2. The downfall of John Gellene
Milton C. Regan, Jr., Eat What You Kill: The Fall of a Wall Street Lawyer
(University of Michigan Press, 2006).
• Established partner and experienced bankruptcy practitioner at Wall St law firm, Millbank Tweed
• Failed to disclose under oath a potential conflict of interest to the bankruptcy court, contrary to court
rules. He was subsequently jailed for knowingly and fraudulently making a false declaration, and for
perjury.
“Our review of the record verifies that the government established Mr. Gellene's
knowledge of his duty to disclose. It set forth Mr. Gellene's expertise in bankruptcy and
the bankruptcy court's statements alerting him to the importance of full disclosures. Mr.
Gellene was fully apprised of the importance of the information that had been
excluded. He had been questioned by his law partner, Toni Lichstein, several times about
whether there might be a conflict of interest and whether all necessary disclosures had
been made. Yet Mr. Gellene continued to withhold the information over a two-year
period; he simultaneously worked on the Bucyrus bankruptcy and represented South
Street, Greycliff and Salovaara without informing his client Bucyrus of the other
representations.” - United States v Gellene (1999) USCA 7th Cir., No 98-2985
3. John Gellene:
unethical indicators?
• Poor ‘hygiene’/ethical fading
• Evidence of previous failure to disclose in a bankruptcy case;
• Practised without a New York law license for nine years, and
misrepresented the fact;
• Routinely failed to file timely timesheets at the firm (to which firm
turned a blind eye/imposed limited sanctions);
• Some evidence of limited willingness to engage in self-reflection +
sense of entitlement(?) ‘rules don’t apply to me’;
• Undesirable(?) working practices
• Tendency to operate as a lone wolf: did not delegate, did not keep
others appraised of his workload;
• Problem of unrelenting standards – described as an “insanely hard
worker” (NB even by corporate law firm standards!), and self-
confessed perfectionist;
• Failed to pay attention to colleagues – eg concerns re potential
conflicts, or to take opportunities to correct the Rule 2014
disclosure at any point in the subsequent proceedings
4. John Gellene:
Environmental effects
• Question marks over management of JG – inattention to or even turning a blind eye to warning signs –
BUT also, more generally:
• Pressure from inter- and intra-firm competition and the ‘tournament’ of merit-based compensation -
especially in larger firms – encourages sense of being only one bad deal away from failure;
• Problems of scale – harder for firms to monitor ethical compliance; increased risk of what Zygmunt
Bauman (1992) describes as ‘responsibility floating between the players’
• ‘Open texture’, localisation and even fungibility of ethical norms – formal rules provide limited
(conscious) constraint in practice; formal rules may be supplemented or supplanted by deviant local
interpretations/norms;
• ‘Client-centred’ or ‘client first’ ideologies and work practices that narrow ethical focus
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5. John Gellene:
Risk and the routine
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“Attorneys rarely have to make statements under penalty of perjury. Since Rule 2014 is one of the few
cases, it should be treated seriously. However, there is a significant temptation not to. The Rule 2014
disclosure is filed toward the beginning of the case. As a result, there is a temptation to get it on file
quickly and to copy the disclosure from the previous case with a few modifications. This would be a
mistake. As I have read 2014 again recently, I was surprised to learn not only that it required
disclosure of connections rather than conflicts, but that it required disclosure of connections to other
attorneys and accountants in the case. Sometimes it is easy to get so familiar with something that you
lose respect for it.”
- Steve Sather, A Texas Bankruptcy Lawyer’s Blog, July 16, 2006,
- http://stevesathersbankruptcynews.blogspot.com/2006/07/sad-case-of-john-gellene-or-what-
it.html
6. The complexity of professional decision-making
From: J. Webb, ‘Regulating the Practise of Practice: On Agency and Entropy in Legal Ethics’, in J. Murray, T. Webb &
S. Wheatley (eds), Complexity Theory & Law: Mapping a New Legal Science, Abingdon UK: Routledge, 2018)
7. Complex – not (just) complicated
• Complex systems are open to their environment –
difficult to frame boundaries
• Complexity itself is an emergent quality of the
system (‘more than the sum of its parts’)
• Complex systems are dynamic, not static – order is
“an effect generated by heterogeneous means”;
entropy (disorder, uncertainty) is built-in
• Components (agents) respond locally without
knowledge of the full effects of their actions on the
system
• Interactions are ‘non-linear’ – causality is often
unpredictable and effects may be amplified in
unexpected ways
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8. Five characteristics of ‘Drift’
Sidney Dekker, Drift into Failure: From hunting broken components to
understanding complex systems, (CRC Press, 2012)
• Competition and resource scarcity – effects of competitive business environment on investment in (eg)
safety systems; workload and workload boundaries
• Small steps – drift is commonly incremental “continuous organisational and operational adaptation
around goal conflicts and uncertainty produces small step-wise normalisations of what was previously
judged as deviant” (2012: 15)
• Sensitive dependence on initial system conditions – ie, initial conditions have long-term consequences –
consider effects of how things are classified by regulation; ability/willingness of regulators to anticipate
the (adaptive) future
• Unruly technology – (using technology in its broad sense) as complexity theory predicts, operational
systems do not operate as designed once ‘in the wild’
• Contributions of the ‘protective structure’ – the extent to which the regulatory and supervisory parts of
the system can be/become part of the problem
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9. Potential for drift in legal practice
• Pressure to be (even more) client-centred – corrosive of legal values?
• Under-investment(?) in firm-level oversight and ‘ethical infrastructure’
Scarcity & competition
• Institutional – eg culture of rounding hours or double-charging; limited encouragement to reflect/de-
brief on transactions (permitting poor practice/not institutionalising good practice)
• Individual – incremental corner-cutting;
Small steps
• Individual and one-size-fits-all orientation of regulation
• Creation of perverse incentives – eg normalisation of hourly billing
• Limited ‘moral leadership’
Initial conditions
• Lack of systematisation – especially in smaller firms
• Routinisation and commodification of services may build-in risk to systems
Unruly technology
• Regulatory ‘capture’ + fungibility of rules – eg incremental relaxation of conflict of interest rules
• Wait and see/reactive approach to innovation (eg legal technology)
Protective structure
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10. “Complexity theory has no answers as to who is
accountable for drift into failure. Just as the Newtonian
view only has oversimplified, extremely limited, and
probably unjust answers. What complexity theory allows us
to do, however, is dispense with the idea that there are easy
answers, supposedly within the reach of the one with the
best method or most objective viewpoint. Complexity
allows us to invite more voices into the conversation, and to
celebrate the diversity of their contributions. Truth, if there
is such a concept, lies in diversity, not singularity.”
(Dekker, 2012: 202)
The solution(s)?
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11. Thank you
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Email: julian.webb@unimelb.edu.au
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Editor's Notes
John G. Gellene, a partner at the law firm of Milbank Tweed Hadley & McCloy (“Milbank”) in New York, represented the Bucyrus-Erie Company (“Bucyrus”) in its Chapter 11 bankruptcy. Mr. Gellene filed in the bankruptcy court a sworn declaration that was to include all of his firm's connections to the debtor, creditors, and any other parties in interest. The declaration failed to list the senior secured creditor and related parties. Mr. Gellene was charged with two counts of knowingly and fraudulently making a false material declaration in the Bucyrus bankruptcy case, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 152, and one count of using a document while under oath, knowing that it contained a false material declaration, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1623. Although Mr. Gellene admitted that he had used bad judgment in concluding that the representations did not need to be disclosed, he asserted that he had no fraudulent intent. After a six-day trial, on March 3, 1998, the jury returned guilty verdicts against Mr. Gellene on all three counts. Mr. Gellene was sentenced to 15 months of imprisonment on each count, to run concurrently, and was fined $15,000. Millbank Tweed, moreover, was required to disgorge around $2 million in fees, and found itself embroiled in $100 million dollar malpractice suit
Conventionally there is a tendency to frame stories like this in one of two ways – first the ‘bad apple’ version that this is a problem with an outlier, a “bad person”. There may be some element of truth in that, but is it a concern that some of the warning signs were not picked-up or acted upon; that Gellene was allowed to be what even his firm regarded as a bit of a maverick
The other thesis often offered is that Gellene was the victim of a corporate culture that that makes ethical failure more likely – not so much a bad apple as a bad barrel
But then there is also a third element, a sense that Gellene just got unlucky – that a conjunction of circumstances escalated a routine failure that would normally have merited no more than a heavy slap on the wrist from the court into something career-ending. And there is more than a grain of truth to that too – we know from our own experience how hard it can be, especially when under pressure, to stop and think, to pause the routine, and to spot the (often) small difference that potentially makes a big difference to how things are going to go.
Now my point is, of course, that there is more than an element of truth in all of these accounts, and yet none of them by itself gets to the nub of what went wrong in this case. And this I think is fundamental (in management and regulatory terms) because it points to the real problem: the extent to which the potential for significant failure is probably inevitable, indeed, built in to any system, and the extent to which each specific failure is unique and unpredictable (except with the benefit of hindsight!). In short, I suggest we need to recognise failure as an emergent quality of the very systems and networks of relationship that have made professions and PSFs such a success story over the last 100+ years. To see why I invite us to take a step into the wonderful world of complexity theory.
Complex interaction between each (individual/team level) legal process, the organisational context and culture and the wider environment within which the firm is located
Two critical points – single elements of a complex system do not ‘contain’ and cannot ‘understand’ the whole complexity of the system. In human terms we act and respond on the information available under conditions of bounded rationality and (as organisational theory is increasingly recognising) bounded ethicality. As Chuch, Bazerman & Banarji observe:
In the bounded ethicality model, the self processes work, unconsciously, to protect a particular view and this view bounds ethical decision making. Ethical decisions are biased by a stubborn view of oneself as moral, competent, and deserving, and thus, not susceptible to [breaches of ethical conduct]
Attempts at regulation change system conditions, the effects, under conditions of complexity, are contingent and uncertain
Aside from those situations where agents act out of deliberate male fides or deception, decisions will generally make or at least seem to make good sense at the time. In organisational contexts many of these decisions will become part of the culture and fabric – the ‘way we do things in this firm’ But, because decision-makers are local, not global, and because they are constrained by limited knowledge and bounded rationality/ethicality, the potentially hasrmful consequences of such decisions and ways of working may be unobserved, and indeed, unobservable, and by virtue of amplification effects what may constitute small localised risks can become larger even systemic risks over time. This reflects a process that Sidney Delkker describes as the ‘drift into failure’. Drift according to Dekker commonly displays five characteristics
There are clear ways in which the model, I think, can be applicable and descriptively useful for understanding the risks in other areas of professional work, like law. Tentative and deliberately rather provocative analysis!
Some explanation of my first point: the philosopher Michael Sandel makes the point that there are some things that money should not be able to buy and the law should not support, because the broader system and those who use it are degraded or corrupted thereby?
The legal profession’s enthusiastic use of NDAs, and rather belated (and enforced) reflection thereon would seem to be a case in point. As Richard Moorhead has asked: Is a legal system that supports the buying and selling of silence over allegations of iniquity a system that degrades itself and those who use it? [Privacy of the situation does not require anyone to distinguish those cases where individual reputation may be damaged by unjust allegations, from those cases where a malicious well-resourced abuser uses their power to buy-off legitimate complaints.]
What are the solutions? Well I’m afraid the first lesson of complexity is that there are no magic bullets that will allow us to sail off into the sunset rather than sink to the ocean’s floor.
Complexity does tell us there is important groundwork to be done, not least in acknowledging the very bounded and situated nature of ethical decision-making, and the difficulties this gives us all in terms of developing useful workable norms, and consistent standards of practice. Moreover, as Dekker argues, we need to think more widely and openly about how we construct (which includes where we look for) narratives of failure and blame. Scapegoating, and narrowly constructed notions of cause and effect may satisfy a short term desire for a ‘solution’, but may not do much to build the robustness of the system in the longer term. The five characteristics in an of themselves offer a starting point for that broader understanding.
But there is a larger, critical, issue I suggest: we need to be able to have better conversations about failure. Where safety critical systems on oil rigs and aeroplanes fail, there are formal, relatively public, systems of review in place. These may be far from ideal, but are also better than nothing. For professions like law, failure most often remains a dirty little secret. The first instinct is of course to cover-up; the second is to limit the damage, and particularly any public talk about the damage – a good outcome is a confidential payoff and a client quietly taking their work elsewhere; maybe a lawyer loses their job, or like John Gellene, their career. There is often limited room to learn about failure in such an environment, and not always a willingness to hear counter-narratives or external contributions. Whilst understandable this is the first problem to overcome.