DBDLI_Research PAPER_ FINAL

Joseph Nyemah: jnyemah@yahoo.com Page:1
Improving Education for African Nova Scotians
A Critical Review of the Literature
Delmore “Buddy” Daye Learning Institute
September 2013
Joseph Nyemah Nyemah
© Delmore “Buddy” Day Learning Institute
Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada

INTRODUCTION
This literature review draws on the research lenses of Africentricity and critical race theory to
examine the education context of African Nova Scotians. The analysis has two intertwined foci:
one is a proposition of pathways to strategically inform the overall goal - to improve education for
African Nova Scotians – of the Delmore Buddy Daye Learning Institute (DBDLI). This focus is
significant because the DBDLI needs a strategic argument that coheres with the current contextual
logic and purposes of education – locally and globally - so as to successfully engage stakeholders
in improving education for African Nova Scotians. The other focus is to critically contribute to the
creation of a rich and stimulating intellectual context for a meaningful dialogue aimed at improving
education for African Nova Scotians.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The research lenses of Africentricity and critical race theory are central to this literature review.
Although these two concepts are individually distinct, they are interrelated by a common heritage
in the critical theory tradition. The critical theory tradition is premised on awakening the uncritical
human intellect to identify, challenge and replace oppression as aptly articulated by Brookfield
(2007, p. viii).
Critical theory views thinking critically as being able to identify, and then to
challenge and change, the process by which a grossly iniquitous society uses
dominant ideology to convince people this is a normal state of affairs.
This critical perspective is appropriate for both the Government of Nova Scotia and the African
Nova Scotian community in working together to improve what the Black Learners Advisory
Committee (BLAC, 1994a and b) describes as a chronic and systemic crisis of education affecting
African Nova Scotians.
Often, Africentricity and critical race theory are manifest in the work of many critical theorists
either as a lens or as a central project. Molefi Kete Asante’s (1998) work on Africentricity, Bell
Hook’s (2003) conceptualization of racism as White supremacy, and Antonio Gramsci’s adult
education project with Fiat factory workers (cited in Brookfield, 2007) are only but a few excellent
examples that show the influence of critical theory. The counter-hegemonic focus of critical theory
is a common characteristic across these concepts, which is an important lens for understanding the
education context of African Nova Scotians.
In their book, Race and Well-Being: The Lives, Hopes, and Activism of African Canadians, James,
Este, Bernard, Benjamin, Lloyd and Turner (2010) argue that “It was Molefi Asante (1980), in

Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change, who first explicitly formulated and developed the
concept of Afrocentrism (also referred to as Africentrism)” (p. 23). The authors argue that
“Afrocentric epistemology in research is grounded in the history, culture, economics, race, gender,
language, and religion of those involved in the research” (p. 22). From another perspective, Hunn
(2004) argues that “Africentrism is the written articulation of indigenous African philosophy (an
oral tradition) as embodied by the lived experiences of multiple generations of people of African
descent” (p. 68). Africentricity has potential to increase self-esteem among African Nova Scotians
who, according to BLAC (1994a) confront low self-belief as a barrier to education.
Africentricity is, however, a fledgling concept that deserves to be critically troubled by scholars in
rigorous academic debates - a process that the DBDLI should welcome, support and benefit from
– given its mandate to improve education for African Nova Scotians through the prism of
Africentricity (DBDLI, 2013). Africentricity is fledgling because unlike other contemporary
theories, its use is yet to be popularized in academia over a substantial period of time. There is, of
course, a counter thesis that suggests that Africentricity has been around for a long time (Asante,
1988), but ignored and undemocratically contained at the periphery of academia which resists new
and alternative ways of knowing.
This paper recommends that the DBDLI support advanced scholarship that contributes to the
intellectual evolution of Africentricity within the educational context of Nova Scotia and Canada.
Contemporary scholarship suggests that there is an evolving theoretical and identity debate about
Africentricity as evidenced by its synonymous use with Afrocentricity and African-centred
schooling. It is important to understand the nuances in these terms, because new and contrasting
epistemologies are emerging, with attendant operational and conceptual ramifications as
articulated by Sefa Dei and Kempf (2013, p. 22):

African-centred/ African-centredness is a broad and fluid concept, informed
by, but distinct from, Afrocentricity and Africentricity, which are far more
specific (often grounded in the U.S. context) and emerge from – and, in a
sense answer to – a particular canon. African-centred education and
schooling are context-determined applications of Afrocentricity in and for
educational contexts. The African-centred frame is particularly relevant in
education as it allows for clarification of educational purpose and content.
These authors articulate a new perspective that calls for a broader conceptualization of
Africentricity. Their analysis shows contrasting support for African-centred/ Africentric/
Afrocentric schools (independent of existing schools) and programs (integrated into existing
schools). This paper encourages the DBDLI to pay attention to this kind of debate by entertaining
advanced scholarship that will contribute to the conceptual clarity of Africentricity.
Africentricity may be conceptualized as a paradigm, “a rather unified and progressive system of
beliefs that revolves around the object of knowledge” (Koro-Ljungberg, 2008, p. 218); an
ontology, the study of the form and nature of reality (Paxton, 2010); and as an epistemology, theory
of knowledge or how knowledge is acquired (McConnell-Henry, Chapman and Francis, 2009) that
puts the African culture – in its broadest sense - at the center of education for African descended
peoples.
This literature review also draws on the research lens of critical race theory. Critical race theory is
a counter-hegemonic lens that is very relevant to the education context of African Nova Scotians
because of the history of systemic oppression well documented by BLAC (1994a). The
development of critical race theory stands on the shoulders of W.E.B. Du Bois (2013) who

“outlined for his black intellectual colleagues, both a historical sociology and theory of race as a
concept” (para. 4). Du Bois’ contribution to the development of critical race theory offers a unique
prism for examining the sometimes silent ways in which racism operates.
Critical race theory is a tool of analysis, but also, of empowerment and pedagogy; it centralizes
the experiences of those who are adversely affected by racism in ways that help us learn critically
about the systemic functions of racism. Racism operates both as structure and process (Essed,
2002). Critical race theory recognizes a powerful confluence between power and race, and argues
that these two concepts must be critically troubled in order for it to be considered useful for
improving education for African Nova Scotians.

CONTEXT
One of the key recommendations of BLAC (1994a) to the Government of Nova Scotia was to
“Establish an Africentric Learning Institute to assist in curriculum development and conduct
ongoing research on issues impacting on Black learners in Nova Scotia” (p.18). The DBDLI is the
outcome of this recommendation, and this literature review aims to contribute to the strategic plan
which will lead to the actualization of its mandate.
The DBDLI will partner with the African Canadian Services Division (ACSD) of the Nova Scotia
Department of Education and Early Childhood Development, the Council on African Canadian
Education (CACE) and other organizations such as the Black Educators’ Association (BEA). The
ACSD, CACE and DBDLI were conceived by BLAC as an inter-linked approach to improve
education for African Nova Scotians. BLAC (1994a) recommended that “The Minister of
Education establish a Branch in the Department to deal specifically with African Canadian
Education” (p.17). Consequently, “the African Canadian Services Division was established in
February of 1996 to implement the Department's response to the BLAC Report on Education”
(ACSD, 2013, section 2, para. 1). BLAC (1994a, p. 17) also recommended that:
The Minister of Education elevate the Black Learners’ Advisory Committee
to a Council on African Canadian Education to monitor and continually
analyze the policies of the Department of Education with respect to the
needs of Black learners and educators; to develop a partnership with
senior education administrators and as a mechanism for enhancing
the status and functions of the BLAC vis-a-vis local school boards
and post-secondary educational institutions.

The DBDLI’s role, therefore, is to focus on research that can inform curriculum development as
clearly stated in a recent press release by the Department of Education and Early Childhood
Development (2013) that, the DBDLI “will conduct research, work with educators and community
members, and develop policy, curriculum and resources with a focus on African heritage and
culture” (para. 1). But optimizing the relationship described above is also imperative for the
DBDLI because being the newest of the three organizations; it must build on the various activities
that the ACSD, CACE and BEA have initiated over the years.
The ACSD, CACE, BEA and DBDLI are a response to history that is traceable as far back as more
than two centuries. Over this period, Blacks have experienced some of the worst aspects of
humanity, including various forms of alienation and marginalization. Poor access to education is
one of the troubling and poignant vignettes. As BLAC (1994b) points out, “writing and math were
excluded from the curriculum as they were considered unnecessary accomplishments in [Black]
children who would subsequently be required to perform the meanest tasks” (p.15). This paper
argues that the education system effectively alienated and marginalized Black students through a
policy of knowledge containment.
The knowledge containment charge in this paper is substantiated by BLAC’s further observation
that “it was clear that the educational goals for Black children were being set by a White society
which had already made up its mind as to the role Black Nova Scotians would play in society”
(p.15). In other words, most of the benefits that one enjoys as a consequence of his or her education
were foreclosed to the Black population. This is an important reminder to both the Government of
Nova and the DBDLI that it will be highly uncritical to think that improving education alone will
address the upshots of the injustices of education that the Black community confronts. There is a

need to develop a broader social, economic, cultural and political agenda that will enable the Black
community to enjoy full citizenship participation.
The Black alienation and marginalization project in Nova Scotia in education was very successful
because it was systemic and operated with the participation of not only the school system and
government, but also, individual community members and the Anglican Church (BLAC, 1994b)
in the province. In the late 1800s in common schools, “some White parents complain[ed] that their
children were forced to sit together with Black children” (BLAC, 1994b, p. 20). This complaint
from some of the White community members encouraged the City Council of Halifax to legalize
the creation of segregated schools for Blacks and Whites in 1876 (BLAC, 1994b). Minutes from
“missionary reports clearly indicate that the curriculum of the African schools was based more on
instilling obedience in the Black population than with providing upgrading skills or knowledge”
(BLAC, 1994a, p. 18). According to BLAC (1994a, b and c), many of the segregated and common
schools were operated in, and owned by the Anglican Church in the province.
This paper does not investigate whether the Anglican Church deliberately, subconsciously or
coercively participated in the creation and implementation of the education project that alienated
and marginalized Black students because it is outside the main focus of this paper. However,
BLAC (1994b, p. 18) points out that:
The missionary movement throughout the eighteen and nineteenth centuries
customarily coupled the teaching of rudimentary education with Christian
values of humility and contentedness as a method of maintaining law and
order among the British colonies. When White students attending the
common schools [in Nova Scotia] were studying Algebra, the Classics,
English grammar, Latin, Greek, Geography and the use of globes,

their Black counterparts were deliberately restricted to instruction in
reading, writing, arithmetic and the catechism.
The above quote provides a critical insight into the function of how racism and other forms of
discrimination seep into formal education decisions. James et al. (2010) describe this as the
normalization of oppression, a process in which the oppressors become conveniently oblivious or
unaware of, or consider acts of oppression as a normal way of life.
The segregated schools were not only set up as a sustainable mechanism for transforming Black
Nova Scotians into an academically failing population, they were also designed to discourage
Black children from going to school. The Black schools, for instance, only attracted “teachers
willing to work for low pay in isolated communities [and] tended to be under qualified and barely
literate” (BLAC, 1994b, p. 22). BLAC further contends that the “school buildings were often
overcrowded and ramshackle, creating an environment that was not inclined to encourage Blacks
to attend” (p. 22). These conditions were in stark contrast to those of the White schools. The
DBDLI and other actors wanting to improve education for African Nova Scotians must take into
consideration how these two factors have affected the Black communities at large to view
education - with hate and distrust - because they could potentially correlate with the low attendance
and poor academic performance that remain prevalent among African Nova Scotian students.
While a lot has improved, a broader systems change is required in orienting schools to equitably
and effectively serve the educational needs of Black students in ways that meaningfully contribute
to the social mobility of the Black community. As Hook (2003) argues, being conscious of
oppressive behaviors does not necessarily prevent a person from committing oppression. The
upshots of not achieving a broader systems change – that accounts for African Nova Scotian adult

literacy, civic participation and active inclusion in the labor market, in this context - can be
correlated with the significant numbers of African Nova Scotian students underperforming, and
being placed on Individual Program Planning (IPP) or dropping out of school.
Paul Tough’s (2009) studies in the United States revealed that “the children of professional parents
had vocabularies of about 1,100 words, compared to 525 for the children of parents on welfare”
(cited by Marsh, 2013, p. 83). Marsh (2013, p. 83) also cites Rothestein (2004) whose studies in
the same country revealed that “by three years of age, the children of professionals had larger
vocabularies themselves than the vocabularies used by adults from welfare families in speaking to
their children.” The central point of discussion here is to encourage the DBDLI to contemplate
initiating a broader conversation about crafting an agenda that advances contextual discontinuities
– such as the disruption of poverty - by drawing on the contributions of other pro-social mobility
actors within the African Nova Scotian community.
“Black students face special difficulties in our local schools. Most of them are in General Courses;
few get beyond grade 10, and fewer still advance to post-high school educational institutions”
(BLAC, 1994b, p. 32, citing the Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission, 1967). In a further
emphasis, BLAC (1994b, p. 32) draws on the Nova Scotia Human Rights’ report to point out that:
In dividing a class into fast, mediocre, and slow learners, teachers report
that the slow groups are four-fifths Blacks. As the present school system
has no failures in the elementary grades, the students go on to junior high
where their difficulties exacerbate. The auxiliary classes of the junior high
become filled with Black students – estimated as high as 95 percent Black.
The effect of channeling on the Black student is increased loss of self-worth
and high dropout rates.

The foregoing statistics, although developed almost two decades ago, caricature a somewhat
disastrous context of education for African Nova Scotians. The DBDLI must welcome and support
research that demonstrates that poor education for African Nova Scotians is not only a concern for
the Black community, but a core concern of the Government of Nova Scotia that must be
addressed. There is a timely opportunity, for instance, to strategically edit the Nova Scotia Liberal
Party leader’s argument that Government needs to “overhaul the public education system to focus
on literacy, numeracy and creative thinking” (Davenport, 2013, p. 4) by adding that there is also a
need to ensure that the education system serves the needs of all its citizens - particularly the Black
and Aboriginal communities.
The DBDLI, through research, must seek to gather success stories of how Blacks and other racially
marginalized groups have successfully confronted discrimination within education. The
recommended search for success stories on how Blacks and other marginalized groups are
confronting systemic oppression must focus both on success in education and labour participation.
This double track approach emphasizes the education of African Nova Scotians and their active
participation in the functionaries of mainstream institutions of influence. The broader agenda that
requires some attention is enhancing the social, political, cultural and economic citizenship of
African Nova Scotians. There are several models that can be examined and possibly replicated in
Nova Scotia, in conjunction with, for instance, the Black Business Initiative (BBI). An interesting
model in the United States is the Executive Leadership Council (2013, para. 1 & 2):
a national organization comprised of current and former African-American
CEOs and senior executives at Fortune 500 and equivalent companies. For
more than 25 years, the ELC [Executive Leadership Council] has worked

to build an inclusive business leadership pipeline and to empower African-
American corporate leaders to make significant and impactful contributions
in the global marketplace and their communities.
Another example is the African American Leadership Institute housed in the University of
California, Los Angeles Anderson School of Management (2013, para. 1 & 2):
UCLA’s [University of California Los Angeles] African American Leadership
Institute distills the wisdom and experience of the nation's top African
American corporate leaders and public figures and identifies the tools
required to prepare today's African American executives for tomorrow's
organizational leadership. During a 5-month engagement of provocative
and stimulating work on the state of African American leadership, you will
dig deep into key issues from a personal, interpersonal, and organizational
perspective and take away a practical toolkit to increase productivity,
leverage, and value to your organization.
There are several other models including the Diversity Executive (see http://diversity-
executive.com/articles/view/driven-to-success-aaa-pilots-program-for-african-american-
leaders/2) and the National Forum for Black Public Administrators (see
http://www.nfbpa.org/i4a/pages/index.cfm?pageid=3293). These kinds of programs are
particularly important examples for the DBDLI which can potentially promote confidence and
increase self-esteem among African Nova Scotian students. They also provide an opportunity for
the DBDLI to create a framework for recruiting research fellows who can serve as organic
intellectuals, feel the elementary passion of the people and articulate their aspirations. A key
learning point from these case studies is the need for the DBDLI to focus on diversifying the

number of enlightened African Nova Scotians by enabling the education of lawyers, medical
doctors, social workers, pharmacists and engineers. A hopeful way to conclude this section of the
paper is to note that after graduating with an electrical engineering degree from Dalhousie
University in 2010, “Shalyn Williams, 27, [became] the first female African-Nova Scotian
engineer” (Herald, 2013, para. 1).
REFLECTION
Although various forms of discrimination continue to restrict social mobility for minority groups
like the African Nova Scotian and Aboriginal communities in Nova Scotia, there are, also,
undeniable trends that create the perfect conditions for improvements and social justice in general.
These trends also come with many opportunities that the DBDLI cannot afford to ignore.

Increased receptiveness for social justice
About 50 years ago in Nova Scotia and North America in general, marginalized groups struggled
to build alliances with individuals or groups from the dominant or ruling class in fighting injustice.
Increasingly, this kind of class divide is radically blurring as numerous educated and young people
of privileged identities are questioning prevailing systemic forms of hegemony.
Most contemporary social movements, for instance, the Idle No More and the Occupy movements
that advocate for the rights of Aboriginal people and against the injustices of capitalism
respectively are not only led by the oppressed but also by people from the dominant class. The
DBDLI recognizes that, for instance, if it were to organize a protest calling for improved education
for Black Nova Scotians, there would be many non-Black Nova Scotians in the crowd. This is a
great opportunity for building bridges. These willing partners are enlightened and have potential
to act as elite intellectuals (cf. Brookfield, 2007; Kenway, 2001). The DBDLI must create a
welcoming environment for these various groups of partners.
Nova Scotia Needs a Vibrant and Educated Workforce
The Nova Scotia Department of Labour and Advanced Education (2013) clearly states that “Nova
Scotia’s economic stability is tied to our ability to compete and respond to changes in the global
market. That ability requires a vibrant and adaptable workforce — a workforce strong in numbers
and in skills” (para. 2). This is a strategic opportunity for African Nova Scotians because we have
a young population that can actively participate in the labour force. Beyond this economic

argument, the Department of Education and Early Childhood Development’s (2013, para. 1)
statement of mandate 2013–14 provides a liberal argument for education by stating that:
Our vision is for every student in every classroom to become well-educated,
confident, responsible adults–with the skills they need to create and work in
good jobs, ready to build a life for families of their own. The four goals for
education in Nova Scotia are:
o Put Students First
o Support Effective Teaching in Every Classroom
o Prepare Young People for Good Jobs, Citizenship
o Strengthen Links Between Schools, Parents, and the Community
This paper does not presume that the DBDLI is unaware of the Department of Education and Early
Childhood Development’s vision and the opportunity it provides to advance its agenda for
improving education for African Nova Scotians. It however, highlights that there are, for instance,
unique opportunities for the DBDLI to work with the provincial government, particularly the
departments of Labour and Advanced Education (in terms of adult literacy), and Education and
Early Childhood Development (in terms of the school’s expectations about the role of parents) to
develop ways by which the reported low involvement of African Nova Scotian parents and
guardians in the affairs of their children’s schooling can be addressed. The DBDLI should engage
these departments to discuss mechanisms around data collection and analysis that can inform new
approaches to increasing the involvement of African Nova Scotian parents and guardians in their
children’s education.
The Department of Education and Early Childhood Development also mentions - good jobs and
active citizenship – in its mandate. This is an attractive and relevant policy landscape within which
the DBDLI can locate its claim for partnering with the provincial government to address the
systemic barriers that African Nova Scotians confront in education. This claim holds that if the
educational needs of African Nova Scotians are addressed they can significantly participate in the

economy either by job creation or skill provision. People who are educated and have good jobs are
likely to build good families and promote good and active citizenship in their communities.
Government’s Commitment to Support the DBDLI
The provincial government’s commitment to support the creation of the DBDLI is a unique
opportunity that must be optimized in all possible ways. In a press release dated March 26, 2013,
the Department of Education and Early Childhood Development (2013, para. 1) declared that:
The province is investing $2.2 million in a permanent home for the Delmore
"Buddy" Daye Africentric Learning Institute, which will provide more support
and resources for students of African descent. The institute will conduct
research, work with educators and community members, and develop policy,
curriculum and resources with a focus on African heritage and culture.
This announcement creates a sustainable political and policy landscape that can ensure that the
education project for African Nova Scotians is not only a concern for African Nova Scotians, but
also, a concern for the Government of Nova Scotia.
But it might also be prudent for the Government of Nova Scotia, or perhaps, particularly the
African Nova Scotian community, through the DBDLI to contemplate entertaining a broader
discussion about social mobility for African Nova Scotians. This suggestion does not presume that
a conversation of this kind is not initiated; rather, it proposes a further reflection on what is required
to enable social mobility within the Black community. For instance, is it possible to increase
parents’ involvement in the affairs of their children’s school if an underlying cause of the problem

is a lack of time and energy induced by poverty-imposed obligations to work more than 15 hours
daily between three different jobs? What about the historical distrust between parents and the
school system? What about the role of families as a key ingredient for producing a successful
student and a good citizen?
This paper argues for the development of a broader social mobility agenda aimed at enabling the
African Nova Scotian to contribute to, and enjoy the full concept of citizenship. There are a number
of initiatives that must support the achievement of the full citizenship objective as demonstrated
in the following diagram:
This diagram does not capture all of the ingredients required to enable full or good citizenship
within the African Nova Scotian community, rather, it raises new questions about either
coordinating what is already in place or putting in place the missing initiatives. The community
and religious institutions - for instance, the church – must be included in this kind of conversation
Full
Citizenship
welcoming
education
system for
all
welcoming
economy
for all
welcoming
political
system for
all
vibrant
family and
community

because they can contribute to the promotion of good citizenship. The BBI and other actors within
the private sector play a crucial role in economically empowering African Nova Scotians to enjoy
full citizenship. These are only but a few examples that demonstrate the need for developing a
broader and coordinated social mobility agenda for the African Nova Scotian learner.
One of the key reasons why the anti-Apartheid champion of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, is
revered globally is because he chose to lead his people by looking ahead and not dwelling
exclusively on the injustices of the past. Sometimes our pace to move ahead is impeded by the
weight of the memory of the past that we carry along. Contemporary Africa, for instance, confronts
a similar phenomenon that weaves together the pursuit of development and memories of injustice
from the unfortunate European colonization project. The DBDLI must continue to develop a
critical understanding of the past experiences of the African Nova Scotian learner, but the purpose
should be how to use the analysis to eliminate further damage to the educational success of the
community. This paper encourages the DBDLI to consider the following factors as part of a
proposed development of baseline indicators for an annual monitoring of the education context of
African Nova Scotians.
Student Dropout: the DBDLI must devote significant resources to understanding and addressing
the evolving trends of student dropout through a sustained research approach. The Black United
Front (BUF), for instance, a political organization established in 1968 by Black leaders to present
a united voice of Black communities, identified student dropout patterns as a key issue that
deserves the attention of the relevant stakeholders (BLAC, 1994b). The African Nova Scotian
community confronts a persistent trend of student dropout and argues that it is a consequence of
the historically poor service that it receives from the school system.

There are several monitoring models that the DBDLI can investigate and adapt to its programming
context from different parts of the world. The University of California Los Angeles Anderson
School of Management (2013, para. 1), for instance, has the California Dropout Research Project
(CDRP) established in 2006 (see http://www.cdrp.ucsb.edu/) to:
synthesize existing research and undertake new research to inform
policymakers, educators and the general public about the nature of
the dropout crisis in California and to help the state develop a
meaningful policy agenda to address the problem.
The CDPR project uses research information to inform the development of a sound policy agenda
to advocate for the improvement of education for those students who are affected by the
phenomenon in California. The University of California Los Angeles Anderson School of
Management (2013) argues that although there are numerous and varying reasons why students
drop out of school, they can be grouped into two major categories of predictors, including
individual and institutional. The individual predictors account for educational performance,
behavior, attitude and background; while the institutional predictors account for family, school
system and community (Rumberger and Ah Lim, 2008).
Examining dropout in the context of Black students in Ontario, several scholars (Sefa Dei,
Mazzuca, McIsaac& Zine, 1997; Pollard, 1989) have pointed out that structural discrimination,
poverty, Eurocentrism, White male privilege and streaming in the school system are some of the
key factors that influence dropout. These issues require a careful analysis in the education context
of Nova Scotia. This is partly, but significantly because, in order to make a practical
recommendation on addressing student dropout rates, a clear distinction must be drawn between
correlations and causations.

Sefa Dei (1996) argues that researchers must develop a new way of looking at dropout by re-
theorizing and re-conceptualizing the phenomenon. The author cites Lawton (1992) who
completed a synopsis of various models in understanding dropout. This includes the frustration or
low self-esteem model and participation-identification model developed by Finn (1989), the
deviance theory model and structural strain and alienation model developed by LeCompte and
Dworkin (1991), and the cost-benefit-analysis model used by several other researchers. Sefa Dei
(1996) cogently critiqued these models and argued that researchers must focus on a new way of
studying the dropout phenomenon by moving beyond these theories and draw instead on grounded
theory to delve into the lived experiences of students. This paper specifically argues for the use of
Africentricity and critical race theory as the research lenses that the DBDLI should draw on.
Low self-esteem: The problem of low self-esteem critically affects Black Canadian students in
unique ways. Research by Joseph and Kuo (2008) revealed that “Black Canadians are exposed to
multiple race-related stressors that require them to adopt a flexible repertoire of general and
culture-specific coping strategies” (p.78). The DBDLI, through the lens of Africentricity, should
research the changing dynamics of self-esteem among African Nova Scotian students and develop
specifically designed community based programs to help students appreciate their social positions
within the school system and the wider community. The literature (BLAC, 1994a and b) confirms
that low self-esteem among African Nova Scotian students is a major factor that undermines their
performance. BLAC (1994a, p. 18), for instance, specifically described the existence of low self-
esteem among Black students:
suppression, destruction and distortion of a group’s history and culture by
others and the surrender of one’s own culture results in low self-esteem.
On the other hand, ignorance and disrespect for African Canadian history
and culture breed low expectations and unhealthy educator assessments of

African Nova Scotian students, personalities and potential.
Our understanding of low self-esteem among African Nova Scotian students is extremely limited
if we exclusively define the phenomenon based on knowledge gained from history. The historical
context is relevant, but low self-esteem is a fluid social concept that can be influenced by
intervening factors over time. “Self-esteem can change over time and between situations. It is
informed by experiences of family, school, friendships and wider society and by how we perceive
or make sense of these experiences” (University of York, 2013, section 2, para. 1). The Counseling
and Mental Health Center of the University of Texas at Austin (2013, section 3, para.1) provides
a further compelling reason for a continuous assessment of low self-esteem among students:
Our self-esteem evolves throughout our lives as we develop an image of ourselves
through our experiences with different people and activities. Experiences during
childhood play a particularly large role in the shaping of self-esteem. When we
were growing up, our successes, failures, and how we were treated by our family,
teachers, coaches, religious authorities, and peers, all contributed to the creation
of our self-esteem.
Low self-esteem is a relevant factor that deserves a continuous examination among marginalized
student groups because it has profound ramifications on almost every aspect of their lives. As the
counseling psychologist, Ken Shore (2013), argues, “a student's self-esteem has a significant
impact on the way she [or he] engages in activities, deals with challenges, and interacts with others.
Low self-esteem can lessen a student's desire to learn, ability to focus, and willingness to take
risks” (para. 1). Shore (2013) further observes that “the challenge in working with children with
low self-esteem is to restore their belief in themselves, so they persevere in the face of academic
challenges” (papa. 2).

This paper does not presume that the DBDLI is unaware of extra-curricular programs (see
Wagstaff, 2013) that the Government of Nova Scotia supports for the promotion of self-esteem
among African Nova Scotian students; rather, it contends that this is an opportunity that the DBALI
must optimize. Additionally, this paper argues that the approach to promoting self-esteem must
emphasize the success of students. This is because if we focus too much on students’ weaknesses
their strengths will continue to elude us.
Poor Academic Performance: the DBDLI must pursue research into the changing dynamics of
poor academic performance among African Nova Scotian students. The research approach will
focus on two key areas: the first is the identification of new factors that impinge on the efforts of
Black students to excel academically. It is important to be aware that while the historical legacy
of the African Nova Scotian context has impacted the learning capabilities of Black students, there
are other social factors that are new and rooted in dominant ideology about Black people’s
intelligence in general that need to be identified and countered purposefully. The second area for
research is to develop statistics that show evolutions in the academic performance of African Nova
Scotian students. This is extremely important for successful advocacy and stakeholder
engagement.
Poor academic performance among African Nova Scotian students is a central consequence of the
complex history of the education system of the province. As far back as in the 1970s, the Nova
Scotia Human Rights Commission raised the issue by pointing out that “Black students face special
difficulties in our local schools. Most of them are in general courses; few get beyond grade 10,
and fewer still advance into post-high school educational institutions” (BLAC, 1994b, p. 32).
Critical race theory argues that the issue is more complicated by several factors such as low teacher
expectation and prejudice - just to name a few - than simply stating that Black students are poor

academic performers. In their paper entitled “Reality Check” Lee and Marshall (2009, p. 9)
describe the existence of the phenomenon of poor academic performance among African Nova
Scotian students and the school system’s response measure – the Individual Program Plan (IPP):
According to the testimonies of parents, students, and other individuals within
the education system, an alarming number of learners from African Nova
Scotian communities have an Individual Program Plan. “An IPP is a
statement of annual individualized outcome and specific individualized
outcomes based on the student’s strengths and needs and that is developed
and implemented for every student for whom Nova Scotia’s public programs
curriculum outcomes are not applicable and/ or attainable.”
The Program Planning Process: A Guide for Parents, p.5.
Africentricity and critical race theory argue that the description here is uncritical and only tells a
small part of the story. Some parents are bewildered by the implications of the concept and the
high marks given to their children who are in IPPs. Critical race theory argues specifically that
African Nova Scotian parents not being involved in their children’s school affairs is “normal” in
the view of the school system. The theory further posits that it is “normal” that the school system
would not investigate if parents understand the implications the IPP has on their children’s
schooling.
Poor academic performance as a phenomenon among African Nova Scotian students requires both
qualitative and quantitative research. Marsh’s (2012) book, Class Dismissed, and the earlier work
of Nathaniel Hickerson (1966) in Education for Alienation, argue that the children of parents who
are alienated by the economy are likely to also be alienated by education. The DBDLI should work
with the Department of Education and Early Childhood Development to share research data on the
performance of African Nova Scotian students for the purpose of addressing this problem. If ethics

and privacy regulations prevent data sharing, the DBBALI should pursue a community-based
research with parents to gain insights into the performance of African Nova Scotian students.
Low participation of parents and guardians in their children’s school affairs: The DBDLI
must examine the changing dynamics of the participation of African Nova Scotian parents and
guardians in the education of their children. There is potential to gain new insight into the current
context that can effectively inform how the Black community can continue to work for the
improvement of education for African Nova Scotian students. The current generation of young
African Nova Scotians, like many young people of today, has a slightly different perspective of
education from their parents’. There is a need to research parental dis/engagement with schools
and their children’s education. The DBDLI might make a good impact on this issue if it develops
project activities that are informed by new research.
African Nova Scotian parents not being actively involved in their children’s school affairs is a
concern highlighted by Lee and Marshall (2009). They emphasize the historical factors of
discrimination such as racism, fears of reprisals from the school authority and the fact that some
parents were/are not literate to read and comprehend communications that come from the school
about their children. It is uncritical to also overlook the fact that the school system has historically
not been welcoming to the African Nova Scotian community (BLAC, 1994a and b).
The low participation of parents and guardians in their children’s school affairs deserves a broader
conversation beyond these historical factors. Many parents, not just Black parents, are increasingly
being alienated by the economy – they may work more than 15 hours on several jobs during the
day – and feel robbed of their physical and mental creativity at the end of the day. Although some
of these issues are rooted in the history of discrimination, there is a need for specifically designed

research projects to update the narrative on why parents/guardians are not involved in their
children’s education. Such research must draw on the lenses of Africentricity and critical race
theory.
This paper does not contain a comprehensive list of all of the relevant issues that the DBDLI needs
to pursue. There is, for instance, a need to constantly evaluate indicators such as civic and labour
participation, unemployment and literacy rates, a re-examination of the Transitional Year
Programs at Dalhousie and the Community College, and the public school curriculum and its
ability to attract and retain African Nova Scotian students. Research of this nature will contribute
new insights about changes in the education context of the African Nova Scotian learner.

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This paper has addressed two key objectives. It has proposed practical pathways for a robust
research driven agenda that can strategically inform the DBDLI’s overall goal to improve
education for African Nova Scotians. Additionally, it has created a rich and stimulating context
for a meaningful dialogue aimed at improving education for African Nova Scotians. Below is a
detailed description of six recommendations. The DBDLI must set measurable results for each of
these recommendations.
Recommendation one
The DBDLI should develop baseline indicators to continuously measure evolutions (the changing
dynamics) in the education context for African Nova Scotians. When selected and monitored over
time (annually preferred), the indicators will constitute a set of compelling empirical pillars to
inform the programming strategy for the DBDLI. This paper has identified and articulated a few
examples of these indicators, such as student dropout, students on IPP, parents/guardians
involvement in their children’s schooling, low self-esteem, academic performance, civic and labor
participation, unemployment and literacy rates, effectiveness of the Transitional Year Programs at
Dalhousie and the Community College, the public school curriculum and its ability to attract and
retain African Nova Scotian students, and particularly the inclusion of Africentricity.
Logic: Increasingly, contemporary society is becoming actively receptive to the values of social
justice. This is good for the advocacy project aimed at improving education for African Nova
Scotians. And, this paper argues that the DBDLI also recognizes that this new appetite for social

justice comes with increased competition over resources by various groups who are also
marginalized because of their socio-economic status, sexual orientation, religious beliefs, and
disabilities. The DBDLI must continue to advocate with rational arguments.
Recommendation two
The DBDLI should develop a framework for recruiting research fellows who can serve as organic
intellectuals, feel the elementary passion of African Nova Scotians’ for academic success and
community engagement, enrich their vision with conceptual clarity and articulate their evolving
aspirations with credibility. Examples of results under this recommendation include number of
publications, number of doctoral students recruited for research and number of conferences
organized or attended where issues relevant to the education and the broader social mobility agenda
of African Nova Scotians are articulated.
Logic: The need to create organic intellectuals/ community organizers who can increase or
establish a credible presence for African Nova Scotians in academia and other influential
functionaries of mainstream society cannot be overemphasized. These research fellows or organic
intellectuals will, through research, populate academic and policy discussions with empirically
analyzed evidence demonstrating the need for improving education for African Nova Scotians.
Recommendation three

The DBDLI should develop a strategic framework for developing executive leadership that can be
a vehicle for populating mainstream institutions with Black talents.
Logic: Education is not only for knowledge acquisition, it is also for knowledge application. One
of the driving reasons behind the need to improve education for African Nova Scotians is social
mobility. The DBDLI cannot afford to divorce learning from labor participation.
Recommendation four
The DBDLI should strategically adopt an advocacy argument that coheres with the current
contextual logic and purposes of education so as to successfully engage stakeholders in improving
education for African Nova Scotians.
Logic: The advocacy project to improve education for African Nova Scotians has been cogently
made on a moral theme – African Nova Scotians deserve a better system of education that equitably
serves them because education is a basic right of every person. There is also an economic
imperative that the DBDLI must develop and articulate.
Recommendation five
The DBDLI should develop a proactive and sustained approach – constantly look out for
opportunities; including developing and sustaining partnerships with community organizations,
which are also committed to improving education for African Nova Scotians.

Logic: Most of the initiatives aimed at improving education for African Nova Scotians are in a
reactive mode as opposed to a proactive mode. This is problematic because it does not necessarily
lead to the provision of sustainable solutions to a chronic and systemic challenge like the barriers
to education for African Nova Scotians. The DBDLI must avoid this response circle of reactivity
by choosing a proactive and sustained approach – constantly look out for opportunities – that will
improve education for African Nova Scotians.
Recommendation six
The DBDLI should examine a broader agenda on social mobility for African Nova Scotian
communities.
Logic: Education is not independent of the economic, social and political institutions that provide
its context; therefore, the DBDLI cannot assume that education will solve all of the complex
problems that African Nova Scotian communities confront. It will also make no substantial impact
if it fails to look at the broader mechanism of coordination within which the various actors are
working to contribute to the goal of enabling African Nova Scotians to enjoy full citizenship.
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