked at key themes, arguments, and agency to analyse
the ways Latina women are, or would be, influenced by current domestic violence policy.
I also looked at the specific ways the organisations construct domestic violence as a societal
problem and reinforce gender ‘norms’ by only discussing male-to-female violence.
Additionally, I found that the Texas Council on Family Violence would greatly benefit
from incorporating ethnicity into their policy, whereas Alianza is focused entirely on Latina
women and does an efficient job at expressing the necessity for policy that addresses Latina
women’s specific needs. However, both organisations could do more to implement their
projects, as well as push for policy makers to implement policy that recognises
marginalised Latina women and successfully appreciates their cultural differences.

University number: 1357622 iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS:
CHAPTER 1- INTRODUCTION:……………………………………………...1
1.1 Background and Context…………………………………………………….4
CHAPTER 2- LITERATURE REVIEW:…………………………………….9
2.1 Defining Domestic Violence………………………………………………...10
2.2 Socioeconomic Factors……………………………………………………..13
2.3 Cultural Factors…………………………………………………………….17
2.4 Institutional Factors………………………………………………………...20
2.5 Specific Policy for Latina Women…………………………………………..22
CHAPTER 3- METHODOLOGY:…………………………………………….25
CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS:………………………………………………………32
4.1 The TCFV Legislative Agenda……………………………………………....32
4.2 Power and Control Wheel for Immigrant Women…………………………..37
4.3. Honoring Texas Victims: Family Violence Fatalities in 2013……………..42
4.4 Alianza’s Domestic Violence Fact Sheet……………………………………45
4.5 Analytical Framework for Alianza……………………………………….....49
4.6 First National Latino Policy Summit on Domestic Violence……………….54
CHAPTER 5- CONCLUSION:………………………………………………...58
REFERENCES:…………………………………………………………………….63

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LIST OF FIGURES:
Figure 1.1: Median Annual Earnings of Persons 16 and older in Texas………...6
Figure 4.1: Power and Control Wheel for Immigrant Women…………………..38

CHAPTER 1- INTRODUCTION
University number: 1357622 1
It is without question that domestic violence inflicted against women is a serious epidemic
in the United States. It is estimated that nearly one in four women in the U.S. will report
experiencing domestic violence at some point in their lives (Alianza 2010: 1). It violates
numerous fundamental rights- human, civil, political, social, economic, and cultural.
While domestic violence is a crime whose victims are predominantly women and children,
it is regarded as a substantial public health problem with multiple and serious consequences
and costs for entire families and communities, regardless of ethnic, racial, or economic
backgrounds (Alianza 2010). Domestic violence against women occurs in families from
all cultural and ethnic groups (Bonilla-Santiago 1996: 229). When evaluating the
significant increase of domestic violence in the general population in the United States, it
is understood that an estimated 1.5 million women will annually experience violence at the
hands of an intimate partner (Vidales 2010: 533). Acknowledged to be underestimates,
these figures nonetheless suggest that ‘domestic violence is an everyday tale of cruelty that
cuts across social divides’ (Vidales 2010).
For Latina women, current measures of domestic violence only scratch the surface,
revealing deeper issues. Rivera (1995) places importance on Latinas that are ‘invisible’
to the majority population, ‘carrying a great deal’ of burden associated with poverty and
inequality (Vidales 2010: 533). Vidales (2010: 533) explains that this invisibility has
ensured the absence of systematic data on Latinas, race-blind policies that ignore the
specific necessities of Latinas, and the underdevelopment of public policy that takes
seriously specifications of domestic abuse experienced by immigrant Latina women. With

this in mind, my research will focus primarily on Latina women in Texas currently facing,
or having faced, domestic violence, as well as analysing policy that exists for women in
Texas and for the national Latina/o population.
This study will seek to answer if and how Latina women are uniquely challenged by
domestic violence through analysing documents and texts, (that are aimed to shape public
policy), formed by a non-profit organisation, The Texas Council on Family Violence, and
a national Latina non-profit organisation aimed at addressing root causes and eliminating
domestic violence, Alianza. The research questions I will seek to answer are: Is the Latina
population in Texas and the U.S. understood through policy by socioeconomic factors
such as income level, employment status, and/or education level? Is it understood through
cultural factors such as language barriers or beliefs to remain loyal to the family if they
are being abused? Is it understood through institutional factors such as immigration status,
and/or the legal system?
For my research, I used discourse analysis in which I studied key themes and arguments
within these texts where specific socioeconomic, cultural, and legal reasons explain how
and why Latina women remain in abusive relationships, as well as the unique challenges
they face. I looked at the characterisation and agency within these texts to analyse
problems or concerns that the Alianza and the Texas Council on Family Violence have
with current policy, statistics, and overall situations of domestic violence in the U.S., as
well as seeking to grasp a standpoint in which actors from the organisations take to develop
their accounts. Additionally, I looked at differences between the two organisation’s

accounts, which provide work that is being done to reconcile conflicting ideas such as
Alianza’s profound concept for batterer rehabilitation for men, and to include men in the
fight against domestic violence (2000: 45). I also looked at how each organisation
constructs domestic violence as a societal problem through their policy, as well as examine
specific ways each organisation reinforces violence through stereotypes by only addressing
male-to-female violence.
The second section of my introduction outlines the background and context of Latina
women in Texas, including statistical economic information about the Latino population
in the state. Additionally, this section outlines current laws in Texas regarding domestic
violence, as well as gun violence laws. Chapter 2 outlines socioeconomic, cultural, and
institutional problems Latina women face when dealing with domestic violence in the U.S.
The theoretical framework in the second chapter helps further establish my analysis.
Chapter 3 outlines my methodology and techniques used to analyse the texts I chose from
both non-profit organisations. Chapter 4 contains my detailed analysis of the 6 texts chosen
from Alianza and the Texas Council on Family Violence, and how these frame
socioeconomic, cultural, and legal factors for understanding battered Latina women in
Texas, as well as nationally. Finally, Chapter 5 includes points for discussion and closing
thoughts.

1.1. BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT
This study focuses primarily on Latina women in Texas facing domestic violence, however
statistics, samples, and general information regarding Latina women and/or domestic
violence in the U.S. will be gathered from studies using other states. When I speak of
Latina women, I am encompassing Mexican immigrant women, Latina immigrant women
from Central and South America, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Dominican Republic, or other
countries with Latino culture. These women may be immigrants or native-born citizens of
the U.S. They also may only speak Spanish, only English, or be bilingual. The Latina
population in the U.S. includes women from different countries, backgrounds, cultures,
languages, and socioeconomic statuses. The aim of this study is not to exclude any group
because they do not fall under the ‘normal’ definition of Latina, rather, this study seeks to
examine all women who identify as Latina and have experienced or are currently
experiencing domestic violence.
I chose to focus on the state of Texas in particular due to the significant cultural influence
from the Latino population. The Latino population is the largest ethnic population in the
United States (Cabera et al., 2013: 9). Latina women represent 16.4 percent of the current
female population in the United States, with a projected growth of 25.7 percent by 2050
(Jackson 2013: 1). In Texas, the Latino population is 38.4 percent, and 37 percent of the
female population in Texas are Latina (United States Census Bureau 2013; Valdez 2013).
76 percent of Latino families speak a language other than English at home, while only 24
percent speak only English (Pew Hispanic Center 2011). While Latinas are making
significant strides in education, participation, health, and other areas, there is still a long

way to go to ‘fully close racial and ethnic disparities’ (Jackson 2013). New policies such
as the Affordable Care Act for health care, or ACA, and other policies involving
immigration reform can significantly improve the lives of Latina women and their families
(Jackson 2013).
Economically, Latino families in Texas earn an annual median salary of $20,000 (Pew
Hispanic Center 2011). White families earn an annual median salary of $36,000 and Black
families earn an annual median salary of $25,000 (Pew Hispanic Center 2011). Compared
to White and Black families, Latino families earn significantly less. The percentage of
Latinas/os in poverty aged 18-24 is 23 percent, while Latinas/os aged 17 and younger in
poverty is much higher at 37 percent (Pew Hispanic Center 2011). 36 percent of Latinas/os
are uninsured for health coverage in Texas, and Latinas/os aged 17 and younger are 18
percent are also uninsured for health care (Pew Hispanic Center 2011). In Texas, 30
percent of households are headed by a woman, and they represent 53 percent of women
living in poverty in the state (Valdez 2013). An online tool of the Center for Public Policy
Priorities (CPPP) indicates that a single-parent household with two children needs an
‘annual income of $38,760, a job that pays $19.38 an hour, to cover the family's basic
expenses’ (Valdez 2013). That kind of income would help cover health insurance
premiums, assuming that the parent did not have health care benefits through an employer
(Valdez 2013). While $38,760 is a significantly higher salary than the median annual
earnings of $20,000 for Latina/o families in Texas, the increase in salary could play an
important role in development for disadvantaged youth and single parent Latina women.

Figure 1.1: Median Annual Earnings of Persons 16 and older in Texas (Pew Hispanic Center
2011).
With regard to domestic violence in the United States, more than three women a day are
murdered by their male intimate partner, including husbands, boyfriends, ex-partners, and
dating partners (Texas Council on Family Violence 2013: 4). The Texas Council on
Family Violence states that according to annual studies produced by the Violence Policy
Center, approximately 10 percent of femicides occur in Texas yearly (TCFV 2013.
However, Texas represents only 8 percent of the total U.S. population. Latina women
continuously face gender-based violence, or intimate partner violence (IPV), with studies
showing that 50 percent of all women in the United States will experience IPV at some
point in their lives, and 54.9 percent of Latina women have reported violent victimisation
(Murdaught et al., 2004: 107; Rivera 1994: 232). Studies have indicated that intimate
partner violence (IPV) is a major health issue that Latina women in southern states
continue to face (Murdaugh et al., 2004: 1). Latina women in particular face unique
challenges when coping with domestic violence, which may include stressors related to
immigration, challenges of acculturation, language barriers, legal, and economic pressures
(Murdaugh et al., 2004: 2; Pyles 2008: 31).
In Texas, three different crimes are recognised as domestic violence: domestic assault,
aggravated domestic assault, and continuous violence against the family (Baldwin 2015).

An act of violence constitutes domestic violence if it is committed against a family
member, a household member or someone the offender is currently dating or dated in the
past, including: a current or former spouse; a child of a current or former spouse; a person
with whom the offender has a child or children; a foster child or foster parent of the
offender; a family member of the offender by blood, marriage, or adoption; someone with
whom the offender lives, and, a person with whom the offender has or had an ongoing
dating or romantic relationship (Baldwin 2015). A person is guilty of domestic assault if
he or she commits an assault against a family member, household member, or a current or
past dating partner (Baldwin 2015). An assault consists of: intentionally, knowingly or
recklessly causing bodily injury to another person; intentionally or knowingly threatening
another person with imminent bodily injury; or intentionally or knowingly causing physical
contact with another that the offender knows or reasonably should know the victim will
find provocative or offensive (Baldwin 2015). For aggravated domestic assault, a person
is guilty if he or she commits aggravated assault against a spouse, family member, or
romantic partner by: intentionally, knowingly or recklessly causes serious bodily injury to
another person, or uses or exhibits a deadly weapon in the course of committing any assault
crime, including threatening another with bodily injury or engaging in conduct that the
victim likely will find offensive (Baldwin 2015).
In addition to assault crimes, a person in Texas can be convicted of the crime of continuous
violence against the family if he or she commits two domestic assaults in twelve months.
A defendant can be convicted of this crime without either assault having resulted in an
arrest or conviction, and the two assaults need not have been committed against the same

victim. This crime is a third degree felony, which means 2 to 10 years in prison as well as
a $10,000 fine (Baldwin 2015).
Additionally, in 2013, Texas saw more women killed by a current of former intimate
partner with a gun than by all other means combined (TCFV 2013: 16). This trend has
remained constant for some time in Texas and, sadly, reflects the national reality in the
U.S. Realising this, federal and state policy makers acted several years ago to address the
highly lethal mix of firearms and family violence (ibid: 16). Texas state and federal laws
prohibit protective order respondents from possessing firearms, and abusers convicted of
committing family violence cannot legally possess guns (ibid: 16). Moreover, existing
laws and available practices make it possible for the coordinated community response to
mediate, utilise, and implement firearms surrender protocols (ibid: 16). However, much of
the burden for successfully implementing firearms surrender protocols rests with law
enforcement. Many communities in Texas willingly want to address the problem of
firearms, but are unsure where to begin.

CHAPTER 2- LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter represents both an overview of relevant literature and theories on domestic
violence as well as current policy implications for violence against women in the United
States. Additionally, this chapter offers insight into the various ways domestic violence
affects Latina women in the U.S. Domestic violence should be viewed as a societal
problem; not only as a family problem or a problem of masculinity, but as a structural issue
in society. Unfortunately, we live in society that condones and glorifies numerous forms
of violence. Additionally, there is also an acceptance of violence and aggression as
attributes of masculinity both in this country and around the globe. Women and children
are the primary victims of domestic violence, however, violence and abuse also occurs in
same-sex relationships, and some men are also susceptible.
Domestic violence is a serious problem for Latino communities in the United States, and
this research takes an honest look into the differing factors that contribute and perpetuate
this violence. The second section in the literature review defines domestic violence and
cultural perceptions of what abuse is and what it means to be abused. The third section
looks at socioeconomic factors regarding domestic violence in Latino communities and
how poverty, income levels, and education play an important role in determining
vulnerability for Latina women. The fourth section evaluates cultural factors in Latino
communities, including patriarchal attitudes and traditions of masculinity stemming from
a legacy of multiple oppressions. The fifth section looks into institutional and/or legal
factors Latina women face when attempting to leave abusive relationships. The final

section of the literature review looks at domestic violence policy in the United States and
its influence on Latina women.
2.1 DEFINING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
Definitions of domestic violence vary across cultures and ethnic groups; however, violence
against women is a major problem in all countries and worldwide, affecting women in
every socioeconomic group and at every life stage (True 2012: 3; Mckie 2005). Poor
women belonging to groups such as indigenous peoples, migrants, refugees, human rights
defenders, ethnic or racial minorities, those with disabilities, or those living in conflict
situations, are generally more vulnerable to violence (True 2012: 3). True (ibid: 3) explains
that while domestic violence involves male-to-female and female-to-male perpetrated
violence, domestic violence advocacy often focuses in on a gender perspective since
domestic violence is more than often perpetrated by men against women. It is with this
gender perspective on domestic violence that it is possible to understand how gendered
social and economic inequalities between women and men make women more vulnerable
to violence and abuse in ‘whatever context’ (True 2012: 5). True (ibid: 5) continues to
explain that while it is not ‘just’ poverty that heightens women’s vulnerability to violence,
it is women’s impoverished situation relative to men that is at the root of violence. Thus,
most of the violence against women in gender-based, and gendered inequalities that ‘fuel’
the violence against women are ‘rooted in structures and processes of political economy
that are increasingly globalized’ (ibid: 5).

Although domestic violence is a worldwide problem, definitions can differ within a specific
culture. For example, the Texas Council on Family Violence uses the term ‘femicide’ to
define hate crimes against women, but the term is broadly defined as the ‘killing of women’
and definitions can vary depending on the cultural context. Additionally, terms such as
‘battered’ (having suffered repeated violence), and ‘IPV’ (intimate partner violence), also
can vary depending on cultural context, and can take away agency when discussing them.
For the sake of this research, domestic violence affecting Latina women in the United
States identifies as the ‘setting of the act in a marital or intimate cohabitating relationship,
in the home’ (Dwyer et al., 1996: 68). The word ‘violence’ is used because it is not a
question of minor arguments or disputes, but, rather, intentional, hostile, and aggressive
physical or psychological acts (ibid: 68). Dwyer (ibid: 68) continues to explain that
although incidents of domestic violence ‘certainly vary’ in magnitude and frequency, they
are ‘nonetheless violent acts’ perpetrated on a partner in a relationship, in the ‘presumed’
safety and privacy of the home. Due to the fact that such acts occur in the privacy of the
home, any definition largely depends on the description of this behavior by the victim, the
perpetrator, and, to a lesser degree, the police, social service worker, or the medical
professional (ibid: 68). However, it is important to note that in regard to Latina women in
the United States, culture is an important defining factor when understanding how domestic
violence works in private spaces, such as the home.
Furthermore, it is important to discuss the implications cultural backgrounds have on the
ways in which domestic violence is perceived. In regards to domestic violence literature,
Sokoloff (2005: 39) explains that two sometimes conflicting objectives emerge: ‘giving

voice to battered women from diverse, and often ignored, social locations and cultural
backgrounds, while still focusing on the structural inequalities (i.e., race, gender, class,
sexuality) that constrain and shape the lives of battered women, albeit in different ways’.
She continues to explain that these conflicting theoretical perspectives have been described
as ‘race, class, gender perspective, and the structural perspective’ (Sokoloff 2005: 39;
Andersen & Collins, 2001; Mann & Grimes, 2001). As Sokoloff (2005) and Mann and
Grimes (2001) suggest, these perspectives continuously attempt to address social problems
and represent the interests and voices of a ‘vast array’ of marginalised peoples. While
these perspectives open up theory to intersectionality approaches and marginalised
feminism, Andersen and Collins (2001) note that a structural approach for marginalised
women requires an ‘analysis and criticism of existing systems of power and privilege’;
otherwise, understanding diversity becomes just one more privilege for ‘those with the
greatest access’ to resources and power. Therefore, an analytical approach to
understanding domestic violence against Latina women must be sensitive to cultural
perspectives.
Nevertheless, the suggestion that domestic violence affects every person, across race, class,
nationality, and religious lines equally is ‘not only a token attempt at inclusion of diverse
perspectives but also evidence of sloppy research and theory building’ (Sokoloff 2005: 41).
Sokoloff (2005: 41) suggests that saying domestic violence affects everyone equally
trivialises ‘both the dimensions that underlie the experiences of these particular abuse
victims and more important, the ways we analyze the prevalence and impact of violence
against them’. By not challenging the notion of ‘universal risk’, poor women of color will

continue to be in dangerous intimate relationships as well as dangerous social positions
(2005: 41). Yoshihama (1999) explains that the prevalence of domestic violence cannot
adequately be measured without taking into account the fact that different cultures define
this violence differently. More importantly, Yoshihama (1999: 873) argues that there are
major limitations to mainstream measures of domestic violence because they lack
sociocultural contexts: ‘What is considered domestic violence or a specific meaning a
woman may give to her partner’s act is partly based on the interviewee’s viewpoint shaped
by her sociocultural background’. Rivera (1994: 235) suggests that Latinas' comparatively
poor economic and political position places them at a distinct disadvantage, thus causing
Latinas to experience and respond to domestic violence differently than other women. The
different ways a Latina woman may respond differently to domestic violence may be
shaped from socioeconomic structures, cultural differences, and/or institutional factors. It
is critical to explore these factors when determining public policy for the specific needs of
Latina women currently experiencing, or having experienced, domestic violence.
2.2 SOCIOECONOMIC FACTORS
Latinos continue to be one of the poorest populations in the United States (Rivera 1994:
236). Most notably, the socioeconomic status of Latinas is, in and of itself, a ‘barrier to
acquiring assistance and relief’ (Vidales 2010: 538). Young Latino parents in particular
have low levels of education, low levels of income, and high levels of unemployment
(Duany and Pitman 1990). Consequently, they have fewer job opportunities, comparatively
lower educational levels, and thus minimal opportunity for economic mobility (Vidales
2010). Domestic violence has generally been found to be more common among couples

of lower socioeconomic status, as measured by education, income, occupation, or other
measures (Wilt 1996: 81). Some studies have reported an inverse association between
domestic violence and years of education while others have reported that the highest
prevalence is among individuals with some high school education (ibid: 81). Studies that
used other indicators of socioeconomic status also confirmed that domestic violence is
more of a problem for families in the lower socioeconomic groups (Wilt 1996: 81; Caetano
et al., 2005; Cunradi et al., 2000; Cunradi et al., 2002).
Similarly Vidales (2010: 538) explains that women in families with incomes below
$10,000 per year are ‘more likely’ than other women to be ‘violently attacked by an
intimate’. For example, in one study from 1995-2000 on the relation between domestic
violence and socioeconomic status showed that 20 percent of Latinos living in poverty
reported violence, while 14 percent living in non-poverty reported violence (Cunradi et
al., 2000: 302). Similarly, a study by the same researchers in 2002 reported that household
income was significantly lower for Hispanic couples that reported male-female domestic
violence (Cunradi et al., 2002: 383). However, a study in 2005 showed that while an
increase in prevalence for domestic violence did not decrease for Latino families, most
couples in any of the three ethnicities researched had ‘conflict resolution tactics that would
appear to be healthy and do not include violence’ (Caetano et al., 2005: 1049). The
differences in these findings prove that studies on domestic violence are varied and it is
difficult to obtain accurate statistical information regarding domestic violence in Latino
communities.

Additionally, economic dependence is a major factor that prevents termination of an
abusive relationship. Women with fewer resources are more likely to experience severe
abuse (Pyles 2008; True 2012; Dwyer et al., 1996; Hondagneu-Sotela 1999). Moore
(1997) supported the finding that the likelihood of intimate violence is greater for those
on the lower end of the socioeconomic scale. Moore (1997) notes that women from a high
economic status more often utilise private legal and medical services to try to resolve their
problems. In contrast, women on the lower end of the socioeconomic scale are ‘more
likely to access public services’, if any services at all (Vidales 2010). This puts lower
income women at a greater risk. However, Latina women’s increasing economic activity
and independence is often viewed as a ‘direct threat’ to male dominance, which may lead
to ‘increased male violence against women when they begin working outside the home’,
including when they ‘migrate transnationally to work’ (True 2012: 18). Male threat over
women entering the work force is mainly due to women assuming non-traditional roles,
for example when they enter the workforce (True 2012: 19). Economic difficulties faced
by Latina women interfere with their ability to access and secure the resources needed to
exit abusive relationships.
Women that have left abusive relationships may find themselves with ‘multiple barriers’
to employment in the formal sector, such as ‘transportation, child care, and other ongoing
safety issues’ (Pyles 2008: 35). Thus, it has been reported that many women stay in abusive
relationships for economic reasons (Pyles 2008). Moreover, statistics specific to Latinas
indicate that, as a class, they are particularly susceptible to external economic fluctuations
and occupy a marginal financial existence within the market economy structure (Rivera

1994: 239). Latinas have lower earning potential and power compared to all men,
regardless of race or national origin (ibid: 239). Latinas are in an acutely weak position
due to of their low rates of educational attainment and their high rates of sole conservancy
of families (ibid: 239). Latinas are not merely unemployed and underemployed, but also
unemployable at higher rates. Latinas are the lowest paid population, and are concentrated
in jobs least likely to provide opportunities for mobility or economic improvement and
stability (ibid: 239). This economic gap is not a unilateral problem of patriarchal market
structures; Latinas also have a lower earning status among women. Thus, the interplay and
intersection of race and gender issues acts dynamically on Latinas, greatly influencing their
experiences and forging their inferior economic, political, and social status (ibid: 239).
Additionally, the Latino population in the U.S. have the lowest educational attainment rates
and income when compared to other ethnic groups (Vidales 2010: 538; Caetano et al.,
2005; Cunradi et al., 2000; Cunradi et al., 2002; Edelson et al., 2003). This economic
marginality is reflected by lower annual family income and higher school dropout rates,
especially among Mexicans born outside the United States (Caetano et al., 2005; Cunradi
et al., 2000; Cunradi et al., 2002). At the aggregate level, a lack of education leaves
Latinas more vulnerable to violence at the hands of intimates and less knowledgeable about
their rights when facing domestic violence (Vidales 2010). Therefore, Latina immigrants
tend to have fewer skills with which to become independent when they leave their abusers.
In addition, recent studies suggest that Latinas' experiences in school, such as teen dating
violence, could negatively impact their educational attainment and ‘ability to reap the
benefits of a quality education’ (Rivera 1994: 239).

2.3 CULTURAL FACTORS
Latinas’ experiences with domestic violence and efforts to live violence-free lives are
conditioned not only from socioeconomic factors, but from cultural factors as well. When
oppression and violence occur in communities of color or immigrant communities, culture
is often alleged to have a particularly influential explanatory power (Sokoloff 2005: 46).
Specific cases are not conceptualised as reflecting individual behavior; instead, entire
groups are stereotyped (Sokoloff 2005). Studies and statistics have proven that the
situation of Latinas is different from that of white and black women (Bonilla-Santiago
1996: 230). Latinas face barriers of gender, national origin or race, and language that also
affects the experiences of battered Latina women (ibid: 230). Due to the lack of resources
readily available to battered Latina women, they may feel vulnerable and helpless, as well
as feeling culturally isolated if they do not speak English or whose cultural norms differ
from those established in the United States (ibid: 230). In regard to language barriers,
many Latinas/os are not native English speakers and have limited English language
comprehension (Rivera 1994: 237). Although fluent in Spanish, their lack of English
language skills places them at a competitive disadvantage in the employment market and
acts as a barrier to obtaining an equal education (ibid: 237). The impact of these
differences of Latinas’ lives has led researchers to conclude that Latinas need support
services that are targeted to their specific issues (ibid: 237). Culturally, these factors are
relevant; as one understands the need to better serve the growing number of undocumented
battered Latina women.
Vidales (2010: 536) explains that many of the Latino cultural beliefs and values, which

have a positive impact upon a healthy Latina/o, can also become a detriment when Latina
battered women seek assistance. Many interrelated cultural factors influence Latinas to act
against violent partners and seek assistance. Perhaps the most important culture-specific
value among most Latinas/os (first or even second generation), despite their nationality, is
familism, or family interdependence; a term that describes a strong identification and
attachment of individuals to their nuclear and extended family members (ibid: 536). This
belief is stronger in more traditional families, while some dimensions of this value change
according to the level of acculturation and generation status (Comas-Diaz 1989; Sabogal
et al., 1987; Triandis et al., 1984). The Latino culture’s emphasis on collectivism (Markus
and Kitamaya 1991), especially family interaction and togetherness between family
members (nuclear and extended), places group needs over individual needs (Vidales 2010:
536). This, in turn, affects Latinas’ likelihood of seeking assistance when facing domestic
violence (ibid: 536). Many Latinas believe that they have to stay in the family, regardless
of whether they are being abused (ibid: 536). They also feel very strongly that their
children need a father in the home (Comas-Diaz 1989). This belief often translates into a
resistance to leaving an abusive relationship, since a greater commitment to keeping the
family together is an important factor in the decision to continue in an abusive relationship
(Edelson et al. 2007; Strube and Barbour 1983). It also contributes to a common and
recurrent pattern observed in abusive relationships: serial separations followed by
reconciliation (Walker 1979).
With regard to familism, results of this study confirm that keeping the family together is a
traditional value for many women (Vidales 2010: 536). Latinos often value family
interaction and support more than non-Latinos. A Latina may stay in a violent relationship

because her sense of loyalty, kindness, forgiveness, and respect makes her willing to
tolerate the situation (ibid: 536). Many women think that they have to respect and accept
their husbands’ decisions regardless of the consequences (ibid: 536).
In Latino families, machismo refers to a set of beliefs about how Latino males should act
(Edelson et al., 2007: 2). Typically, positive traits ‘associated with machismo include:
honor, pride, courage, responsibility, and obligation to the family’ (ibid: 2). However,
‘negative traits associated with machismo that may increase the likelihood of domestic
violence include: sexual prowess, high alcohol consumption, and aggressiveness’ (ibid:
2). Latina women often show traits such as ‘submissiveness, deference to others, and self-
sacrificing behaviors’ (ibid: 2). These behaviors are consistent with the second dynamic,
marianismo, which represents purity and moral strength for the traditional gender roles of
women in Latino households (ibid: 2). The combination of machismo and marianismo in
Latino families may ‘increase the risk of domestic violence for Latina women’ (ibid: 2).
Similarly, the concept of respeto, or respect, which is taught to Latino children,
‘emphasizes the unchallenged power that the father has in Latino families’ (ibid: 2).
Respeto may become a gender script that continues throughout one’s life where both males
and females learn that the ‘ultimate authority in the family is the husband/father’ (ibid: 2).
Interestingly, research has shown that Latina women are less likely to disclose domestic
violence to their fathers than are African American or South Asian American women
(Yoshioka et al., 2003); and this may reflect the belief that fathers may support the rights
of husbands to hold the power in the family, even if it leads to violence against their own
daughters. The combined effects of machismo, marianismo, and respeto in Latino
families likely interacts to ‘shape the effects of domestic violence’; and, because of this

unique dynamic, it may be expected that the ‘effects of domestic violence would vary
across Latino and non-Latino families’ (Edelson et al., 2007: 2). These traditional roles
affect Latinas’ perceptions of domestic violence. Often, they accept that it is their
husbands’ right to hit them (Torres 1991). Vidales’ (2010: 537) study suggests that the
‘traditional view of gender roles is embraced by most of the respondents’ that she
interviewed. A belief in traditional roles may influence women’s perceptions of domestic
violence, especially the notion that husbands are entitled to physically harm their wives.
2.4 INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS
People in Latina America often share a regional heritage that includes abuse from
government officials, the military, and local law enforcement officers (Bonilla-Santiago
1996: 231). Bonilla-Santiago (1996) explains that recent immigrants often are escaping
police and military force, and so they bring with them memories of and suspicions of the
police, who have enforcement agencies. She continues to explain that a Latina woman
may be suspicious of the police, who ‘have acted in a violent and repressive manner
toward the community at large’, and therefore, she must decide whether to ask for help
from an outsider who may not share her language or any of her cultural values (Bonilla-
Santiago 1996). She is, therefore, often left to fend for herself at a time of extreme danger
and urgency (Bonilla-Santiago 1996).
Although there is no way to accurately determine the number of undocumented workers
entering the U.S. annually, the number of women entering the country from Mexico has
risen over the past twenty years (Alvarez and Broder 2006; Vidales 2010). These women

are at higher risk of exploitation than men because they are less likely to speak English and
are more often the subject of sexual abuse (Vidales 2010). They are also vulnerable to the
threat of deportation (Vidales 2010). This fear of deportation has implications for their
ability to access available services (Ingram 2007). As social scientists and policy analysts
have shown, even when illegal immigrants know about the services available, their access
to them remains limited because of their illegal status (Chavez 1992). Many Latina
immigrants that are victims of domestic violence in the U.S. do not know that they can
obtain certain rights, and many of them are not aware that certain laws exist for their benefit
(Vidales 2010). Additionally, the nature of the protection or sanctions set forth in state
laws notwithstanding, domestic violence legislation remains susceptible to poor
enforcement by police and judicial personnel (Rivera 1994: 243). Rivera (1994: 244)
explains that the police are ‘notorious’ for their casual attitude toward women that file
charges of violence against their male partners. This constitutes an institutional barrier to
Latina women seeking assistance and, ultimately, is another form of violence against these
women.
To complicate matters, many women with legal rights as immigrants stay with their abusers
because they are unaware of their rights (Vidales 2010: 539). The majority of the women
whose immigration status is in the process of being determined may very easily fall under
The 1994 Violence Against Women Act’s Battered Immigrant Women Provision and the
subsequently passed Battered Immigrant Women Protection Act of 2000 (“Congress
passes,” 2000). These legislative acts allow a woman in an abusive relationship that is
married to a U.S. or a legal permanent resident to self-petition or to stop a deportation
(Vidales 2010: 539). Vidales (ibid: 539) explains that often these women enter marriages

in good faith, and their husbands fail to file the papers to legalise their status in the U.S. In
such cases, husbands can leverage this to keep their wives in these abusive relationships
(ibid: 539). Indeed, many women reported that they stayed in their violent relationships
because of their husbands’ threats to stop the immigration paperwork if they left (ibid:
539). Furthermore, in Mexico there is a law called abandono de hogar (abandonment of
the home), a very complex piece of law, under which a woman may lose her children if she
leaves them for a certain period of time (ibid: 539). Therefore, it is justifiable as to why
Latina women will remain in abusive relationships. There are many more institutional
obstacles Latina women face, based on language and culture, which must be removed in
order for a Latina to use the criminal justice system effectively and ensure a criminal
prosecution against her batterer.
2.5 SPECIFIC POLICY FOR LATINA WOMEN
Given the pervasiveness of domestic violence against immigrant women, INS
(Immigration and Naturalization Services) officers, immigration judges, and state court
judges must be required to receive training in domestic violence. Providing funds for such
training is an important contribution of existing VAWA (Violence Against Women Act)
legislation, but until such training is mandated for all INS officials, battered immigrant
women will continue to be denied rights and options provided under these laws that so
many have worked so tirelessly to see passed (Raj et al., 2002: 394). Battered immigrants
who qualify for immigration benefits under VAWA 1994 or VAWA 2000 and battered
immigrant legal permanent residents must be able to access the full range of public benefits
they need to help leave their abusers regardless of their state of residence (ibid: 394).

The VAWA Act was first authorised in 1994, after domestic violence movements identified
the criminal and civil justice systems as one of the main conduits for attaining safety for
victims of violence and holding offenders accountable (TCFV 2013: 18). The VAWA Act
was recently reauthorised in 2013 and has successfully accomplished significant success
in combatting domestic violence on a national scale. From 1993 to 2010, annual domestic
violence rates dropped drastically by 64 percent, and between 1993 and 2012 the number
of individuals killed by an intimate partner declined 26 percent for women and 48 percent
for men (ibid: 18). A specific study from the White House showed that VAWA Act saved
an estimated $12.6 billion in net averted social costs in its first 6 years alone (The White
House 2014: 7).
For the Latino community, the VAWA act serves an important function in protecting
battered immigrant women. More than 6,000 women and children have obtained their
green cards through VAWA, and due to the fact that VAWA is gender neutral, a significant
number of men have also obtained relief under VAWA (Alianza 2000: 47). Furthermore,
Latina women and their children are also able to obtain legal immigrant status if their
abuser is a U.S citizen or legal permanent resident and does not wish to cooperate. The
VAWA’s battered immigrant provisions do not require that the parties separate to get
immigration relief, but instead gives the battered spouse the power to choose when,
whether, and if it is safe to leave an abusive relationship without having her immigration
status ‘held over her head’ (ibid: 47). Because of this, some battered immigrants have
gotten relief and remained with their spouses, while others have acquired relief and
ultimately left. Nevertheless, funding presents a challenge to Latino communities.

Funding is, ultimately, left up to the coalitions at the state level, but very few coalitions in
the country have bilingual/ bicultural staff (ibid: 47). It is important for those who serve
immigrant and Latino communities to be involved in decision-making regarding funding
allocations.
Conclusively, it is important to remind all who work with battered women and immigrant
communities that they must do what is necessary to improve the lives of battered immigrant
women and their children. This includes members of immigrant communities, battered
women’s advocates, researchers, policy makers, and most importantly, battered immigrant
women must collaborate in designing these efforts. Unfortunately, there is no specific
policy for Latina women; these women are categorised alongside every other woman in the
United States when facing with domestic violence.

CHAPTER 3- METHODOLOGY
Within my research, I used discourse analysis to examine socioeconomic, cultural, and
institutional reasons toward understanding domestic violence in Latina households and the
reasons Latina women remain in abusive relationships. Additionally, I used discourse
analysis for understanding policy within certain texts of my research. Tonkiss (2011: 412)
explains that discourse analysis is an ‘interpretive process’ that relies on ‘close study of
specific texts’, and therefore does not lend itself to hard-and-fast- “rules” of method’.
Simply put, discourse analysis directs our attention to the organisation and the
interpretative detail of given texts (ibid: 412). Similarly, this can be seen as Foucaldian
discourse analysis (FDA), drawing from the writings of Michel Foucault. Essentially,
Foucault tried to identify the relative of ideological underpinnings of dominant
vocabularies that ‘constrain the way in which we think about and act in the world’ (Wooffitt
2008: 448). In FDA, the analysis tends to examine the properties and role of discourses
(Wooffitt 2008: 449). Discourses shape how we might participate in social life because
they ‘furnish social positions’, as well as construct an objective status through the use of
‘particular vocabularies’ (ibid: 449). In FDA, discourses have ‘agency’ because they
‘constitute the objects which populate social life’, and make available subject positions
which ‘constrain individual participation’ (Wooffitt 2008: 450). In my research, it was
also important to consider non-linguistic aspects of discourse, such as values, beliefs,
places, interactions, etc.
Harris et al. (2012: 644) argues that the discourse about IPV (intimate partner violence)
‘reflects ideological dilemmas in available accounts of the relationship between gender and

power’. These discussions of IPV fail to ‘to move beyond individual pathology’ and frame
the relationship between power and gender (Harris et al., 2012: 644-645). I took this into
consideration when analysing each text, as both non-profit organisations in my research
frame domestic violence as male-to-female. These stereotypes reinforce ‘norms’ in a
society where domestic violence is prevalent. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that
both organisations recognise social expectations about masculinity and femininity when
discussing IPV, but fail to remove its context when advising specific policy or
implementing programmes. I examine this inequality in detail in my analysis.
A few of the devices I used for my analysis includes identifying key themes and arguments,
variations and differences, and examining characterisation and agency (Tonkiss 2011: 412-
413). In particular, key themes, arguments, and vocabularies were the most prevalent
instruments when analysing texts. While non-linguistic aspects of discourse are important
in regards to domestic violence, the type of texts used for this research remain straight-
forward, in that they are not meant to be ‘interpreted’ other than the specific meaning laid
out in the text (Wooffitt 2008: 450). It is important to note that in discourse analysis, there
are dominant discourses that privilege ways of seeing and acting in the world that
‘legitimate the power of specific groups’ (Wooffitt 2008: 449). The vocabularies we have
for describing the world brings into play a range of expectations and constraints (ibid: 449).
However, it can be argued that the vocabularies in the texts I researched constitute and re-
affirm a set of normative expectations about ‘appropriate’ ways of categorising the
behavior of human beings, as well as the moral expectations about behavior attendant upon
those categorisations and relationships (Wooffitt 2008: 450). While domestic violence is

a heinous issue that needs to be dealt with at every level and within every culture around
the globe, the research for this analysis still has social agency because it maintains an
objective status, while constructing ways for Latina women to potentially leave their
abusive situations.
For my analysis, I selected three texts from Alianza, a non-profit National Latino Alliance
for the Elimination of Domestic Violence, and three texts from the Texas Council on
Family Violence, a non-profit organisation that works with programs, policy makers, and
people throughout Texas to end family violence and promote safe and healthy
relationships. Within these texts, I looked at the underlying causes behind domestic
violence as well as the cultural implications behind domestic violence in Latina
households. Specifically, I looked at socioeconomic reasons such as poverty, income, and
level of education; cultural reasons such as language barriers, and beliefs to remain loyal
to the family; and institutional reasons such as immigration status, and the legal system.
While these texts presented great accuracy with statistics and their general findings, I
looked at underlying discourses and assumptions in great detail, as well as the overall
message among the reports. I identified key themes and related these to how the
organisations presented their reports with interpretive rigour and internal consistency in
argument, as well as how the organisations made their reports seem ‘true’ or offering an
objective view of a given text.
In Foucauldian discourse analysis, these ‘truths’ are historically specific mechanisms,
which produce discourses that function as true in particular times and places (Foucault

2005). Morgan (2010: 2) defines Foucaldian research as an analysis as the ways in which
a topic has been constructed within a society; an historical analysis of the ‘development of
a specific form of knowledge’. According to Michel Foucault, discourse is a system of
representations involving the production of power/knowledge through language (Morgan
2010:3). To challenge the production of power and knowledge through language is not a
matter of seeking some ‘absolute truth’ (which is in any case a socially produced power),
but ‘of detaching the power of truth from the forms of hegemony, social, economic, and
cultural, within which it operates at the present time’ (Rainbow 1991: 75). I took
Foucault’s ‘regimes of truth’ into consideration when analysing specific texts from Alianza
and the Texas Council on Family Violence with regards to power structures and how this,
in turn, affects the ways in which these organisations construct domestic violence as a
problem in society.
I chose to use the Texas Council on Family Violence, because they are the largest non-
profit in the state of Texas that works on forming policy for domestic violence survivors.
In addition to influencing policy-makers, the TCFV provides support to service providers
(e.g. working with shelters, law enforcement, and judicial servants) to ensure needs of the
victims are met, as well as focusing on awareness, education, and changing the cultural
mindset around issues with gender roles, media coverage of abuse, and other issues that
perpetuate domestic violence. I chose three texts provided by TCFV on their website: ‘The
TCFV Legislative Agenda’, ‘Power and Control Wheel for Immigrant Women’, and
‘Honoring Texas Victims: Family Violence Fatalities in 2013’. I chose these three texts
specifically because they were easily accessible, as well as suitable to my research topic.

For my research, I also chose three texts from a national non-profit organisation, Alianza.
Alianza is a national alliance aimed at addressing concerns about domestic violence among
Latina communities. Alianza knows that a ‘one size’ fits all approach does not fit all
communities and, therefore, works with various communities in the U.S. to eliminate
domestic violence. Alianza’s work has been in four main areas: community education,
policy advocacy, research, and training and technical assistance. I chose to use Alianza
because their organisation recognises each community has specific needs, whereas TCFV
approaches domestic violence in a standard manner. The three texts I chose provided by
Alianza on their website are: ‘Alianza Fact Sheet’, ‘Analytical Framework for Alianza’,
and ‘First National Latino Policy Summit on Domestic Violence’. These three texts were
specifically chosen because of their accessibility and suitability for the research question.
Each of the texts looks specifically at socioeconomic, cultural, and legal reasons as to why
Latina women remain in abusive relationships, and similarly to TCFV, shape how the
Latino population is understood through their organisation.
Additionally, I identified several key limitations in my research. In regards to the texts I
chose for the Texas Council on Family Violence, there were only a few reports written
specifically for Latina women, available in both English and Spanish. The majority of their
reports encompassed all women residing in the state of Texas. However, with Alianza, all
of the texts chosen were written specifically for Latino men and Latina women, indicating
that there is a vast array of options available when researching Latina domestic violence.
I chose only six texts in total between the two organisations, which is a relatively small
number when researching an extensive topic, such as domestic violence. If I were to repeat

the research, I would analyse more texts from a vast number of non-profit organisations,
as well as locate and analyse current policy on domestic violence in the state of Texas.
Furthermore, actual legislative public policy on domestic violence in the state of Texas is
inaccessible. With regard to Latina women, domestic violence policy exists only in the
hands of non-profit organisations, such as Alianza, wishing to influence policy makers in
the hopes of their voices and ideas becoming noticed. Alianza’s latest published report on
policy is from 2000, while many positive strides in domestic violence policy have been
made since at TCFV (Texas Council on Family Violence). This research could have
benefitted from up-to-date policy from both organisations. I recognise the reasons as to
why TCFV includes all women from every ethnic group in their analysis of honoring
victims of domestic violence in Texas, however, women as an umbrella category without
the acknowledgment of specific ethnic groups, dis-includes, or overlooks, women that have
specific needs, such as Latina women. Alianza recognises the differences Latina women
face when dealing with domestic violence, while recommending positive and healthy
changes for both men and women of any community and of any ethnicity. Additionally,
the state of Texas would greatly benefit from a non-profit doing the same work as Alianza,
as Alianza is based in New Mexico.
Finally, discourse analysis can be a productive method of research for analysing policy, as
there are different ways of identifying and characterising discourses in different cultural
contexts, and using this method can often prevent ‘one-sided states of domination’ in order
to ‘promote a two-sided relation of dialogue’ (May 2011: 75). However, it is important to

understand that for texts such as policies aimed to generate social change, using discourse
analysis should not be ‘overcome by theoreticism’, since doing so continues remote
dimensions of practice (May et al 2011: 99). Equally important, when dominant groups
speak on behalf of marginalised people, they are often taking a privileged standpoint and
using rhetoric about the ‘truth ideal’ that is far beyond the grasp of ‘ordinary folk’. (May
et al 2011: 77). Doing so produces an ‘unreflexive attitude’ that portrays a view of reality
‘as if there were no other account available that has any legitimacy’ (ibid: 77). The result
is an ‘assumed one-way relationship’ between ‘the production and reception of knowledge’
such that the public are taken to be ‘deficient’ in their understandings (ibid: 77). In other
words, not separating the cultural from the economic can produce theories that abstract
reality, and thus, exclude alternatives and further the gap between public understandings
of people and events. Instead, when doing social research, biases should be understood
and challenged, along with reflexivity of the method chosen in order to open possibilities
of alternative interpretations and its contribution (May 2011: 78).

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
4.1. The TCFV Legislative Agenda
In preparation for the 84th
Legislative Session in Texas, TCFV carefully prepared an
agenda for which they would be most impactful. Two themes emerged from this agenda:
an increase in funding to solve existing problems and better enforcement of existing
domestic violence laws. The first item on the agenda is ‘The No Red-Tape Bill’, which
aims to have effective procurement of family violence services in the state of Texas. The
legislature in Texas regularly charges state agencies, like the Health and Human Services
Commission (HHSC), to maintain effective supervision of public funds. The procurement
of services for critical human services follows a different approach, which includes
accomplishing effective and efficient service provision by family violence centers. TCFV
recognised that the HHSC was consolidating procurement into one central area of the
agency in the last two years, which lead to:
‘Lengthy delays in the disbursement of life-saving family violence funds which the
Legislature appropriated precisely for this purpose. These new processes also
posed undue barriers to non-profits, particularly in rural areas.’ (TCFV 2015: 1).
Here, TCFV emphasises the important changes the HHSC, whether directly or indirectly,
imposed on their organisation. TCFV acknowledges that this measure places procurement
of family violence services ‘back in alignment’ with previous provisions, implying that this
is a setback for any non-profit organisation in Texas. Additionally, battered women would
greatly benefit from an increase in life-saving family funds. Marginalised women in rural
areas of Texas are currently at a higher risk of femicide due to non-profits being unable to
reach them, as well as accessing services.

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
The second item on the agenda is ‘A Whole School Response to Dating Abuse’, which
turns policy requirements into action for dating abuse. This bill shows Texas’ commitment
to creating safer school campuses using policies to support victims of dating abuse, as well
as require prevention-based awareness education for teachers, students, parents, and school
administrators. However, for nearly eight years there has been an inconsistency in
implementation of the policy. Many school districts have the policy in place, but lack the
action to support affected students or efforts to raise awareness. TCFV notes that:
‘Those who realize teen dating violence remains a problem in Texas and in school
have prioritized the intent of the statutory language to “adopt and implement”
policies.’ (TCFV 2015: 1).
Here, the TCFV emphasises adoption and implementation of policies, as the organisation
understand this to be the main problem among school districts. TCFV calls for the
improvement of campus safety and implementation of awareness education to Texas’ youth
on healthy relationships and dating violence; however, the organisation does not provide
details on how this will be measured within school districts. Furthermore, teen-dating
violence remains a tremendous problem among youths, with an estimated 75 percent of
teenagers aged 16-24 personally experiencing dating violence or know someone who has
(TCFV 2013). Troublingly, 70 percent of pregnant teenagers are abused by their partners
(Texas Advocacy Project 2010). TCFV recognises that unhealthy relationships occur more
frequently between ages 16-24, which explains the urgency of the implementation of
policies in school districts.
The third item on the agenda is ‘Effective Enforcement on Family Violence Protective
Orders’. This bill allows domestic violence victims with protective orders to rely on peace

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
officers to stay safe and hold abusers accountable. TCFV notes that the electronic system
for recording protective orders often fails at providing information to law enforcement
officers. TCFV explains that:
‘The result: violators of protective orders may go free. Survivors of family violence
deserve timely entry of orders into the existing state notification system, a central
repository of information that also feeds into a national database used to enforce
protective orders.’ (TCFV 2015: 1).
It is implied that the current electronic system for providing protective orders is insufficient
in meeting the needs of family violence safety. TCFV notes that expediting deadlines for
those in the system will effectuate quick and proper recording of all family violence
protective orders. This measure will ‘speed up the process’, by allowing electronic
submission for protective orders. Although the statistics vary across studies, in the U.S., a
mere 17.1 percent of physical assault victims and 36.6 percent of stalking victims have
protective orders against their violator (Tjaden, P. G., & Thoennes 2000). This is only a
national statistic; the numbers in Texas may actually be much lower. With this
understanding, TCFV sees the importance of implementing effective measures for
protective orders.
The fourth item on the agenda is ‘Our State’s Commitment to Batterer Re-Education’
programme. This programme allows for all offenders that have pleaded guilty to family
violence in the state of Texas to be referred to complete batterer re-education. Offenders
are required to pay for this service as a part of accountability, however, they may refuse or
fail to pay, or pay on a ‘sliding scale’ depending on their income. TCFV has noted that:
‘Having not experienced an increase to this important funding since 1999, an
increase to this funding would allow programs to make ends meet, expand current

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
services, and add innovative approaches to what they currently do.’ (TCFV 2015:
1).
For many non-profits working with domestic violence survivors and their families, batterer
re-education is an important programme that measures far beyond an offender serving only
jail time, or worse, an offender going free. TCFV recognises that an increase in funding
would greatly improve this programme, as it improves the lives of not only the offenders,
but also the families involved and the rest of the communities.
The fifth item on the agenda is an addition to the ‘Code of Criminal Procedure (CCP) in
Texas’. TCFV understands that domestic violence results from the use of ‘power and
control’ by one intimate partner over another. TCFV states that this occurs ‘over time and
context, and too often happens when other non-physical but still damaging tactics fail
(2015: 1). Currently, prosecutors working on domestic violence cases do not recognise
this concept, as it is not part of the CCP. TCFV states that:
‘The current rules often disallow mention of previous conduct that would help the
jury to understand the nature of the relationship and the batterer’s use of power and
control; in effect, the jury has to make a decision regarding guilt with less than the
full picture. The jury walks away with the wrong impression of the victim as
an exaggerator or otherwise negatively motivated person.’ (ibid: 1).
TCFV may recognise that Latina women have unique challenges when experiencing
domestic violence, but they do not separate them from the rest of the female population
when representing issues and making decisions in public policy. Their abusers will often
use power and control over them, making TCFV’s addition to the CCP an important one if
women wish to fully gain control over their abusive situations. The phrase in bold, ‘the
jury walks away with the wrong impression of the victim’ is understood to be a negative

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
aspect of not allowing the jury to hear more information about the relationship between the
offender and the victim. Thus, the female population of Texas would most likely benefit
from the implementation of this policy, as many Latina women may be unable to speak
English, thus, being unable to represent themselves fully in a domestic violence case.
Furthermore, immigrant women may fear the legal system, and if they decide to actually
testify in court, they may also fear their abuser even if he is removed from her life. The
jury must hear the full story and be aware of certain ways an abuser uses power and control
over a victim. TCFV could provide further discussion of this idea, not only for Latina
women, but for any marginalised ethnic group in Texas.
The last item on the agenda aims to fully fund a safer Texas. TCFV explicitly states that
‘full funding for family violence programs’ remains their ‘number one legislative priority’
(2015: 2). They explain that their commitment to ending family violence depends upon
investing funds into violence programmes, including shelters, nonresidential centers, and
special project sites. While in 2013, over 84,430 women, men, and children received
services from these centres; TCFV noted there still remains a budget issue:
‘The unfortunate reality remains that 31% of adult victims (11,485) requesting
shelter were turned away due to lack of space. In fact, according to a one-day
census of family violence centers, Texas has the highest number of unmet requests
for services compared to any other state in the country. In 2013, 119 Texas women
were killed by their intimate partner- an increase from 2012,’ (TCFV 2015: 2).
Here, it is understood that if Texas women sought shelter from their abusers and were
turned away, they were more likely to then be killed by their intimate partner. An increase
in spending for family violence centres is necessary if TCFV wishes to fulfill its priority

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
of keeping abused women safe. Moreover, the lack of space in shelters means women are
remaining in abusive relationships, without receiving the help they need.
Within this text, TCFV constructs domestic violence as a problem that can be solved
through legislation. They also construct domestic violence as an issue that is male-to-
female only, since that is the dominant view of domestic violence in society. However, by
failing to remove the gender and power structures that exist, TCFV further enforces
stereotypes and legitimises domestic violence. Constructing policy for victims of domestic
violence, in this context, is a way for TCFV to explain that all women’s lives are important
and should be seen as such, but only by looking at risk factors and current policy that
continues to be ineffective.
4.2 Power and Control Wheel for Immigrant Women
The Power and Control Wheel for Immigrant Women is a simple chart provided by TCFV
on their website. It is easy to use and available in Spanish and English. It is called a
‘wheel’ for a reason; the design is circular. Additionally, the symbolism of a wheel could
mean that it is a rotating force of power. Here, the ‘Power and Control Wheel’ represents
perpetual power by an abuser, thus making no one section any different or un- proportional
than the rest; they can be interpreted as equal forms of abuse in the eyes of a victim of
domestic violence.

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
Figure 4.1: Power and Control Wheel for Immigrant Women (Texas Council on Family Violence
2015).
‘Physical Abuse’ outlines the wheel, which implies that it is the outer rim, or most visible
and recognisable signs of abuse. In the first section, ‘Emotional Abuse’, immigration status

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
is extremely important for Latina women to remain with their families in the U.S.
Additionally, the Latino culture values ‘familism’, or loyalty to one’s family, above
anything else (Vidales 2010). An abuser that intentionally says harmful lies to a Latina
women’s family is causing intense emotional damage. Furthermore, an abuser calling a
Latina woman racist names is abusive in that it de-values and degrades her to feel
worthless, thus, making her more susceptible to control and remaining in an abusive
relationship.
‘Economic Abuse’ explains that this type of abuse against immigrant women is
‘threatening to report her if she works “under the table”, and not letting her get job training
or schooling’ (TCFV 2015: 1). An abuser may refuse to let his wife/ girlfriend/ partner
work, or he may demand she gives him the money she earns. This puts a strain on a Latina
woman, as she is unable to have income for herself to escape an abusive situation.
Subsequently, the third section of the wheel is ‘Sexual Abuse’. Sexual abuse against
immigrant women consists of ‘calling her a prostitute… or alleging she has a history of
prostitution on legal papers’ (2015: 1). Additionally, sexual abuse is when an abuser
forcing his wife/ girlfriend/ partner to have sex with him when she does not want to.
Allegations of prostitution can affect a Latina woman’s immigration status, as prostitution
is illegal in the U.S., and consequently she would be deported. These are yet further means
of control over an immigrant woman, thus making it remarkably difficult for her to escape
her abuser.

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
An abuser may ‘threaten to take her children away from the U.S., and/ or threaten to report
her children to the INS (Immigration and Naturalization Service)’ (TCFV 2015: 1). As
mentioned above, ‘familism’ has strong influence over Latina women, including protecting
her children from harm (Vidales 2010). Additionally, if a Latina woman and her children
are in transit immigration wise, reporting their status to INS can cause serious damage,
such as deportation or being separated from her children. Even if the abuser is lying, the
INS may investigate the situation and possibly separate her from her children.
Additionally, as outlined in the chart, threats made to a Latina woman by her abuser include
‘threatening to report her to the INS to get her deported, and threatening to withdraw the
petition to legalise her immigration status’ (TCFV 2015: 1). In each scenario, the abuser
is finding ways to maintain control and keep the victim from reporting any abuse.
An abuser may use citizenship or residency privilege against an immigrant woman by
‘failing to file papers to legalize her immigration status, and/ or withdrawing or threatening
to withdraw papers filed for her residency’ (TCFV 2015: 1). If an abuser fails to file certain
papers to legalise immigration status or threaten to withdraw papers filed for her residency,
he is asserting dominance and control over his victim. Furthermore, if an abuser uses
intimidation by hiding or destroying important documents, they are once again asserting
dominance, as well as having power over her as she will be without necessary documents,
such as her ID cards, passport, and/ or health care card. An immigrant woman unable to
obtain her health card poses many concerns, since she will be unable to afford high costs
of emergency room or hospital bills if she falls ill or needs urgent medical attention.

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
The final section of the wheel is ‘Isolation’. This includes ‘isolating her from friends,
family, or anyone who speaks her language, and/ or not allowing her to learn English’
(TCFV 2015: 1). Isolation is a common feeling among battered women, as they feel they
have no one to turn to or no one to understand their situation (Bonilla-Santiago 1996: 230).
In addition to feeling isolated, an immigrant woman unable to learn English at the hands
of her abuser can be very dangerous. Not only is she not allowed to work due to not
speaking English, she is unable to contact law enforcement or a lawyer that would be able
to help her situation. The combination of feeling isolated from both family and friends,
and from not learning English can leave a battered immigrant woman very detached and
hidden from society. There are many non-profit organisations that have or aim to establish
Spanish speaking centres, as well as have counselors that speak Spanish, but many
organisations continue to fail to have bilingual/bicultural staff (Alianza 2000: 47).
Overall, through this document, TCFV constructs domestic violence as an issue immigrant
women face against immigrant or non-immigrant men. They explain specific definitions
of abuse for women that might be unaware of these particular forms of abuse, or if they are
unsure if their experiences constitute abuse. The ‘Power and Control Wheel’ is TCFV’s
way of reaching out to immigrant women that might not have access to shelters or services
they provide. Additionally within this text, TCFV explains that domestic violence is
structured socioeconomically, culturally, and institutionally/legally. The ‘Power and
Control Wheel’ shows that domestic violence is interconnected through different societal
factors that affect the reasons Latina women remain in abusive relationships.

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
4.3 Honoring Texas Victims: Family Violence Fatalities in 2013
This document consists of three key elements; an analysis of TCFV’s findings from 2013,
promising practices aimed at challenging violence against women, and emotional
narratives of women killed by their intimate partner in 2013. TCFV notes in their
methodology that their hope is for:
‘Our communities, policy makers, and other key players should find motivation and
insight to develop and employ successful strategies to stop these tragic acts from
occurring.’ (2013: 3).
Additionally, TCFV explains that they ‘hold tight’ to the belief that family violence deaths
are identifiable, knowable, and preventable. This analysis will look closely at their findings
from this document and how they relate to Latina women.
TCFV’s analysis begins with age characteristics and statistics of the women that were
killed in 2013 by their intimate partner. Victims aged 30-39 represent the most ‘prevalent’
age group, followed by victims aged 20-29, and 40-49 (2013: 5). However, young women
from ages 16-24 are particularly vulnerable to intimate partner violence, experiencing
abuse at almost ‘three times the national average’ compared to other age groups. TCFV
notes that adolescent femicide accounts for 7 percent of the women killed in the United
States in 2012, but does not give a definition of what ‘femicide’ is (2013: 4). TCFV simply
uses the term without explaining the connotations behind it, such as the term being used to
describe a hate crime. Here, it can be understood that TCFV uses ‘femicide’ to portray the
message that men are killing women simply because they are women (Russel 2001). TCFV
wants to convey how women’s lives are not seen as important in a patriarchal society, thus,
women are more susceptible to violence because of their gender.

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
While age is an important characteristic when analysing domestic violence victims, it is
particularly intriguing that ethnicity was not included as a part of TCFV’s ‘Honoring’
project. Their analysis includes topics such as the victim’s relationship status with
perpetrators, month of victimisation, fatalities by county in Texas, location of murder,
means of death, and offender status. Additionally, murder-suicide and familicide, related
victims, witnesses, and bystanders, deaths not included, and understanding service
provisions across the state, are also main categories. These topics in particular are
important to understanding domestic violence by county breakdown and differences
between counties in Texas; however, they do not particularly focus on the victim’s specific
needs. According to the Texas Women’s Foundation, 37 percent of women living in Texas
are Latina (Valdez 2013). This number continues to increase annually, and 27 of the 199
narratives at the end of TCFV’s document are Latina. So, why is age and not ethnicity
seen as important when representing the victims?
It could be that TCFV perceives solidarity as the most important aspect when representing
domestic violence victims. However, if solidarity is their focus, would they not want to
also focus on specific needs each ethnicity may require for the purpose of confirming
unification among all women in Texas? For Latina women, specifically, they may require
personnel in counseling, and/ or shelter services that speak Spanish and are tailored to
cultural differences. Despite the specific attributes necessary for Latina women, often
when we talk of Latina women it makes them ‘othered’. It is possible this could be the
reason TCFV feels it is necessary to overlook ethnicity and consider age as important.
Nevertheless, TCFV could have included ethnicity with an explanation of the necessity of

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
examining cultural differences, so that women in Texas, regardless of their ethnicity or age,
feel safe to turn a non-profit for help and encouragement. Without this, many
socioeconomic, cultural, and legal factors may unintentionally be overlooked.
Furthermore, it is important to consider the use of the word ‘honoring’ within TCFV’s
document. The emotional work of individuals at the end of the document proves that there
are women worth being honored, however, a collection of statistics regarding the victims
means of death, age, county with the highest number of fatalities, location of murder, and
offender status does not particularly give the impression of ‘honor’. Looking closely, it is
possible that TCFV is personalising their policy- it has statistics, ways of challenging
violence against women legally, and appeals to the emotional side of anyone reading the
document. However, it is also important to consider that TCFV’s document is useful for
safety and prevention. By amplifying the voices of those killed by an intimate partner,
along with providing statistics without sensationalising the realities of domestic violence
situations, TCFV is effectively communicating promising strategies toward better
outcomes for women in Texas. It is important to note that TCFV has reported their
‘Honoring’ project since 2009, and believes it is wise to be as comprehensive and thorough
as possible so that first time readers may have a reference point for understanding the
impact of domestic violence in Texas (2013: 22).
Interestingly, the CEO of TCFV explains that over the years, the ‘Honoring’ project has
started to add tributes of the women killed, as well as began to include their analysis for
intervention and prevention approaches (TCFV 2013: 23). She continues to explain that

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
their 2010 report included a ‘tally of bystanders in the course of the murder of their female
intimate partner’, after they received feedback explaining they are not ‘telling the full story’
by leaving out bystander victims (TCFV 2013: 22). TCFV felt it was necessary to continue
to improve their ‘Honoring’ project, and used feedback as determining factors for what to
include. The CEO notes that their project usually begins with statistical information, or
rather ‘unfortunate quick facts’, and then they address specific trends and realities
regarding domestic violence in Texas (TCFV 2013: 23). An example of two women, who
lost their adult daughters to domestic violence, told TCFV their work was very beneficial;
TCFV is refusing to allow these women’s daughters (and the rest of the victims’) ‘senseless
deaths to tarnish their beautiful memories’ (2013: 23). TCFV continues to include more
sections in their ‘Honoring’ project each year due to the growing epidemic of domestic
violence in the state of Texas, as well as continuing to include each victim’s story, since it
is beneficial toward promoting safety and prevention.
4.4 Alianza’s Domestic Violence Fact Sheet
The domestic violence fact sheet provided by Alianza is essential in providing awareness
for the general population, including Latino communities. Alianza states that ‘on average,
more than three women a day are murdered in the United States. Each year, IPV results in
an estimated 1,200 deaths’ (2010: 1). This is consistent with TCFV’s ‘Honoring’ report,
which further explains that ‘approximately 10 percent of all femicides occur in Texas
yearly’ (2013: 4). Additionally, statistics for the general U.S. population explain that
domestic violence impacts a woman’s health, such as having an increased likelihood of
having a stroke, heart disease, asthma, and alcoholism, compared to women that are not

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
abused (Alianza 2010: 1). Medical and health care costs are also a concern, such as
intimate partner rape, physical assault, and stalking, as they exceed $5.8 billion in total
each year. One of every four homeless women in the U.S. is without a home because of
violence committed against her. Of the 30 percent of workplaces with a violence policy,
44 percent have a policy to address violence in the workplace (2010: 1). All of these
statistics are useful tools for policy makers, since they accurately portray the urgency for
better laws, bills, and other policy for domestic violence survivors. A non-profit, such as
Alianza, providing current factual information for policy makers shows commitment in
addressing the root causes of domestic violence.
Socioeconomic factors have significant influence among the battered general population.
Domestic violence rates are higher among families below the poverty level in the U.S.
(Alianza 2010: 1). Alianza’s studies (2010: 1) have shown that ‘people with annual
incomes below $25,000 are at a 3 times higher risk is IPV than people with annual incomes
over $50,000’. Alianza highlights the importance of government support, safety options,
and access to necessary services for battered women. This is necessary for policy makers
since they are able to implement safety plans for men, women and children. Women in
poverty face difficulties affording healthcare or having enough income to provide for
personal support, so if they are abused they may have to remain in the relationship and risk
their safety. Furthermore, an immigrant Latina woman living in poverty may be reliant on
her husband to provide, or may be expected to give her husband the income she earns from
working. This type of control creates a cycle for these women, making it difficult to leave.
By Alianza providing policy makers with information regarding the safety of women in

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
poverty in abusive relationships, they are effectively communicating the urgency of
implementing policy as quickly as possible so that women across the U.S. are able to access
shelters or services in order to leave the relationship at a safe time.
Domestic violence not only affects men and women; it also affects children and youth. An
estimated 15.5 million U.S. children live in families with partner violence occurring at least
once, and 7 million children live in families in which severe partner violence has occurred
(Alianza 2010: 1). Children in domestic violence households can suffer physical abuse,
sexual abuse, psychological maltreatment, neglect, and medical neglect. Children that
experience childhood trauma, including witnessing occurrences of domestic violence, have
a greater risk of adult health problems, such as substance abuse, obesity, cancer,
depression, heart disease, as well as unintended pregnancy (2010: 1). Furthermore, females
that are exposed to their parents’ domestic violence as adolescents are ‘significantly more
likely to become victims of dating violence than daughters of nonviolent parents’ (2010:
2). It is important to recognise that without proper counseling or treatment, the possibility
of violence becoming cyclical in a person’s life is exceedingly more of a risk than a person
that has not experienced violence as a child. Additionally, it is important that policy makers
recognise the potential for cyclical violence and take steps to prevent such violence from
reoccurring. Furthermore, domestic violence among dating youths should be
acknowledged by policy makers with the intent to enforce programmes among school
districts, keep the programmes current, and refuse to allow funding cuts for domestic
violence education.

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
The final two sections of the fact sheet, domestic violence in Latino communities and
understanding domestic violence in Latino communities, focus on cultural factors toward
understanding domestic violence and reasons Latina women may remain in abusive
relationships. Accurate statistics regarding domestic violence in Latino communities are
quite hard to obtain and national studies often produce conflicting results (Alianza 2010:
3). Despite this, it is important to note that domestic violence is a serious and damaging
problem not only in Latino communities, but it other ethnic and racial groups as well. A
study of immigrant Latina women showed that 48 percent of Latinas reported an increase
in IPV since they immigrated to the U.S. (2010: 4). Immigration status is one of the main
reasons a Latina woman remains in an abusive relationship. The abuser often uses their
partner’s immigration status as a ‘tool’ of control, which is concurrent with TCFV’s reports
on immigrant domestic violence. Additionally, discrimination and lack of bilingual/
bicultural staff have led to an ‘under utilization of shelters and other domestic violence
services’ for Latinas affected by domestic violence (ibid: 4). The fear of deportation is the
primary reason for 64 percent of Latinas from seeking help with social service agencies.
While there are numerous reasons a Latina woman may remain in an abusive relationship,
Alianza notes the urgency for battered immigrant women. Their aim is to explain the
underlying causes of domestic violence so that policy makers can make specific policy
tailored to the specific needs of Latina women.
While it is important that every marginalised group receives appropriate policy for their
benefit and safety, Alianza focuses on Latina women because they are the largest minority
population in the United States (Cabera et al., 2013: 9). Attempting to understand domestic

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
violence in the Latino community must be accepted within the historical context in which
it occurs. The Latino community in the United States has faced:
‘Multiple oppressions (some of which began centuries ago) such as poverty,
discrimination, racism, colonization, classism, homophobia, etc., makes it
imperative that domestic violence not be viewed as a one dimensional
phenomenon.’ (2010: 4).
Domestic violence in any community is an important social issue that requires research,
policy, advocacy, and intersectionality. Domestic violence is constructed through this text
by interrelating socioeconomic and cultural issues, similar to TCFV’s ‘Power and Control
Wheel’. Alianza advocates for a strong, family-centered community that works toward
eliminating violence in a culturally competent and respectful manner. It is important for
policy makers to understand cultural differences and shift focus from the ‘individual
abused woman (or even the batterer or the couple)’, and focus on the community that
affects and is affected by domestic violence (2010: 4). More specifically, advocating for
culturally specific batterer intervention programmes in Latino communities can teach
individuals that domestic violence is a human rights violation and that change must begin
from inside the home, with zero toleration of violence that is accepted and perceived as
normal in society.
4.5 Analytical Framework for Alianza
The sociological reasons for this document are meant to spur discussion about domestic
violence in order to raise awareness and understanding, generate new solutions for Latino
communities that are family and community focused, and show that the reasons for
domestic violence in every community are deeply connected and must be understood in a
larger, global context in order to be changed. One of the main causes of domestic violence

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
in Latino communities is that there is an acceptance of violence and aggression as attributes
of manhood, as well as living in a society that condones and glorifies violence (Alianza
n.d.: 1). Domestic violence is a societal problem; it is not just a family problem or a
problem of masculinity, but a structural issue in our society, and therefore, should be
approached as such. Failing to recognise domestic violence as a societal problem further
isolates communities and families. Alianza recognises this and includes the oppressive
patriarchal reasons as to why men commit violent acts against women:
‘Latino men who batter are influenced by oppressive patriarchal traditions and
models of masculinity and manhood that are widespread in our cultures and society.
In addition, the multiple oppressions that many men in our communities experience
intensify oppressive conduct in intimate relationships and complicate the change
process for them.’ (ibid: 1).
One of the most challenging, yet important, solutions for domestic violence policy makers
in Latino communities is to be aware of how batterers are ‘othered’ in society. Viewing
them only as perpetrators, and not as individuals, with the ability to stabilise their violent
behaviour only perpetuates stereotypes and increases the likelihood of violence reoccurring
in the future.
Furthermore, the predominant response and treatment for Latino men that batter is
criminalisation and arrest. While this is seen an important role for the safety of the victims,
criminalisation and arrest disconnect men from society and places them in a system that
they and their community mistrust (Alianza n.d.: 2). The criminal justice system further
disconnects men and women by failing to consider loyalty toward family and the desire to
fulfill the role of husband and father as ‘curative and preventative factors’ for violence in
households (n.d.: 2). There are also multiple other oppressions that Latino men and Latina

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
women endure. These oppressions range from lack of education or employment, drug and
alcohol abuse, lack of affordable housing or childcare services, language and cultural
barriers, immigration issues, mental health issues, and many others. Negotiating through
socioeconomic oppressors is a complex barrier that limits access to services and change
throughout communities. Consequently, it increases the risk of violence for Latina women.
Additionally, for Latina women, placing emphasis on battered women’s shelters as the
‘primary means of achieving safety’ and removing them and their children from other
systems of support is insensitive and discriminatory (Alianza n.d.: 2). Shelters play an
important and life-saving role for women, however, it is necessary to consider community
based options and alternatives for Latina survivors of domestic violence. Shelters should
also understand that family is at the ‘center’ of Latino culture, and separation between
family members can be traumatic and cause further unintended consequences.
Taking a further look at Alianza’s solutions for combatting domestic violence in Latino
communities, it is important to point out that advocacy for IPV will continue as long as
violence is accepted in society and treated as a normal part of masculinity. Domestic
violence is structural problem in society, meaning that certain influences allow its
continuation. In the United States, violence in any form is accepted and illustrated in
popular culture, such as the media, movies, television, music, etc. While Latina women
face specific oppressors that may differ from Caucasian women, as long as the society
permits violence in popular culture, it will continue to be embedded in the nation’s
subconscious and therefore, acknowledged as something that is unchangeable among every

CHAPTER 4- ANALYSIS
ethnicity. Domestic violence can be changed, but its existence is profoundly structurally
embedded that it often seems impossible. While Alianza advocates for individual
communities to ‘rise up’ and take responsibility for their actions in order for change to
happen, certain grassroots organisations can be seen as helping from a distance.
For example, most organisations offer a 24-hour hotline for women to call if they are in
danger, and while they direct women to the authorities, they try to offer help over the
telephone by explaining definitions of abuse and how to leave an abusive relationship. This
can be extremely helpful for the women that need these services, however, these
organisations can only offer a certain amount of help and do not challenge domestic
violence as a structural issue in society. Women deserve realistic change where the root of
domestic violence occurs. Some legitimacy may lay in the knowledge that many men and
women believe so deeply in their cultural characteristics, such as loyalty to the family, that
change is not always reachable; coupled with multiple oppressors from systematic failures
in the U.S., change can further be prevented among communities, let alone on a national
scale.
Similar to Alianza’s fact sheet, domestic violence is constructed as an issue in this text
socioeconomically and culturally. One culturally sensitive solution Alianza offers is to
‘take into account the importance of spirituality’ of Latino culture (n.d.: 4). The importance
of this is to acknowledge differences in religious beliefs among Latinos and explain that
there is often a ‘pervading sense of connection… of having a connected belief in something
greater than our individual selves’ (n.d.: 4). Alianza explains that this is due to their

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