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BA3 WAR STUDIES DISSERTATION COVER SHEET
Name Kristina Elisa Raggl
StudentNo 1303158
Date 6th
of April, 2016
Dissertationtitle The All-ChinaWomen’s Federation: CCP Lapdog or Advocate for Women?
An Exploration of Socialisation Processes and Women’s Rights in the
Middle Kingdom.
Word count 9990
Dissertationsupervisor Dr. Konstantinos Tsimonis
Secondmarker Vivienne X. Guo
My dissertation research involved the participation of
human subjects,and therefore needs Research Ethics
clearance
No
I have obtained and attached:
 The statement of approval atthe appropriatelevel of clearance
[high risk or Low risk] from the Research Ethics committee and
 A transcripts of the interviews
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The act of submittingthis essay confirms thatI have read and understand the college guidanceon
plagiarism,and agree with the followingstatement:
This assignmentis entirely my own work. Quotations from secondary literatureareindicated by the useof
inverted commas around ALL such quotations AND by reference in the text or notes to the author concerned.
ALL primary and secondary literatureused in this pieceof work is indicated in the bibliography placed atthe
end, and dependence upon ANY sourceused is indicated atthe appropriatepointin the text. I confirmthat no
sources havebeen used other than those stated.
I UNDERSTAND WHAT IS MEANT BY PLAGIARISM AND HAVE SIGNED THE DECLARATION CONCERNING THE
AVOIDANCE OF PLAGIARISM. I UNDERSTAND THAT PLAGIARISM IS A SERIOUS EXAMINATIONS OFFENCE THAT
MAY RESULT IN DISCIPLINARY ACTION BEING TAKEN.

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“The most highly praised woman is the one about whom no one speaks.” (Chinese Proverb)
The All-China Women’s Federation – CCP Lapdog or True Advocate for Women
An Exploration of Socialisation Processes and Women’s Rights in the Middle Kingdom1
Bachelor Thesis Kristina Elisa Raggl
King’s College London, Department of War Studies
6th
of April, 2016
1
Cover Sheet pictures retrieved from Pictureleft: http://liberationschool.org/wp-
content/uploads/2014/08/china_human-nature.pngand Picture right:
http://feministing.com/2015/03/09/chinese-police- detain-feminist-activists-ahead-of-international-womens-
day?

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Tableof Contents
List of Abbreviations ....................................................................................................................4
Acknowledgements......................................................................................................................4
Introduction.................................................................................................................................5
Literature Review.........................................................................................................................7
Theoretical Approaches .........................................................................................................8
The Paradox of the ACWF ......................................................................................................8
Socialisation Theory............................................................................................................. 10
Methodology............................................................................................................................. 12
Chinese Feminism FacesGlobalisation........................................................................................ 13
The ACWF........................................................................................................................... 14
The Beijing Conference ........................................................................................................ 14
The Legacy.......................................................................................................................... 17
The ACWF – A Paradox in and of itself?....................................................................................... 20
The relationship with the CCP............................................................................................... 20
Family Planning and Women Empowerment? ....................................................................... 21
Leftover Women and Remnants of the Past........................................................................... 23
Broader Lessons......................................................................................................................... 26
The transformative impact of socialisation............................................................................ 27
A global powerhouse........................................................................................................... 27
Taming thedragon.............................................................................................................. 28
Ghostsfrom the past ........................................................................................................... 29
Conclusion................................................................................................................................. 30
Appendix................................................................................................................................... 32
Bibliography.............................................................................................................................. 36

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List of Abbreviations
ACWF All-China Women’s Federation
CCP Chinese Communist Party
FWCW Fourth World Conference on Women
PRC People’s Republic of China
Acknowledgements
I would like to use this opportunity to express my gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Konstantinos
Tsimonis. His valuable support and guidance throughout the research and writing stages of this
dissertationhave beenveryhelpfulandhighlyappreciated. Iwouldalsolike to thank my family and
friendsfortheirencouragementandsupportatany (!) time aswell astheirendurance inreadingthe
multiple drafts of my BA thesis.

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Abstract. Thisthesisexamines the efficacy of the ACWF and its adaptation since the 1980s through
the lensof socialisationtheory.The analysisemploysatriangularframework basedon global forces,
authoritarianism, and traditional values to account for the ACWF’s paradoxical nature as a Party
organ and largestwomen’sNGO.Thiswill reveal that the ACWF is not simply the lapdog of the CCP
but hasasserteditself asthe legitimate representative of Chinese womenbeingable to create space
for advocacy.It has engagedinsocialisingprocesseswiththe international community and come to
establish a symbiotic relationship with the CCP. Thus, an examination of the ACWF requires more
than a simple black-box narrative. However, the authoritarian regime and the resurgence of
traditional valuesstill constrainthe workof the ACWF. The study establishes four broad lessons for
analyses of authoritarian institutions: (1) the relevance of socialisation processes in terms of
reforming the authoritarian actor and having an impact on state policies; (2) the significance of
international institutionsand global influences; (3) the impact of the authoritarian context; and (4)
the importance of cultural values, identity and past legacies. Thus, the case of the ACWF
demonstrates the necessity to study authoritarian institutions through multiple frameworks,
underscored by socialisation theory, in order to appreciate the complex dynamics of the former’s
adaptation.
Keywords: ACWF – State Feminism – Socialisation – China – Authoritarianism – Global Forces –
Traditional Values
Introduction
Chinese women have recently experienced a backlash to their rights and achievements. The
onset of economic reforms and the demographic repercussions of the One-Child-Policy have
led to a series of detrimental consequences for Chinese women (Fincher, 2014). These
developments include the discrimination against women in the labour market and the
persistence of patriarchal thinking and structures, particularly in rural areas (Tsimonis, 2015;
Fincher, 2014; Woo 1994). Thus, Mao Zedong’s infamous statement that “women hold up
half the sky”, speaking to the Communist Party’s commitment to gender equality, could not
be further from reality (ibid). This failure of state-sponsored feminism to combat the
widening gender gap in the wake of market reforms and its significant short-comings in truly
empowering Chinese women, becomes even more appalling when considering that the
Middle Kingdom has a state institution devoted to the representation of women: the All-
China Women’s Federation (ACWF, Fulian) (Fincher, 2014). Since its establishment in 1949,
the ACWF displayed a significant commitment to the feminist cause, playing a crucial role in

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the enactment of the recent ‘Anti-Domestic Violence Law’ and promoting a discourse of
women as capable of achieving anything (Tsimonis, 2015). Nevertheless, “China’s largest
NGO, also remains a Leninist transmission belt”, being involved in gender discriminatory
practices such as the implementation of family planning and the leftover women campaign
(ibid). How can such discrepancies be explained and do the failures of Fulian render the
institution an ineffective advocate for women? Can the work of the ACWF and its
development be contextualised in the broader framework of socialisation and global
influences in the aftermath of China’s opening up processes? Crucially, will the ACWF re-
assert itself as the legitimate advocate for Chinese women or will the latter face a further
deterioration of their situation?
Thus, this thesis sets out to answer the aforementioned questions in an attempt to account
for the paradoxical nature of Fulian. It will be argued that the effectiveness of the ACWF in
representing the interests of Chinese women cannot simply be characterised in a black or
white manner. Rather, it is necessary to account for the different dynamics underlying the
ACWF. Hence, it will be maintained that an examination of the ACWF should take into
account three main factors: (1) global influences and socialisation processes; (2) the
constraints imposed by the authoritarian context; and (3) the persistence and exploitation
of traditional, Confucian values. Additionally, it will be demonstrated that the socialisation
processes with the international feminist movement since the 1980s provided the backdrop
against which the adaptation of the ACWF must be contextualised. Thus, the analysis will be
situated in the broader framework of socialisation theory. In short, it will be maintained that
whilst the ACWF is constrained by the authoritarian regime, there is more to the
organisation than the mere CCP lapdog narrative. In fact, the ACWF has come to successfully
utilise governmental channels and a global network to advocate for its constituency.
For clarity, the remainder of this paper is structured as follows. First, the choice of
socialisation theory for the present analysis will be explained, highlighting its potential to
elucidate the adaptation of authoritarian institutions. This section will also provide an
overview of the existing literature and situate this thesis within it. Secondly, the

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methodology will be elaborated on. Thirdly, the interactions between the international
feminist movement and the ACWF will be illustrated. The Fourth World Conference on
Women (FWCW) and the legacy of the related socialisation processes will be highlighted, in
particular. The fourth section will illuminate the inherent paradox of the ACWF as being a
state institution and women’s NGO. The section will evaluate the relationship between the
ACWF and the CCP and discuss the persistence of traditional values. In this regard, the
recent leftover women campaign will also be elaborated on. The fifth section will serve to
deduct four broad lessons for the adaptation of authoritarian institutions from the case of
the ACWF. These are: (1) the relevance of socialisation processes in terms of reforming the
authoritarian actor and having an impact on state policies; (2) the significance of
international institutions and global influences; (3) the impact of the authoritarian context;
and (4) the importance of cultural values, identity and past legacies. The concluding
paragraph will summarise the main findings and point out areas for further research, thus
making a contribution to the study of authoritarian institutions in International Relations
more broadly.
Literature Review
“Nan zu whai, nu zhu nei” is Mandarin for “man outside, women in the home” and is still a
frequently employed phrase in modern day China (Howell 2002, p. 49). This is expressive of
the fact that despite the CCP’s commitment to obtaining equality between men and women,
Chinese women are still far from “holding up half the sky” (ibid). The ACWF is the
government agency responsible for ensuring women’s rights and empowerment since its
establishment in 1949 (Tsimonis 2015, p.3; ACWF Website). However, scholars such as Leta
Hong Fincher (2014), argue that Fulian has failed to fulfil its task due to the constraints the
ACWF faces by the CCP. Contextualised in a broader theoretical framework, the ACWF can
be categorised as an authoritarian state institution and sub-state actor (Tsimonis, 2015).
This is because the ACWF was declared the largest women’s NGO in China in 1995, despite
remaining an organ of the Party (Zheng and Zhang, 2010, pp. 43-45).

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Theoretical Approaches
As China is an authoritarian state, many scholars adopt a realist approach in examining its
policy-making. According to Kenneth Waltz, anarchy is the main characteristic of the
international system (Waltz, 2010). Thus, states find themselves in a Hobbesian state of
nature having to rely on themselves for survival (ibid). Accordingly, John Mearsheimer
points out that states compete with each other for power to increase their chances of
survival (Mearsheimer, 2001). In regards to China, such analyses aim to explain her foreign
policy behaviour concerning, for instance, aggressiveness in the South-China Sea
(Mearsheimer, 2004).
However, neoliberal scholars, such as Keohane (1989) and Hempson-Jones (2001), argue
that realism fails to comprehend China’s behaviour, as economic impetuses and
membership in international institutions compromise the logic of the rational actor model
(ibid). Whilst the neoliberal theory provides a better understanding of China’s behaviour in
terms of foreign policy, as it accounts for a less rigid conception of sovereignty and the
impact of international norms and rules, it also overlooks a central element in
understanding Chinese policies: the role of sub-state actors.
Arguably, both strands of theories dismiss the former on the basis of China’s authoritarian
nature. As Sun (2011) argues, the role of domestic factors in the Middle Kingdom is weak as
the CCP rules by strict controls and censorship. Further, policy decisions are made by the
Politburo – an elite circle of people – who are more concerned with maintaining their power
than pleasing the public (ibid). Nevertheless, the dynamics underlying China’s policy-making
are much more complex than state-centred approaches may suggest. The All-China
Women’s Federation is an intriguing example of the influence sub-state actors have on
authoritarian regimes.
The Paradox of the ACWF
The ACWF presents a paradox in the literature. Whilst most scholars perceive the
organisation as strong-armed by the Party, despite some positive effects on women
(Fincher, Howell, Manning, Hershatter), others (Tsimonis, Wesoky) have come to appreciate

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the different nuances that characterise the work of the women’s organisation. Leta Hong
Fincher’s most recent book, “Leftover Women”, provides a critical account of the ACWF as a
state institution utilised to promote government policy regarding women (Fincher, 2014). In
fact, the ACWF even promoted policies and campaigns that were fatal to the feminist cause
(ibid). A case in point is the leftover women initiative that perpetuates a stigma against
unmarried women older than 27 as “left-over, career driven, and immoral” (ibid, pp.14-44).
Interestingly, the campaign employs Confucian values to promote this traditionalist image of
women (ibid). As Leung (2003) explains, the persistence of Confucian values – particularly in
rural areas – is utilised by the Party and ACWF to perpetuate an image of Chinese women as
“good wives and mothers.” This re-emergence of Confucian values is vital for an
understanding of Chinese feminism, particularly in regards to the ACWF’s exploitation of it.
Du Jie (2004) is another scholar who adopts a negative perception towards the ACWF.
According to her, in addition to being a puppet of the Party, the ACWF also promotes an
image of gender equality that effectively holds women to a male standard (ibid).
Additionally, Jude Howell (2010) maintains that the reform era has further marginalised
women and that the ACWF has not been able to effectively counteract these developments.
Despite being well positioned within the regime, obtaining a leading role in governmental
agencies such as the Committee for Children and Women and maintaining beneficial ties
with media outlets to promote its policies, the ACWF remains constrained by the CCP (ibid;
Howell, 2003, pp. 199-201).
Conversely, Wesoky (2001) argues that China’s increased engagement with the global
community led to an improvement of the ACWF’s work. According to him, the interactions
with the international feminist movement have broadened the space for women advocacy
(ibid). This argument is supported by Angeloff and Lieber (2012) who perceive the 1995
FWCW as a crucial event in the evolution of the ACWF. It led the latter to push for increased
autonomy and made a positive contribution to women’s rights in China. Furthermore,
Wesoky perceives the relationship to the CCP more as a symbiosis in which both sides
mutually benefit from each other (Wesoky 2001). A recent account of the ACWF by Tsimonis
highlights the importance of “purposeful cadre agency-driven initiatives” that can co-exist
within the constraints imposed by the CCP and create a space for women’s advocacy

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(Tsimonis, 2015). In this regard, the author emphasises the importance of socialisation
processes among cadres within the international women’s movement (ibid). The utilisation
of socialisation theory as an analytical tool to explain the paradoxical nature of the ACWF –
being both an advocate for women and a Party organ - is indeed of great theoretical value.
Socialisation Theory
Considering the aforementioned arguments regarding the utility of realist and neoliberal
theories in explaining Chinese policies and their disregard to the role of sub-state actors, it
becomes apparent that for the purposes of this thesis a different theoretical background
must be given. As the ACWF has arguably benefitted from interactions with the
international feminist movement and effectively ‘learnt’ from it, socialisation theory is best
equipped in explaining these processes and illustrate their effect on the Federation’s work
and in turn also the PRC’s policies regarding women. According to Johnston (2008, p. xiii)
“actors who enter into a social interaction, rarely emerge the same.” Thus, Johnston defines
socialisation processes as broadly involving “preference formation and change, national
identity formation, creation and diffusion of, and compliance with international norms, and
the effects of international institutions (Johnston, 2008, p. 1). Importantly, he analyses two
main factors regarding the process. Firstly, socialisation usually applies to “novices” and
involves some degree of “teaching” (Johnston, 2008, p.21). The latter is followed by micro-
processes, which Johnston classifies as “mimicking”, which often lead to an internalisation
of the conveyed norm and rules by the respective actor (ibid). This corresponds to
Alderson’s definition of socialisation as “the process by which states internalise norms
arising elsewhere in the international system” (Alderson, 2001, p. 417). As Finnemore and
Sikkink point out, socialisation processes are integral to norm acceptance and internalisation
(Finnemore and Sikkink, 1995, p. 895). Particularly the latter can have a transformative
impact on the behaviour of the actor (ibid, p. 902). According to Goodman and Jinks states
can be socialised by three main mechanisms: “coercion, persuasion, and acculturation”
(Goodman and Jinks, 2004, p. 623). Persuasion, which involves “social learning and
information conveyance,” is likely to be the most effective tool (ibid, p. 635).
In terms of China’s socialisation, it is interesting to consider the divergent accounts of
scholars. Johnston (2008), for example, analyses China’s engagement with security regimes

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and maintains that the socialisation processes were successful. According to Elizabeth
Economy, on the other hand, China is perceived to be sceptical of international regimes and
norms, thus, does not fully participate in socialisation processes (Economy, 2001). Samuel
Kim has an even more prosaic approach, arguing that China’s behaviour must be understood
in terms of the “maxi-mini principle” (Kim 1992, pp. 140-157). The latter posits that the PRC
engages with international institutions to maximise its benefits while committing to minimal
responsibility (ibid). This becomes particularly apparent when considering the PRC’s militant
preservation of control over the normative climate in the Middle Kingdom (Kent, 2002, p.
345). This is supported by Chan, who argues that the unique aspect of China’s engagement
in international institutions is that the state remains the central actor (Chan, 1995, p. 7.5).
Whilst Chan acknowledges that China’s approach has become more dynamic and functional
following a “transform-reform-conform” pattern since the reform era, it is still highly
selective (ibid). Most scholars of socialisation theory, particularly when employed in the
context of China, focus on the state level. However, as Zhongying (2004, p. 340) maintains
the interactions on the international level can have a significant effect on domestic actors
and debates. In this respect socialisation can “take certain policy options of the menu”
(ibid). Hence, socialisation requires a process of internalisation motivated by normative
means focusing on “patterns of compliance rather than immediate policy change” (ibid).
This revelation is crucial for the following analysis, as socialisation theory will be utilised to
explain the socialisation processes of an authoritarian institution– the ACWF – and the
consequent impact of these interactions on state policies regarding women.
In this respect this thesis makes a contribution to the existing literature. The present
analysis will employ socialisation theory to fill the methodological gap regarding
explanations of the influences of sub-state actors on state-level policies in an authoritarian
climate. Regarding the ACWF, the analysis will attempt to illuminate the federations’
inherent paradox. Placing the effectiveness and evolution of Fulian at the intersection of
global dynamics, the authoritarian CCP and its relationship to it, and the persistence of
Confucian values, a comprehensive exploration of the reasons for its failures and successes
will be provided. Thus, this paper will take the analysis beyond singular causational

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explanations as regards the work of the ACWF. The following section will further elaborate
on the methodology of this argument.
Methodology
The present analysis utilises socialisation theory to explain the effects that the interactions
between the ACWF and the international feminist movement had on the Chinese feminist
movement. The thesis will draw on Johnston’s (2008) understanding of learning and
mimicking processes and Goodman and Jink’s (2004) concept of persuasion to account for
the adaptation of the ACWF. These notions will be particularly utilised in the examination of
the interactions surrounding the Beijing conference and in explaining the latter’s legacy.
In this thesis, socialisation theory will be applied in a two-fold manner. On one level, it will
serve to highlight the socialisation process of the ACWF with the international feminist
movement. On a second level, it will help explain the increased potential for the ACWF to
influence the Party-state. The latter will be contextualised in Goodman and Jink’s (2004, p.
641) elaboration of the effects of “naming and shaming” in socialisation processes as well as
Kaufman’s (2012) and Zheng’s (1997) accounts of increased space for advocacy in the
aftermath of the FWCW.
This preliminary exploration will then underscore the global factor of the tripartite-
framework (see graphic) employed in the present analysis. In a second instance, the analysis
will be combined with the other two aspects of the framework, namely, the authoritarian
nature of the regime and the persistence of traditional, Confucian values. Regarding the
former, Wesoky’s (2001) account of the symbiotic relationship between the ACWF and the
CCP will be applied. The re-emergence of traditional values will be examined against the
backdrop of market reform and explained through the utilisation of a case-study: the
leftover women campaign. This will also serve to highlight the constraining nature of the
CCP, bullying the ACWF into actions that are detrimental to its constituency.

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In short, this thesis will attempt to extrapolate a unique explanation as to the ACWF’s
shortcomings and successes by contextualising global forces, the authoritarian nature of the
regime and the persistence of traditional values within a socialisation framework. Thus, the
analysis bridges the gap between socio-political and historical explanations as well as
singular-causational ones. The reading is informed by primary and secondary literature. The
main authors of the latter have been outlined in the literature review above. Regarding the
former, this author draws on publications of the ACWF and the PRC in the form of White
Papers. In addition, graphic illustrations of the leftover women and anti-domestic violence
campaign and the portrayal of Chinese women for propaganda purposes will be used.
Documents published by the United Nations on the FWCW will also be examined and drawn
upon.
Graphic 1. The theoretical triangle: The three factors should be seenas reinforcing and constraining each other and are
contextualisedwithinthe frameworkof socialisation theory. The ACWF must be understood as operating within these
dynamics, being both constrained and empowered by them.
Chinese Feminism Faces Globalisation
At the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, then President of the PRC Jiang
Zemin reiterated Mao’s infamous phrase that “women hold up half the sky” (Jiang Zemin,
1995, speech). The President went on to praise the achievements of Chinese women and
the central role of the government in this regard (ibid). However, this celebration may
rather be seen as an attempt to restore the PRC’s international image post-Tiananmen
Square than a candid account of the successes of state-sponsored feminism (Zheng, 1977;
Xu, 2009). Nevertheless, the conference provided a unique opportunity for the Chinese
Global
Dynamics
Traditional
Values
Authoritarian
Context

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women’s movement to interact with the international feminist community (Xu, 2009, p.
201). The socialisation processes related to these encounters undoubtedly had an influence
on the cadres and work of the All-China Women’s Federation (Tsimonis, 2015, pp. 1-18). The
nature of these impacts and the controversies revolving around the work of the ACWF will
be subject to this section.
The ACWF
Since the establishment of the All-China Women’s Federation in 1949, it has been the main
advocate for women’s rights in China (Tsimonis, 2015). The ACWF was tasked with
upholding “equality between women and men and protecting women’s rights and interests”
(Fincher, 2014, p. 17). Thus, it is the state organ responsible for the promotion of
government policies on women and the protection of women’s rights (Angeloff and Lieber,
2012, p. 19; Zheng 1997, p. 131). In its own words the ACWF is defined as “a mass
organisation that unites Chinese women from all ethnic groups and walks of life, and strives
for their liberation and development” (ACWF, website). It operates on national, local and
community levels through a network of cadres (ibid). Nevertheless, the organisation has
been subject to controversies, particularly due to its close relationship with the CCP (Ma,
2005). Despite claiming otherwise, the ACWF’s work centres on enforcing the CCP’s policies
of social reconstruction in regard to the mobilisation of women (Ma, 2005, p. 98). However,
Fulian’s interactions with the international feminist movement have arguably propelled
efforts to “reinvent itself as a true and effective NGO for women” (ibid). This shift should
also be contextualised in the broader “socio-economic transformation” of the Chinese
nation during the reform era that “forced the ACWF to adapt” (ibid). Crucially, the ACWF
defined “safeguarding the rights of women and children” as one of its primary tasks at the
sixth National Assembly in 1988 (ibid). At the time, preparations for arguably one of the
most pivotal moments in the Chinese feminist movement – the Fourth World Conference on
Women / Beijing Conference of 1995 – were already under way.
The Beijing Conference
According to Xu, the Fourth World Conference on women was essential to the Chinese
women’s movement and its relationship with international feminism (Xu, 2009, p. 196). In
the lead-up to the conference, women activists engaged in significant socialisation
processes with organisations outside China, some cadres even travelled abroad (Zheng and

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Zhang, 2010, p. 59). Crucially, the establishment of these synergies exposed China’s feminist
community to feminist concerns, such as gender mainstreaming, sexual orientation,
women’s rights as human rights, empowerment and reproductive rights (Zheng and Zhang,
2010, p. 42; Howell, 1997, p. 241). As the Chinese women’s movement became aware of its
inadequacies, the need to reform and transform became apparent to ACWF’s leadership
(ibid; Ma 2005, p. 98). Observing these developments through the lenses of socialisation
theory, the following can be noted. As Todd Williams explains, social interactions often have
a significant impact on the formation of preferences and the adoption of norms (Williams,
2010, p. 12). Hence, it can be argued that, by coming into contact with internationally
accepted norms, the Chinese feminist movement entered a process of internalisation. Ann
Kent highlights the importance of international institutions in this regard, as they denote
legitimacy (Kent, 2002, p. 343). Nevertheless, particularly in the case of China, international
organisations and conferences also provide an opportunity to glorify the Middle Kingdom
and celebrate its achievements (ibid, 2002, p. 346). This is meant to divert attention away
from the shortcomings of the PRC (ibid). At this point, it is useful to reflect on some of the
altercations surrounding the conference.
The Beijing Conference should be understood against the backdrop of a unique political
climate that provided the necessary structure for a feminist agency to flourish. As Wesoky
maintains, the aftermath of the Tiananmen incident and the subsequent international
scolding of the PRC put pressure on the CCP to improve its international image (Wesoky,
2001, p. 27). Thus, hosting the Fourth World Conference on Women came as a welcomed
opportunity (Zheng, 1997, pp. 141-142). This arguably benefitted the feminist movement in
terms of relaxed government controls and enabled the emergence of “transnational
opportunity structures, including the establishment of ties with the international feminist
movement, a legitimisation of the NGO and an opportunity to break away from the Marxist
theory of equality” (ibid; Zheng and Zhang, 2010, p. 41). In addition, Howell points out that
in hosting the conference the PRC was under a certain amount of pressure to comply with
the image she wished to promote (Howell, 1997, p. 245). This arguably led the CCP to be
more lenient in regards to women’s advocacy and movements (ibid). Wesoky even argues
that state and social forces engaged in a learning process at the time of the conference

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(Wesoky, 2001, p. 12, emphasis added). This highlights the influence of global factors in the
evolution of the ACWF.
Nonetheless, the authoritarian nature of the regime impinged on the potential of the
conference in terms of allowing a genuine discussion of women’s rights in China and
possible ways to ameliorate the situation (Zheng, 1977, pp. 144-145). In other words, the
value of the conference was distorted by the reality of the authoritarian regime and the
ACWF’s inability to disobey orders of the former (ibid). In fact, the challenges and protests
by human rights organisations in the lead-up to the conference led the CCP to tighten
control and impose media restrictions (ibid). As Shoemaker and Reese argue, “news is a
socially created product, not a reflection of an objective reality” (Shoemaker and Reese,
1996, p. 21). In an authoritarian context, this can become a valuable policy tool. As Zheng
explains local newspapers were prohibited from reporting on the conference and Western
research scholars were not welcomed (Zheng, 1997, p. 145). Furthermore, women cadres
that took part in the conference were briefed beforehand and were mostly government
personnel (Howell, p. 243-244). Thus, the PRC arguably interfered in the Beijing Conference
in an attempt to promote a false image of the Middle Kingdom. President Zemin’s (1995)
statement that “Chinese women have become masters of the state and society since the
founding of the People’s Republic” is illustrative of such attempts. In addition, the
government decided to move the NGO Forum – which was part of the FWCW – to Huairou
to prevent political instability (Zheng, 1997, p. 144). These measurements could be labelled
“party paranoia”, which the CCP is arguably prone to exhibit when potential bargaining
chips (in this case the situation of Chinese women) threaten to play into the hands of regime
critics (Zheng, 1997, pp. 141-142). Thus, it is questionable to what extent socialisation
processes were effective in light of Party control.
Whilst it is true that the CCP constrained the interactions between ACWF and the
international community, the Beijing Conference remains an important event for the
Chinese women’s movement, as the following discussion of its legacy will demonstrate.
However, it is important to note that state control already started to relax in the reform era

17. 17
regarding women’s work, as attention shifted to economic development (Zhao, 2012, pp.
139-140). According to Howell, this shift led the ACWF to seek more autonomy from the CCP
(Howell, 1997, p. 238). This is supported by Mannheim who explains that “new ideas and
knowledge are most likely to be generated at a fast pace during periods of rapid social
change” (quoted in Chow et.al, 2004, p. 170). Thus, the process of opening up and the
hosting of the Beijing Conference were important catalysts in the development of China’s
feminist movement (ibid; Howell 1997).
The Legacy
In essence, the Beijing conference was significant to Fulian in four ways: “(1) it lent prestige
to the organisation; (2) it exposed the ACWF to global gender issues; (3) it allowed the
ACWF to share and exchange experiences with international NGOs; and (4) it provided
material assets” (Howell, 2010, pp. 240-241). Specifically, the opening up of China, the
heightened engagement of the PRC in international institutions and the increased attention
that was given to the situation of Chinese women by the international community due to
the Beijing conference, were relevant in this regard (Wesoky, 2001, p. 50). This interaction
between local and global forces provided the ACWF with a powerful network (Kaufman,
2012, p. 600). Arguably, the FWCW also socialised the PRC to some extent, as the
international scrutiny in combination with the CCP’s celebration of and emphasis on gender
equality in China, created a threat of being “shamed” for non-adherence (Goodman and
Jinks, 2004, p. 641; Chan, 1995). This enabled the ACWF to advocate for women equality
more actively, as it brought increased attention to the feminist cause (Kaufman, 2012, p.
586). The anti-domestic violence campaign is an interesting example in this regard (Zheng
and Zhang, 2010, p. 53-55).
On March 1, 2016, China’s first law against domestic violence, approved by the Standing
Committee of the National People’s Congress, came into force (Jiamin, 2015). Particularly,
the ACWF and its branches and civil society groups advocated for the enactment of the law
(Tingting, 2016).2 The adoption of the landmark law can be seen as a significant success for
the Chinese women’s movement (Zheng and Zhang, 2010, p. 50). According to Zheng and
2 Pleasesee Appendix for campaign example.

18. 18
Zhang, the implementation of “gender training” in the aftermath of the UN conference
played an important role in strengthening the movement and civil society advocacy (ibid).
Thus, it can be maintained that the interactions with the international feminist movement
and the subsequent exchange of knowledge and socialisation processes, led to Johnston’s
(2008) “mimicking” and internalisation mechanisms. Nevertheless, there are discrepancies
between the actions of the legislative body (police, courts) and the legislation body (Fincher,
2014, pp. 157-158). Furthermore, there remains a strong stigma against “exposing family
ugliness,” which considers domestic abuse a “private matter” (Fincher 2014, p. 141). These
attitudes are emblematic of the persistence of traditional values that conceive of family
issues as a black-box, not to be handled in public (ibid).
The surge of women’s studies is another example of the legacy of the Beijing conference. It
arguably combines the four effects analysed by Howell (2010, pp. 240-241), as it can be
conceived as the result of socialisation processes and gender awakening. According to Chow
et al. (2004, p.161), women’s studies were significantly influenced by a combination of
factors. These include the legacy of Marxism, state/Party control, and global influences
(ibid). The CCP’s conception of women’s studies is based on Marxist theory (ibid, p. 163).
Thus, it posits that women need to participate in social production to reach equality (ibid).
With the establishment of the PRC in 1949, this goal, and therefore, gender parity, was
achieved (ibid). As the state feminist organisation, endowed with the representation of
state, women and scholars in academia, the ACWF is obliged to promote this Marxist
understanding (ibid, p. 164). The FWCW played a crucial role in the empowerment of
women’s studies (ibid). The Chinese efforts to “connect to the international track” led to
processes of “internationaliza-tion” and the adoption and internalisation of new concepts
such as domestic violence (ibid, pp. 164, 170). In short, due to the global nature of today’s
world and China’s increased engagement in the international arena, global influences are
inevitable (ibid, p. 175). However, there was a backlash amongst Chinese feminists –
particularly in the ranks of the ACWF – that perceived the Westernisation of Chinese
feminism via the adoption of particular concepts and frameworks as a threat (ibid, p. 179).
Thus, efforts were made to maintain the Marxist foundation for women studies (ibid). This
can be contextualised within a glocalisation framework, as the interactions between local

19. 19
and global forces whilst empowering the women’s movement to some extent also led to
constraints – particularly in light of generational clashes and the persistence of Confucian
norms (ibid; Robertson, 1995).3 However, these attempts to preserve the Marxist ideology
could also be perceived in a strategic manner. As Zheng (1997, p.131) explains, the ACWF
often utilised Marxist theory to remind the CCP of its commitment to gender equality. In
light of the regression to traditional values and side-lining of women equality in the wake of
economic reforms, this theoretical basis arguably allowed the ACWF to successfully navigate
the web of party-control and women advocacy (Chow et al. 2004, p. 163). Thus, the increase
in women’s research can also be understood as a means by which the ACWF attempted to
solve and highlight women’s issues (Zheng, 1997, p.127).
The analysis thus far has demonstrated the impact socialisation processes had on the ACWF.
In this regard, China’s increased engagement with the international community and the
FWCW should be seen as important catalysts in enabling interactions between Fulian and
the international women’s movement. These exchanges, by means of persuasion and eye-
opening processes, led to the adoption of new concepts and a shift towards increased
autonomy in the Chinese feminist movement. As has been demonstrated, the inevitability of
global dynamics and the international scrutiny associated with it allowed the ACWF to
successfully pursue women’s rights vis-à-vis the Party. In short, global interactions provided
the organisation with the necessary tools to balance between its responsibility as a Party
organ and a representative of Chinese women. Nevertheless, the example of the Beijing
Conference also provided a notable illustration of the reality of an authoritarian state. The
ACWF remains subordinated to the regime as well as subject to CCP interference. In short,
the Party decides the extent to which the feminist cause may advance. In addition, there has
been a resurgence of traditional norms. The desire to ‘nativise’ feminism, as mentioned
above is one example of this trend. However, in recent years, this resurgence has come to
merge with CCP control and serve to promote Party goals related to economic reform. This
merging of the three factors will be elaborated in the next section.
3 Glocalisation refers to a blurringof boundaries between local and global.The local becomes partof the global
and attempts to “localiseshould beseen as a reaction to globalisingforces.”Thus, homogenisation and
heterogenisation existsimultaneously (seeRoberston 1995).

20. 20
The ACWF – A Paradox in and of itself?
“Nanren sanshi yi duo hua, nürn sanshi lan zhazha” is a Chinese saying that means “men of
30 are like a flower, women at 30 are wilted and rotten” (Fincher, 2014, p. 22). This is
emblematic of the persisting double standard Chinese women face in the Middle Kingdom
(ibid). The recent campaign on leftover women is one in a long line of policies and
campaigns that not only failed Chinese women but also were promoted by the ACWF (ibid).
This paradox, inherent in Fulian as being an NGO for women and a Party organ has been
complicated further by the resurgence of traditional values (ibid). The latter can potentially
be contextualised as a broader backlash to globalisation. This section will build upon the
analysis conducted thus far and connect all three factors of the triangle (global –
authoritarian – traditional).
The relationship with the CCP
In examining the relationship between the ACWF and the CCP it is important to understand
the legacy of Mao and state-socialism (Chow et al., 2004). Since its inception, the PRC has
perceived gender equality as a Party goal and Chairman Mao famously declared that
“women hold up half the sky” (Fincher, 2014, p.6). In fact, the CCP has released a White
Paper (2015) on ‘Gender Equality and Women’s Development in China’, which emphasises
gender equality as the basic principle for progress in Chinese society.4 However, this mantra
has created a “myth of sameness between the genders” (Zheng, 2016, p.17). Crucially, Mao
did not lobby for women to be treated equally in all aspects of life, but only those that
served the Socialist Revolution (Zhao, 2012, p. 124). Based on Marxist theory, the CCP’s
prescription to liberate women rested on participation in the workforce (Zheng, 1997, p.
130). However, this emphasis on women’s empowerment must be understood within the
greater historical context. In the early years of the PRC, workers were scarce, and thus, the
promotion of Mao’s Iron Girls was almost a necessity for state-building efforts (Howell,
2002). This discourse can be linked to efforts of identity construction based on a de-
sexualised and masculine approach (Wang, 1997, p. 138). In the aftermath of the Cultural
Revolution women rediscovered their femininity, which was exploited by the media and CCP
(ibid). For example, in order to combat the worker’s surplus the CCP and official media
4 See http://english.gov.cn/archive/white_paper/2015/09/22/content_281475195668448.htm for the full text.

21. 21
outlets returned to a portrayal of women as vulnerable and in need of protection, thus
advising them to stay at home (Fincher, 2014, pp. 14-44). This stands in stark contrast to
Mao’s Iron Girls and is emblematic of the strategic depiction of women to serve policy goals.
According to Zheng, the ACWF played a significant role in the early endorsement of Chinese
women under Mao (Zheng, 2011, p.11). Particularly, the Federation’s journal “Women of
China” was utilised for the distribution of symbols and a perpetuation of the discourse that
“women can do anything men can” (ibid, p. 12). Whilst these undertakings undoubtedly
empowered women at the time, the ACWF still functioned as the CCP’s mouthpiece
(Tsimonis, 2015, p. 3). Essentially, the ACWF can only promote a beneficial policy for women
so long as it is tolerated by the CCP (ibid). Nevertheless, it is the ability of women cadres to
operate within the authoritarian context that allows them to create a space for women’s
opinions to be heard (Zheng, 2011, p. 12). As previously indicated the work of the ACWF
must be understood within the context of the regime. To illustrate the complexity of this
reality it is useful to consult two examples. The first is the One-Child-Policy, the
implementation of which is emblematic of the ACWF’s dilemma as a Party organ. The
second refers to the Four-Self campaign, which serves to highlight the discursive issues
surrounding women empowerment.
Family Planning and Women Empowerment?
The One-Child-Policy was enacted in 1979 and was meant to slow down population growth
(Chan et.al, 2002). The policy was symptomatic of the CCP’s lack of genuine interest in
women’s rights, well-being and equality, as it was quick to subordinate the former to
demographic concerns (ibid). The repercussions for women caused by the One-Child-Policy
reached from pre-natal gender selectivity to female infanticide, neglect of young girls and
forced abortions and sterilisations (ibid, pp. 427-428). As Susan Greenhalgh puts it,
“women’s bodies became mere objects of state contraceptive control, vehicles for the
achievement of urgent demographic targets” (Greenhalgh quoted in Fincher, 2014, p. 18).
Whilst in an authoritarian state the ultimate power and control rests with the regime, one
would have expected the largest women’s NGO to at least speak out against such appalling
measures (ibid). On the contrary, women cadres were actively involved in the enforcement
of the policy (Fincher, 2014, p. 18). The ACWF even published articles that defended the

22. 22
policy on their website, thus complying with the policy and endorsing it (see for example
http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/soure/8/1469-1.htm). According to
Howell, this brings the inherent dilemma of the ACWF to the fore (Howell, 2002, p. 50).
Nevertheless, the consequences of the One-Child-Policy were shocking to Fulian (Zheng,
1997, p. 127). Angeloff and Lieber (2012, p. 22) maintain that the ACWF did point out the
negative implications, albeit without questioning the state. In line with this, Tsimonis (2015,
p. 10) argues that whilst the ACWF failed to actively challenge the CCP on its family planning
policy, it did invest a considerable amount of resources in “counselling and exposure of
coercive implementation.” Thus, the All-China Women’s Federation has not successfully
combated the One-Child-Policy nor fully failed women on the issue. This reinforces the
argument that the ACWF must be assessed against the backdrop of the authoritarian
context.
The Four-Self campaign was part of a broader effort to formulate the law for protecting
women’s rights and interests (Angeloff and Lieber, 2012, p. 19). It was first adopted in 1992
and revised in 2005 and includes “the right to self-respect, self-confidence, self-reliance, and
self-strengthening” (ibid). However, the campaign was criticised for placing the blame on
women and holding them to a male standard (Tsimonis, 2015, p.12). This discourse of ‘low
quality and protectionism’ is emblematic of the inferiority with which women are perceived
(Howell, 2002, p.49). This issue also links to a recent emergence of traditional values, as a
reaction to globalisation and capitalist market forces. As Tsimonis points out, the market
reforms had a contradictory impact on women, as they opened up new career opportunities
but also reinforced subordinate gender stereotypes (Tsimonis, 2015, p. 1). Regarding the
ACWF, the reforms have led to processes of adaptation in terms of structure and working
method, which can also be linked to the continued socialisation processes since the FWCW
(Tsimonis, 2015, p. 2; Woo, 1994). In essence, it has become a more “confident and vocal
organisation” (ibid). Wesoky even argues that the issues related to the reform process have
given more weight to the symbiotic relationship between the ACWF and the CCP (Wesoky,
2001, p. 67). This is due to the Party’s dependency on the ACWF to legitimise policies and
implement them on a mass level and Fulian’s potential to use Party ideology to influence
the nature of policies (ibid). President’s Zemin’s speech “The Entire Party and the Entire

23. 23
Society should establish the Marxist Theory of Women,” which was drafted by ACWF cadres
is an illustrative example of such influences (Zheng, 1997, p. 130). However, the reforms
also exacerbated the dilemma of state-feminism in being a mouthpiece of the CCP while
simultaneously trying to advance women’s position (Howell, 2002, p. 43; Barlow, 2001, p.
1288). According to Howell, the reforms demonstrated that when women are needed for
socio-economic transformation, the ACWF is endowed with greater space; yet when the
CCP’s priority is to combat unemployment gender equality is moved to the bottom of the
food chain (ibid). In addition, Angeloff and Lieber explain that “the reforms were built upon
a traditional image of women’s role in the family and society” (Angeloff and Lieber, 2012, p.
18). This speaks to a broader dynamic, namely the re-emergence of traditional values and
the utilisation of such by the Party to serve national policies.
Leftover Women and Remnants of the Past
According to Strauss and Kahn (2011, p.6) legacies of the past still present a significant
influence in modern day China. This is particularly true in terms of family arrangements and
the nei/wei paradigm mentioned earlier (ibid). This persistence of Confucian norms and
their utilisation in the market constrain the advancement of women. Considering the
discussion of identity construction above, the backlash against Mao’s masculinised Iron Girls
arguably came at the expense of women today, as a vulnerable and traditional image seems
to re-emerge. This problematic is further complicated by the persistence of “feudal thinking
within the Party” (Zheng, 2011, p.25). According to Manning, the advent of capitalism in
China reduced the importance of equality on the national agenda significantly (Manning,
2011, p.35). However, as Zheng points out this also offers an opportunity for the ACWF, as it
can utilise Marxist ideology to remind the CCP of its socialist commitment to women
equality (Zheng, 2011, p.27). Thus, Fulian holds a considerable bargaining chip vis-à-vis the
CCP. Nevertheless, the CCP uses the ACWF to promote its political agenda, and as an
authoritarian state, also holds the last word (Howell, 2002, p. 43). In light of this, it is useful
to consider Wesoky’s symbiosis theory, in which both the state and the ACWF interact on a
mutually beneficial basis (Wesoky, 2001). Essentially, the CCP is dependent on its agencies
to promote state policies, endowing the ACWF with a stronger negotiating position (ibid).
This is supported by Howell (1997, p. 245), who characterises the ACWF as “a[n]
transmission belt, conveying CCP policies downwards and reflecting women’s concerns

24. 24
upwards.” Bringing this in relation with the global dynamics discussed in the previous
section, it can be argued that the socialisation processes not only endowed the ACWF with
greater prestige and legitimacy but through training and exchanges also a valuable
knowledge of how to operate within an authoritarian regime (ibid). However, as already
indicated these global forces in combination with the reforms have also created a backlash
and reinforced the persistence of traditional values. Since they serve state policies, the CCP
has not hesitated from endorsing the image of the “virtuous wife and mother” (Fincher,
2014). The leftover women campaign is a poignant example of the interaction of all three
variables and will be examined next.
In recent years, a leftover women discourse emerged in China targeting “urban, professional
females in their late twenties or older who are still single” (Fincher, 2014, p. 2). The ACWF
has been a key agent in promoting this image and driving a campaign that aims at having
women return to Confucian virtues (ibid, p. 3). It is interesting to consider that this
derogatory image, actually serves to solve the problem of leftover men caused by the
repercussions of the One-Child-Policy (ibid, p.3). Further, the re-emergence of the nei/wai
dichotomy should be read within the context of capitalist market reform (ibid). The latter
led to an employment surplus, pressuring the government to reduce the work-force
(Fincher, 2014, p. 3). It is ironic that whilst “female infanticide is not a concern for the
government, men not finding wives is” and it is combated with yet another discriminatory
campaign against women (Wang Zheng (2015) in “From Iron Girl to Leftovers”.
Documentary). Thus, women’s empowerment is subordinated to a greater goal. In this case,
the latter refers to the maintenance of a “harmonious society” (Fincher, 2014, p. 23). As a
“harmonious marriage forms the basis for a harmonious society,” which in turn, ensures
social stability and the continuance of CCP power, the leftover women campaign forms a
broader effort to “promote marriage for social stability” (ibid, pp. 24, 160). However, this
goal is being achieved at the expense of women and the advances they have made thus far
(ibid, p.3). The media campaign on leftover women, which is also distributed by the ACWF5,
depicts leftover women as promiscuous and high-maintenance and advises them to be less
picky and fulfil their filial duty to marry (ibid, pp. 18-19). Considering the derogatory nature
5 See Appendix.

25. 25
of this campaign and the significant pressure it puts on young women, it is surprising to
observe not only the ACWF’s passive compliance but also an active endorsement of the
campaign. As Fincher points out, Fulian once again “contributes to bolstering male
supremacy” rather than fulfilling its task of safeguarding women’s rights (ibid, p. 18).
The leftover women phenomenon parallels a broader trend in Chinese society and
particularly the market: the re-emergence of traditional, Confucian values. The latter place
women inside the home, ebbing the way for male success in the capitalist market
(Xiaojiang’s 1994; Howell, 2002, Fincher, 2014, p. 38; Rosenlee, 2006). According to Lam,
“Confucianism is re-entering the public space in China during the post-reform era” (Lam,
2008). Whilst this is a reaction to the global dynamics, it can also be contextualised in
strategic terms (ibid). This is supported by Majid and Ramaprasad (1998, p. 139) who posit
that the persistence of Confucian values is particularly visible in regards to female virtues. In
fact, women are still perceived inferior to men, yet held to higher moral standards (ibid). As
a result, the “virtuous women discourse” has become a key factor in China and has
enshrined itself in the minds of many women (ibid). For example, a Chinese deputy mayor
stated in an interview to “never ask her husband for anything” and a participant at the
FWCF was appalled by being described as a feminist, instead referring to herself as a
“virtuous wife and mother” (ibid; Wesoky, 2001, p. 119). Whilst Communist ideology
denounces feudal thinking, the CCP still demands self-sacrifice from women for the greater
national good (ibid). However, this service should not come at the expense of family duties
(ibid). Thus, the Communist party exploits the persistence of traditional discourse and
thinking in society to serve national goals. The leftover women campaign is a case in point as
it utilises Confucian values to bully women into submission by guilt-trapping them in their
societal consciousness. The resurgence of gender roles can also be linked to the rediscovery
of femininity brought about by globalisation (ibid). As previously mentioned under Mao
women were effectively held to men standards. Whilst the Iron Girls also failed to truly
empower women, the backlash against them proved detrimental in the sense that women
are again depicted as inferior and in need of male protection (ibid). This links back to the
previous arguments about identity discourses, which were exploited and perpetuated by
the Party and ACWF. When women needed to put aside their vulnerability and join the

26. 26
workforce they were depicted as Iron Girls (ibid). However, this de-sexualised approach in
conjunction with globalisation arguably led to a rediscovery of femininity in society, which
ironically came to be exploited in the form of leftover women.
In light of the arguments presented above, it can be maintained that the ACWF finds itself in
a complex web of global, authoritarian and traditional influences in the midst of which it is
tasked with the representation and empowerment of women. In terms of its relationship
with the CCP, Tsimonis (2015, p. 8) analyses three issues that constrain the efficacy of the
ACWF: “(1) the subordination of cadres and branches to the Party; (2) the expectancy of the
ACWF to promote a wide range of government policies; and (3) the low bureaucratic status
and the funding cuts in the 1990s.” Nevertheless, Fulian managed to assert itself as the
legitimate representative of women and arguably established a symbiotic relationship with
the CCP. The socialisation processes since the 1980s aided the ACWF in its work in terms of
the provision of new concepts and ideas, international support and means to persuade the
CCP. In short, socialising the ACWF led to adaptation processes and impacted the former’s
relationship with the CCP, therefore, the regime’s policies towards women. Nevertheless,
the persistence of Confucian values complicates the work of the women’s federation and
the recent resurgence of these values as a countermeasure to market reforms, exacerbated
the situation for women. As the CCP not only perceives these developments as beneficial to
its economic goals but also exploits the clash between global and traditional values, the
situation for women has deteriorated. The ACWF arguably fails to counteract these
measures, effectively promoting policies such as the leftover women campaign. However,
authoritarian institutions should not be examined in a black or white manner and the case
of the ACWF, in fact, bears important lessons for the understanding of sub-state actors in an
authoritarian context. These lessons will be subject to the next section.
Broader Lessons
Whilst the case of the All-China Women’s Federation is unique, the present analysis has
revealed four broad lessons for the examination of authoritarian state institutions. These
are: (1) the relevance of socialisation processes in terms of reforming the authoritarian

27. 27
actor and having an impact on state policies; (2) the significance of international institutions
and global influences; (3) the reality of the authoritarian context; and (4) the importance of
cultural values, identity and past legacies. These postulates are based on the author’s
personal analysis of this case study and are outlined below.
The transformative impact of socialisation
The case of the ACWF demonstrates the relevance of socialisation processes in the
adaptation of authoritarian institutions. Most importantly, norm conveyance and
internalisation procedures can aid an understanding of changes in the behaviour of
authoritarian actors. As the examination of the FWCW revealed, social interactions,
particularly on a local-global scale, enable learning processes, which lead to the
internalisation and promotion of new concepts. In addition, they grant the authoritarian
institution legitimacy as well as material assets that the former can utilise in its advocacy
and interaction with the authoritarian regime. Arguably, the socialisation processes of
authoritarian institutions also socialise the regime itself to some extent. As the latter is
equally exposed to global influences and scrutiny, it is likely to “not emerge the same” to
put it in Johnston’s words (Johnston, 2008, p.xiii). Nevertheless, the present analysis has
also validated a more sceptical perception, as the CCP still interfered in the course of the
Beijing Conference and the representation of Chinese women in this regard. However, the
key point lies not only in the learning processes inherent in socialisation but also the value
of the theory itself in understanding the adaptation of authoritarian institutions. As this
thesis has shown, employing a socialisation theoretical framework allows for a thorough
comprehension of the various aspects of the evolution of the ACWF; including norm
emergence, internalisation, reform and alteration of its relationship with the CCP. In short,
socialisation processes are crucial to understanding the nuances of success and failure of
authoritarian institutions and the latter’s behaviour and interactions more generally.
A global powerhouse
Whilst Stephen Krasner’s (1995) declining nation-state may not fully apply to the
authoritarian context, the latter cannot completely evade the powerful forces at play in
today’s world (ibid). The analysis of the ACWF has disclosed important lessons in this regard.
Firstly, it is essential not to perceive authoritarian institutions as a mere black-box but rather
as a complex web of parallel existing forces. This thesis has shed light on the three arguably

28. 28
most critical ones, among which global influences play a decisive role in terms of the
adaptation and behaviour of authoritarian institutions. This should be understood in
conjunction with the aforementioned socialising component and the utility of socialisation
theory. Second, the present analysis has also illustrated the significance of international
institutions and exchanges in bestowing legitimacy upon the authoritarian institution as well
as socialising the authoritarian regime to some extent. Yet, as previously mentioned, there
are caveats to the breadth of this socialisation, as the last word rests with the regime. In
short, global processes add to the complex dynamics surrounding authoritarian actors and
can empower and constrain them depending on the good-will of the regime to some
degree. Nevertheless, they put the respective actor in the spotlight and open up crucial
channels to advocate for its constituency. Therefore, global influences are an essential
component in analyses of authoritarian actors.
Taming the dragon
In light of the analysis of the relationship between the ACWF and the CCP the following can
be deduced. First, as authoritarian institutions remain government organs, they are
constrained in their work and often function as a mouthpiece of the regime. However, due
to the symbiotic relationship, the authoritarian regime also depends on the institution to
legitimise policies in the eyes of the masses, therefore endowing the authoritarian
institution with a powerful bargaining chip (Wesoky, 2001). Second, if the authoritarian
state is engaging with global institutions – as is the case in the present analysis – the sub-
state actor is likely to benefit from these exchanges. As the Beijing Conference has shown,
socialisation processes with international movements and the latter’s scrutiny may lead to
the creation of space in which the authoritarian institution can advocate for its
constituency. Hence, the simultaneous existence of authoritarianism, globalisation and
socialisation processes in most authoritarian states today arguably enables the authoritarian
institution to successfully negotiate with the regime in some instances. Therefore, it can be
maintained that an examination of an authoritarian state institution must appreciate the
complex relationship between the organisation and the regime. As this thesis has
demonstrated there is more to the ACWF than the usual lapdog narrative. In fact, the
authoritarian institution has come to benefit from a variety of enablers, including an
international network and an understanding of how to utilise its position within the regime

29. 29
and access to state channels. Crucially, the increased participation of authoritarian regimes
in international institutions allows for a socialisation on both sides of the spectrum. Thus,
the globalising processes arguably bring more grey into the black-box of authoritarian
regimes. In short, authoritarian institutions may well be able to tame the dragon by relying
on its knowledge of the state and decision-making processes as well as ties to the
international community and within the regime.
Ghosts from the past
Critically, the evaluation of the ACWF has also revealed the importance of cultural values
and historical legacies in understanding the complex web of forces an authoritarian
institution operates within. Regarding the historical aspect, it has been demonstrated that
Mao’s legacy and the ideological obligation associated with it constrained the ACWF in its
adoption of new concepts and theoretical approaches. Hence, to appreciate the adaptation
of authoritarian institutions one must comprehend the relevance of historical legacies. This
is also true, regarding the cultural relevance of such relics. Concerning the present analysis,
it has been shown that the identity discourses surrounding Mao’s Iron Girls led to a backlash
amongst Chinese women and a rediscovery of their femininity. Intriguingly, an examination
of cultural remnant adds to this dynamic, as they cannot only be characterised as a backlash
to globalising forces but - as has been illustrated by the leftover women campaign -also
strategic policy tools. As authoritarian states often perpetuate discourses to serve a greater
goal (in the case of Mao’s Iron Girls a mobilisation of the workforce), cultural values are
suppressed, rather than eliminated (Zhao, 2012, p. 124). As the case of Chinese feminism
has shown, a resurgence of cultural values, which can be contextualised both in the
glocalisation framework and in light of regime strategy, significantly constrain the work of
the ACWF. Particularly, the generational clash and the instrumentalisation of traditional
values to serve party goals are significant (see: The Atlantic, 2013). Therefore, both
historical and cultural factors should be taken into account when examining authoritarian
state institutions. Crucially, these factors are underlying the reality of socialising processes
and the authoritarian climate. Hence, they are vital to an understanding of the societal
dynamics but also identity constructing discourse on behalf of the state. This is poignantly
illustrated by the example of the leftover women campaign.

30. 30
In sum, the aforementioned elements are key to understanding authoritarian institutions
according to this author. The case of the ACWF has demonstrated the significance of each.
However, in line with the methodology employed for this thesis, it is important to note that
the factors should be understood in relation to each other rather than separately. In fact, all
four reinforce, empower and constrain each other simultaneously. This arguably makes the
study of authoritarian institutions an intriguing and stimulating subject for research.
However, the former only applies if one is willing to uncover the complexity and grey-areas
of these actors rather than putting them in the authoritarian ‘black-box-lapdog-narrative.’
Conclusion
In his address to the Global Leader’s Meeting on Gender Equality and Women’s
Empowerment, President Xi Jinping reiterated China’s commitment to gender equality
(Jinping, 2015). Xi placed particular emphasis on “women’s development in tandem with
economic progress and the protection of their rights and interest” (ibid). He also called for
the “dismissal of out-dated mentalities and customs inhibiting women’s development”
(ibid). The President of the ACWF, Shen Yueyue, in her commemoration speech of the 8th
International Women’s Day, praised Xi’s speech and highlighted the advances regarding
gender equality in China (Yueyue, 2016). In addition, Shen emphasised the importance for
Chinese women to “contribute their share of half of the sky” and the progress made on
behalf of the ACWF (ibid). These statements are emblematic of the prevalent discrepancies
between the state-feminist rhetoric and the actual situation of women in the Middle
Kingdom. However, they also speak to the broader paradox examined in this thesis, namely
the parallel existence of feminist advocacy and subordination of the women’s cause in the
PRC.
The present analysis aimed to shed light on the nature of the ACWF and the efficacy of this
particular authoritarian institution. It has been maintained that Fulian cannot simply be
contextualised in a black or white manner. Whilst the ACWF is a government organ, thus
answering to the authoritarian regime, the organisation has adapted to the situation and
established effective channels through which to promote women’s interests. The Beijing

31. 31
Conference, in particular, and the socialisation processes related to it have proven to be
pivotal to the Chinese feminist movement. In the aftermath of the conference, despite some
government paranoia, the ACWF has been able to create a space for women advocacy and
utilise governmental channels to promote women’s interests. Nevertheless, the paradox
prevails. As this thesis has demonstrated the ACWF remains a “Leninist transmission belt”
responsible for the promotion of government policies, albeit discriminatory against women
at times (Tsimonis, 2015, p. 4). The leftover women campaign is a case in point,
representing a severe backlash against the achievements of Chinese women. In this regard,
the relevance of cultural and traditional values in understanding the context a state
institution operates in has become apparent. In fact, the resurgence of Confucian values can
also be understood as a counter-reaction to the permeation of global forces. Thus, it is
within these three factors – global, authoritarian, traditions /cultural – that the efficacy and
work of the ACWF must be contextualised. This thesis has attempted to sustain that a
triangular approach, underscored by socialisation theory, helps to account for the failures
and successes of Fulian in promoting women’s interests against the backdrop of a symbiotic
relationship with the state.
In light of this, several lessons for the study of authoritarian state institutions could be
drawn. Among the most important ones is the necessity to adopt a socio-political and
historical approach accounting both for the persistence of traditional values and cultural
identity as well as the constraining nature of the authoritarian regime. The author also
hopes to have demonstrated the utility of applying socialisation theory to the study of
authoritarian institutions. Firstly, socialisation processes are significant in understanding
adaptation and reform of authoritarian state institutions. This also lends to the argument of
the socialisation processes of authoritarian states in a globalised world, which can also be
perpetuated through sub-state channels. Therefore, socialisation theory allows to
contextualise the multiple-factor-framework in an authoritarian context and going beyond
the mere state-level analysis of rational actor model approaches. Hence, this thesis should
also be understood as making a contribution to the study of authoritarian state institutions
more generally and hopes to stimulate further research in this regard.

32. 32
Appendix
Beloware some illustrationsof the leftoverwomencampaignandthe propagandaof the Iron Girl
narrative underMao to illustrate the politicisationof the women’scause (see alsoZhao,2012, p.
121). All translationswere donebythe author.
Illustrations1.
Source:http://www.dukenex.us/uploads/2/4/2/0/24209662/525140781.jpg
Thisimage showsa Chinese academicwomanholdingupalistof “marriage requirement.” Thisis
emblematicof the state’spropagandaof leftoverwomenasbeing toopickyandprioritisingtheir
careeroverpotential suitors,thusdisrespectingtheirConfucianheritage andduty.

33. 33
Illustration2.
Source:http://chinaleftoverwomen.weebly.com/sociocultural-factors.html.
The speechbubble of the womanreads“It mustbe a monthlysalaryover200000 RMB,” the man
responds“youjustcare aboutmoney.”The signreads“Job vacancy:husband.” Thisdemonstrates
the derogatoryportrayal of leftoverwomenasgreedyanddisrespectful towardsmen.
.
Illustration3.
Source:http://thechinabeat.blogspot.co.uk/2008/12/from-iron-girls-to-oriental-beauties.html
Thisis expressive of the portrayal of womenduringthe Social andCultural Revolution.Asthe
workforce theywere mobilisedandwere portrayedascapable of doinganythingmencando.

34. 34
Illustration4.
Source http://thechinabeat.blogspot.co.uk/2008/12/from-iron-girls-to-oriental-beauties.html.
Iron Girlsnarrative aimingtomobilisewomenforthe workforce. The de-sexualisedportrayal of
womenisapparentinthisdepiction.
Illustration5.
Source http://thechinabeat.blogspot.co.uk/2008/12/from-iron-girls-to-oriental-beauties.html

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The medal presentersatthe Olympics.Thisimage speakstothe resurgence of traditional valuesin
societyandthe exploitationof the CCPof such developments.The womenare portrayedas
traditional,oriental beauties –submissiveandobedient.The powerof suchdiscoursesforthe
consciousnessof Chinese womencannotbe underestimated.
Illustration6.
Source http://drprem.com/marketing/ambient-work-against-domestic-violence-in-china.html
Thisposterwas developedon behalfof the ACWFandappearedonswingingdoorsinofficesand
shoppingmalls.Itisillustrative of the ACWF’seffortsinthe campaignagainstdomesticviolence.

36. 36
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