present to you my Tulane University Thesis entitled "Fostering Heterogeneity." The thesis starts by focusing on the global phenomenon of income inequality fueled by automobile-driven suburbanization. The architecture proposal refocuses mixed-income housing by hyper-localizing unit organization per floor. The design prioritizes communal spaces in the mixed-use project and designs them to be attractive for all residents.

1. 


Joseph A. Colón
DSGN 5200 :Thesis
Advisor : Professor Scott Bernhard
Tulane University School of Architecture
Spring 2016

2. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Document | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
02 | Page

3. 







DSGN 5200 |Thesis Document | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
03 | Page








4. 
Vertically-configured residential buildings struggle to accommodate heterogeneous, diverse
patterns of living. Cultural problems that stem from horizontal segregation in most cities
are exacerbated when vertically configured buildings introduce inequality for mixed-income
occupants.This thesis contends that engaging communal spaces into reorganized residential
living situations can be a means of remediating the abrupt juxtaposition of unequal incomes
and foster a sense of community across racial and socioeconomic classes.
04 | Page
ã


  


5. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Abstract | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
05 | Page

Income inequality is a pervasive global phenomenon that sees
wealth concentrated in the upper echelon of the income bracket. As a
consequence, people of different income classes are living further apart
than ever before - enabled by automobile-centered suburbanization.
In the United States of America, this wealth stratification
is embodied in an abhorrent racialized history. From a colonial
economy built on the backs of slaves to the propagandistic tool for
white supremacy of “the American Dream,” wealth was intentionally
constructed to benefit the ruling class - i.e. white men. As the wealthier
were able to leave the plagued central cities for the sterility of the
suburbs, they left behind minorities and the poor - and thus had reason
to deliberately disinvest in central cities.
Even with seemingly progressive interventions in
underprivileged communities with “public housing” and “urban
renewal,” wealth inequality and residential segregation remained
stratified. Urban decline continued for decades with perhaps one of
the greatest socio-urbanist consequences being Americans’ preference
for low-density living. Like white flight, this wasn’t simply a naturally
occurring capitalist phenomena, but a series of governmental and
institutional decisions that preferred one class of people over another.
This thesis seeks to investigate the legitimacy of engaging
communal spaces1
into reorganized residential living situations in
mixed-income multi-use contexts. Understanding the sociological
effects of purposed group dynamics and can be potential remedy to
alleviating many of the adverse consequences of a segregationist
history. Attitudes however remain persistent, as psychologically
speaking, people prefer living in homogeneous communities and
environments they feel comfortable in (i.e. not challenged).Trying
to balance the economic reality of market rate vs. affordable rate is
an additional challenge - almost as challenging as the history that
constructed these inequitable forces. Yet, by deemphasizing the
nature of homogeneity present in low-density living, this thesis will
highlight the socioeconomic opportunities of diversity present within
heterogeneous living environments.
1
“
 Intentionally designed spaces that
have productive or activated
programming as means
of gathering space and intermixing
for diverse resident populations




6. 








DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
06 | Page











7. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
07 | Page

8. 
Segregation based on oppression of racial and ethnic minorities in
American History has produced wealth disparities that have had
adverse effects not only on the sociological fabric of the United
States, but has proved to be detrimental to our urban environment.
Remediating these manufactured crises is a difficult pursuit, but
investigating the legitimacy of engaging communal spaces within
a reorganized mixed-income mixed-use development, appropriate
hyperlocalized architectural responses can be made. There is a wealth
of historical and researched contexts to consider, from the racist history
of the United States to criticisms of the mixed-income approach.

 The United States of America was founded on the principles
of liberty, justice, and equality. Unfortunately, its socioeconomic
system was founded on the stark divisions of race and class - i.e. the
stratification of white, land-owning men versus the enslavement of
black and indigenous populations.
These weren’t natural occurrences of market forces or political factors -
this racist history was constructed since America's colonial history. For
example, the division determined by wealth and land ownership were
the primary forces of conflict.White servants and black slaves were
mistreated in roughly equal measure and even rebelled against the
ruling class together1
. It wasn’t until the enslavement and exploitation
of slave labor became more efficient and thus profitable, did wealth
become stratified along racial lines [08]. People of white heritage of
course did not suddenly become rich - but the opportunity for the white
poor and immigrants to "climb the income ladder" was constructed
on the backs of a subordinate, dehumanized class. As DavidW. Blight
notes, in the Antebellum South, “1/3 of all white income was derived
from slavery” and by 1860, “slaves as an asset were worth more than
all of America’s manufacturing , all of the railroads, and all of the
productive capacity of the United States put together” [08].
DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
08 | Page






9. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
09 | Page
Oppression of other racial and ethnic populations for economic gains
is not unique to African-Americans in United States History however.
Native Americans are oft forgotten in these discussions yet are another
harrowing tale of European-manufactured inequality.
Though colonial conflicts had been escalating with Native American
populations since the first settlers arrived in America, the Founding
Fathers advocated for the native peoples’ nations’ sovereignty and
integration: GeorgeWashington decried the theft of
Native American lands [41] and urged Congress to seek peace with
Native Americans and stop frontiersmen from antagonizing them [40];
Jeffersonian Policy promotedWhite and Native American co-existence
and extending full U.S. Citizenship to Native Americans [23].
The amicable tides shifted under the Monroe Administration as the
growing expansion of (white) America pushed settlers westward,
escalating tensions. Understanding the economic incentive embedded
in the occupied lands, President Andrew Jackson, with the approval of
Congress, passed the Indian Removal Act of 1830 which culminated
in theTrail ofTears and the resettlement of the entire tribes of Native
Americans to present day Oklahoma [21].
Chinese persons in America have also infamously been slighted by
a racist system. Immigrating significantly based on the allure of
economic opportunity to California during and after the Gold Rush Era,
Chinese workers found jobs across the mining and railroad construction
sectors of the AmericanWest.Yet, their willingness to acclimate
was exploited by employers who abused their fierce work ethic and
adaptability to small resource usage - like space.Their presence
“suddenly” became a nuisance when the economic downturn of the
1870s prompted racist fears and accusations of the Chinese as the cause
of rising unemployment and declining wages. In order to subvert this
influence,The Chinese Exclusion Act was signed in 1882 by President
Charles A. Arthur, extended by the Geary Act of 1892, and
made permanent (until the Immigration Act of 1865) in 1902 [06].
I draw these parallels between different racial and ethnic discrimination
in American history for primarily two reasons: the first is to expand










10. 








the discussion beyond the dichotomy of black-vs-white race relations
that dominates our American discourse.Though it’s very important
to understand that dichotomy in both historical and contemporary
American contexts (and in terms of the discourse of this thesis), the
United States is truly one of the most heterogeneous societies in the
world that has thrived despite its reviled racial oppression. Second,
the geo-spatial implications of racial discrimination is essential to
comprehending contemporary American socioeconomic problems.
For example, the mass genocide and relocation of Native American
populations in the 19th century still directly affects the poverty and
health issues persistent on Native American reservations in the 21st
century2
. Even the exclusion of Chinese immigrants for nearly 100 years
is relevant to the rise and sedulity of Chinatowns on theWest Coast3
.
This geo-spatial distinction is more amorphous when it comes to black
and white settlement patterns post-CivilWar; the discrimination and
inequality did not necessarily occur spatially. In both Northern and
Southern cities, whites and blacks were not definitively geographically
segregated [09]. Much of this is due to demographic trends of the geo-
spatial situations of black populations. In the South, the integration
of black workers and servants into white communities was common
(the checkerboard pattern of settlement of New Orleans is a relevant
example4
). In the North, migrating blacks settled into immigrant and
working class communities and “ethnic enclaves5
” and were able to
assimilate to a somewhat functioning degree in a racist society.
It must be noted however that before 1900, 80% of black Americans
lived in the rural South, exploited by a sharecropper system that
effectively replaced slavery [09]. Far too accustomed to the racism
and terrorism present in the South, which notably resurged at the
end of Reconstruction in 1877, African-Americans sought economic
opportunity of jobs and social freedom in Northern cities, which came
to be the largest internal migration in United States history6
[13].
Unfortunately, racist attitudes arose as “legislatures, mayors, civic
associations, banks, and citizens colluded to pin black people into
ghettos , where they were overcrowded, overcharged, and
DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
10 | Page




















11. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
11 | Page
undereducated” [08]. So though the North seemed to be a haven
for persecuted blacks (and in many ways, it was) since there was few
to no discriminatory laws, it was their swelling numbers that rankled
the white consciousness to react in a visceral way - primarily through
discriminatory laws and practices but occasionally white mobs would
form and riot, burning down entire black neighborhoods7
.
Perhaps the largest urban consequence of these reflexive racist laws
and practices was the creation of suburbia. Even with the NAACP
winning its first major legal victory by convincing the U.S. Supreme
Court that zoning by race was in fact unconstitutional [09], segregation
would find numerous avenues to be manifested: from racially restrictive
covenants to brazenly throwing stones at black homes.
One of the most comprehensive practices of segregation in 20th
century America was redlining. Since the Roosevelt Administration’s
New Deal created Federal Housing Administration (f. 1934) (which
Coates argues was founded on the auspices of Jim Crow [08]) insured
private mortgages, homeownership became much more attainable
for the “average American citizen” - if they sought homes in “safe
neighborhoods.” Adopting the redlining practices of the Home Owners’
Loan Corporation (f. 1933), the FHA classified safe neighborhoods as
racially pure and homogeneous (i.e. white), neighborhoods in decline
as containing racially mixed populations, while neighborhoods deemed
unsafe were those of any (regardless of wealth or number of) black
or minority populations. Consequently, between 1934 and 1962, 98%
of FHA insured loans went to white borrowers [18].This practice was
based solely on race - and thus, the wealth accumulation and privilege
therewith-in had graduated into the 20th century.
Blockbusting was another prevalent tool of segregationist policy.
Preying on white fear (instead of black vulnerability), speculators and
real estate agencies convinced white families in neighborhoods-in-
transition through various tactics (like paying a person of color to walk
down the street) the urgency of selling their home before their home
value plummeted. Whites fled, sold their homes cheaply, and






12. the speculators turned around and sold them to northward bound
blacks on contract - “a predatory agreement that combined all the
responsibilities of homeownership with all the disadvantages of
renting—while offering the benefits of neither” [09].Thus, even for the
few (middle-class) African-American families who tried to escape the
detriment of black ghettos by buying homes, these predatory practices
meant their supposed equity acquisition was subverted by real estate
agents seeking profit [09] - and they therefore saw none of the
associated benefits of home ownership such as wealth accumulation.
With white America needing “refuge” from the diversifying central
cities, the advent of the automobile and federal subsidization of the
Interstate Highway System8
enabled them to leave the central cities
and black ghettos behind and settle in the most stark symbol of
segregation: suburbia.
Applying the mass production of the automobile to home construction,
William Levitt envisioned the prototypical suburban neighborhood of
Levittown9
(f. 1947) as exemplifying everything the “average American”
could want: a landscaped escape from crowded, dangerous cities, a
low-risk method of building wealth, and thoroughly homogeneous
communities.William Levitt being the shrewd suburban pioneer further
pitched his “Levittowns” as a patriotic, civilizing , anti-radical (read:
anti-Commie) force [09].Yet Levittowns revealed a very intentional
factor that would come to be one of the most defining aspects of
suburbia: the complete segregation from minorities. The account
of the first black family to move into Levittown, Pennsylvania helps
illustrate this reality: Daisy and Bill Myers, “were greeted with protests
and a burning cross. A neighbor who opposed the family said that
Bill Myers was ‘probably a nice guy, but every time I look at him I see
$2,000 drop off the value of my house.’ ” [09].
Though there are ample criticisms of suburban living that can
be enumerated, from resource inefficiencies to disintegration of
social interrelations, one notable benefit is the security of wealth
accumulation in home ownership. Unsurprisingly, nonwhite Americans
12 | Page










13. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
13 | Page
were intentionally left out of one of the greatest periods of American
prosperity as poverty was concentrated to inner- and central-city
neighborhoods [29]. In fact, real estate agents employed over 26
different techniques in Chicago to exclude African-Americans from
certain neighborhoods with 80% of Chicago realtors refusing to sell
to blacks in white neighborhoods, 68% refusing to even rent such
properties, and 25% of property owners charging higher rents to black
families than white families [10].
With real estate boards excluding them, speculators financially preying
on them, white riots plaguing them, and the New Deal programs, from
the FHA to Social Security, failing them, perhaps the final hope rested
with one last federal measure to give equal economic opportunity to
blacks: the G.I. Bill of 1944.Though technically a non-discriminatory
federal assistance program to provide housing and college loans to
returning veterans fromWorldWar II, it was locally administered. So
though they fought and died for the United States' interests abroad,
the locally white-runVeterans' Administrations and banks prevented
practically all assistance African-Americans could have enjoyed that
their fellow white citizens were liberally receiving [09].

The extensive American history of racist discrimination has underlying
indications of many of Edward Soja’s “positive motivators” for
segregation, which include, but are not limited, to social cohesion
of homogeneity, security from familiarity, and wealth accumulation
[36]. Comparatively, many immigrant and ethnic minorities also
self-segregated, forming ethnic enclaves5
that emphasized cultural
preservation and socioeconomic survival [43]. So, an objective
question arises: to what degree is segregation bad? Soja theorizes that
“segregation becomes a problem, however, when it is rigidly imposed
from above [i.e. exogenously] as a form of subjugation and control”
[36]. Detrimentally for America, this is far too often the case.
The racial and class stratification of the Industrial Era America (roughly

 



14. 1850 to 1910) necessitated spatial concentration of human activities.
Factories were compact and urban situated for economic efficacy,
fixed rail lines were the primary mode of transit (though convincing
arguments have been made that streetcars were the first iteration
of suburbanization10
), and rudimentary telecommunications only
accentuated the effectiveness of face-to-face contact. So although
segregation in urban sectors was a reality, economic forces kept
populations consolidated and heterogeneous interaction intact [18].
Compare this Industrial urban configuration with the Corporate urban
configuration of the 20th century.The proliferation of the electrical
grid meant manufacturing could grow in the suburban wilderness;
the expansion of the federal Interstate Highway System8
favored this
suburban relocation with the propagation of truck transport; and
finally, commuter dispersion from central cities and job relocation was
bolstered by the automobile's market consumer saturation [10].
This transformative urban reconfiguration of employment by
technological innovations of the 20th century precipitated the
residential relocation via the process of suburbanization. In fact, “the
number of American homeowners [increased] from 40 percent in 1940
to 62 percent in 1960.The suburban share of the nation’s population
grew from a mere 7 percent in 1910 to 32 percent by 1960. By 1970, the
Census Bureau declared that the United States had ‘become a nation
of suburbs.’ By then, suburbs in metropolitan areas surpassed central
cities and non-metro areas in population” [29]. As historical context
displays, this suburbanization of American society cannot be separated
from its racist motivations and segregationist consequences.
We could use what Ali Madanipour describes as the spatiality of
social exclusion11
to understand these consequences. Political
exclusion manifests in the denial of participation in the democratic
decision making process, leading to powerlessness and lack of self-
determination. The exclusion of means to integrate and communicate
(cross-)culturally is the manifestation of cultural exclusion - which often
results in alienation and culturally-induced inferiority. Exclusion in
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14 | Page
















15. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
15 | Page
economic arenas undermines the ability of individuals and households
to participate equitably in market and social processes. [27].
The economic exclusion of minorities to higher education and white
collar managerial employment is intertwined both with political
exclusion and the persistence of (black) ghettos. Since people of color
had little agency to change their plight via legal or political routes, their
dependence on-governmental assistance and welfare programs only
increased. A variety of white associated elite institutions (like hospitals,
libraries, universities, etc.) continued to benefit white Americans
even as they moved to the suburbs - while similar civic services
were disinvested in central cities with large minority population
concentrations. [10].
It must be emphasized that these phenomenas created the “ghettos”
of yesteryear, characterized by an diverse economic cohort of African-
Americans (or other ethnicities) and/or some degree of immigrant
percolation (again, reflective of ethnic enclave5
communities) - but
also created as Coates describes, “the second ghetto:” how we
imagine and observe what ghettos are today [09]. Remember, over
4.5 million African-Americans settled in Northern cities where black
spatial isolation was an average of 32%; by 1970, it had increased to
an average of 74% [10]. Driven in part by the aforementioned racist
practices and policies, this segregation also occurred as a consequence
of the egalitarian mindset of helping the poor and disadvantaged - in
the form of detrimental housing projects.
It’s imperative that a free, democratic society seek to alleviate the
pervasive circumstances of its most vulnerable citizens - yet, when it
develops from a white supremacist mindset, you see the persistent
failures of urban renewal and housing project still prevail to today.
Public housing projects built all across the country were seen as
improvements from the deplorable conditions of the poor (and
residents confirmed they were12
); unfortunately, they were almost
exclusively designed for one race (as if poverty afflicts only one race),
often built in racially homogeneous (black) neighborhoods [09].











16. One common interpretation is that either higher concentrations of
poor and disadvantaged people lead to higher rates of crime, depravity,
or poverty.This tends to be a rather disparaging, privileged viewpoint
that demonizes the vulnerable. A more nuanced interpretation is
that isolating poor individuals isolates them from higher-income
families that can serve as “role models” who can show the poor people
“how to act and achieve success.”13
This sociological interpretation
is certainly contentious and ripe for debate [01] (and one my thesis
seeks to address), but a historical urban perspective reveals that black
areas were more often disinvested and ignored - thus with poorer
quality education, health, and protective services and little economic
opportunity, these areas gave over to deplorable conditions that led
to the failure of a litany of public housing projects (chief among them,
Pruitt-Igoe12
) [12] - and the conditions we still see in ghettos today.
Drawing from Soja, we bring the most striking condemnation of
the unjust system: “challenges ... occur... when such discriminatory
geographies are recognized as being socially constructed (rather
than naturally given) and therefore open to being changed through
concerted social action. It is no surprise that such critical spatial
awareness has not been widespread” [36]. He posits that the United
States legal system is self-guarded to not recognize spatial justice
and that “justice is almost entirely blind to the concept of unfair
geographies and specifically spatial injustice” [36]
It’s not just the justice system that remains blind to these unfair
geographies and spacial injustices.The Pew Research Center (PRC)
notes that across all races, people “get along either ‘very well’ or ‘pretty
well.’Yet, when PRC asks how much needs to done in order to achieve
racial equality, the amount of Whites and Hispanics who say “a lot” is
around 45% while 79% of Blacks say the same [24]. A more recent CNN
survey reports that 49% of Americans view racism as a “large problem,”
with another 33% viewing it as “somewhat of a problem” - sizable
increases from 20 years ago.There is once again a distinction to how
different races respond: of those who say racism is a big problem, 66%
of African-Americans and 64% of Hispanics agree, while only 43%
DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
16 | Page






17. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
17 | Page
of white Americans. Note these are all increases from 20 years ago;
respondents who chose to elaborate cite this change in perceptions
of racism in American to increased media coverage of high profile
incidents with racial components - such as police shootings of unarmed
black individuals or the Black Lives Matter movement [35]. The PRC
report also reveals that in the past 50 years, the gaps between white
and black median household income and median household wealth
have increased, while the homeownership rate gap has remained
persistent [24]. As both the NPR and CNN reports and this essay have
illustrated, this divergence is heavily correlated to both the situation of
the residential environment and the interaction an individual has with
different races from themselves [34].
Unfortunately to this day, most Americans don’t benefit from living in
an integrated society - many parts of the U.S. continue to live in highly
segregated spatial situations. Even as segregated living has fallen in
nearly all parts of the United States, many racial and ethnic minorities
haven’t integrated into the suburbs (notably African-Americans) nor
has there been considerable integration of white families into central
city neighborhoods [10] - though we have in contemporary times see
this occur with the phenomena of gentrification - but that’s a topic for
another thesis.
To illustrate, many lower income (typically minority) communities
have been segregated in large housing projects within homogeneous
communities in usually central city neighborhoods with access to few
or no resources. Higher income (usually white) neighborhoods have
otherwise expanded into the urban periphery with large individual,
detached living units (a.k.a. houses) with ample room and available
resources. (top diagram, right).This urban configuration is common
in the urban renewal / suburbanization period of American history.
Another orientation we’ve seen in urban centers is the self-segregating
of wealthy individuals into luxury towers, with little relation, contact, or
integration with the larger urban context. Conversely, Poorer, smaller
housing units are usually situated in otherwise isolated neighborhoods
(bottom diagram, right).






18. We can see these depressing conditions wonderfully illustrated by
the “Racial Dot Map of America.”Thanks to Dustin Cable, from the
University ofVirginia, data from the 2010 U.S. Census was used to
map the entire United States’ (including the oft forgotten Alaska and
Hawaii) racial breakdown - down to the neighborhood level [F]. Now,
this incredibly useful map doesn’t show further demographic data,
such as income, but it does show every single citizen and their ethnic
distribution, which is the first time a map does both, “making it the
most comprehensive map of race in America ever created.” [29]This is
especially informative as it reveals the historical racial consequences in
a clear geo-spatial representation.
It should come as no surprise that the aforementioned geo-spatial
segregation occurs in economic strata as well. While racial and ethnic
segregation has slowly been falling across the U.S., by almost every
measure, income segregation has been increasing since 1980 [15]Their
analysis found “that 28% of lower-income households in 2010 were
located in a majority lower-income census tract, up from 23% in 1980,
and that 18% of upper- income households were located in a majority
upper-income census tract, up from 9% in 1980.”This points not only to
a polarization of wealth classes, but also to a hollowing out of medium
tier wealth classes such that “the share of neighborhoods across the
United States that are predominantly middle class or mixed income”
were 85% in 1980 and dropped to to 76% in 2010.”The researchers
at Pew also include the racial context of these phenomena as they
note residential segregation by income “remains less pervasive than
residential segregation by race.” [15]
While poverty, economic segregation , and income inequality affect
all Americans regardless of race, I must once again highlight the links
between race and wealth. For example, Claudio Iván Remeseira notes
that though Latinos make-up 16% of the population, they only recieve
9% of the earnings pie in 2010. Latinos also had an unemployment rate
38 points higher than non-Hispanic whites (NHW) and when they are
employed, they’re more likely to have minimum wage jobs and only
earn are $572 per week compared to $799 for NHW workers [29].
DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
18 | Page
















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In fact, “in 2010, NHW on average had two times the income of the
other two groups, but six times the wealth.” with “the median wealth
of white households 15 times that of Hispanic households.”Thus,
with one class accruing more wealth, the “other side of the coin is the
racially unequal rise in poverty: In 2010, 27.4 percent of blacks and
26.6 percent of Hispanics were poor, compared to 9.9 percent of non-
Hispanic whites and 12.1 percent of Asians.” [29].
Speaking of African-American wealth inequality, Patrick Sharkey helps
illustrate the stark realities: “52 percent of African-American families
live in high-poverty neighborhoods over consecutive generations,
compared to 7 percent of whites. Black families making $100,000 a year
or more live in more disadvantaged neighborhoods than whites making
less than $30,000.” Sharkey suggests that “Black and white families
that look very similar in terms of economic profile diverge because
the black families are much more likely to live in a disadvantaged
environments.“ Drawing on the urban American history I’ve elucidated,
Sharkey contends “that the reason there has not been ... investment in
low-income areas of color is because federal urban policy is based on a
narrative [of] linking central cities with race and violent crime, creating
a policy agenda focused on abandonment and punishment.” [30]
As a result of an oppressive racialized urban history, the United
States has been segregated on the auspices of race, class, wealth,
and density. Many of the factors could have occurred without
institutional and systemic racism, but because they are the fact in
American history, these factors have been compounded.Too rectify
centuries of these injustices and inequalities will take immense
governmental, institutional, communal, and personal reflection and
action. One avenue I seek to present in these efforts is the legitimacy
of architecture and urban design to remediate these problems by
highlighting the advantages and benefits of heterogeneous living in an
integrated, diverse society - because far too often the case has been
made for the opposite and the deck stacked against the (in my opinion),
better alternative.




20. 48%
37%
11%
3%
1%
t Strongly agree
t Somewhat agree
t Somewhat disagree
t Strongly disagree
t Don’t know

In response to such stark segregation and its disadvantageous
effects on oppressed populations, arguments can be made in favor
of heterogeneous living. Of course, social engineering is a legitimate
concern as coercion of people in any aspect is difficult to achieve and
also morally questionably.Yet, presenting information on the why
heterogeneous living is advantageous is a helpful step in breaking down
centuries old attitudes and behaviors - and levels the playing field of
choice in a less biased manner.
Philippe Legrain fromYaleGlobal claims that “Diversity Enriches Us All”
[18]. In his humorously subjective piece, he notes, “Diversity broadens
the range of cultural experiences available in a city or country. As a
Londoner, I’m delighted that local restaurants now serve food from
around the world, rather than just the awful British stuff we once
had to put up with.” [18]. He also posits that high-levels of diversity
within a city can be an attractive magnet for culturally-diverse minded
individuals and thus be a spur for economic growth. Citing Richard
Florida, “regional economic growth is powered by creative people, who
prefer places that are diverse, tolerant and open to new ideas.” [11]
This isn’t just subjective hypothesis either; Two Italian economists who
sought to estimate the economic value of cultural diversity examined
the wages and rents in US cities with varying shares of foreign-born
residents. “When they looked at data from 160 US cities between
1970 and 1990, they found that the average wages earned by US-born
people and the average rent they paid were much higher in cities that
are more culturally diverse.The higher wages suggest that productivity
is higher in culturally diverse cities, while the higher rents suggest that
people are willing to pay more to live in cities that offer a variety of
people and cultural experiences.” [18]
Forbes can back up Legrain with their report “Fostering Innovation
Through a DiverseWorkforce” as they also report that “diversity is a key
driver of innovation and is a critical component of being successful on a
global scale” [08].The report also finds that “a diverse and inclusive
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20 | Page














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21 | Page
workforce is crucial for companies that want to attract and retain top
talent [08], once again agreeing with Legrains assertions that diversity
is not only beneficial, but also important to remaining competitive and
successful professionally and economically.
Mark J. Stern and Susan C. Seifert of the UPenn Social Impact of
the Arts Project note the value of diversity within Philadelphia
neighborhoods. One benefit is that “diverse neighborhoods are more
likely to have many social institutions within one-half mile than more
homogeneous neighborhoods,” [30] meaning a diverse community not
only has higher social integration, but also has more social resources
that are more prevalent than in homogeneous neighborhoods. An
element of this is the high rate of arts and cultural organizations in
diverse neighborhoods, which “provides a means of forging identity”
and help address inter-group conflict [30], a valuable means of having
differing racial and income groups come together.
An independent school study from Hamza Independent School
can show us the benefits of working group dynamics.The study
examined the achievement outcomes of students in homogeneous or
heterogeneous classroom environments.What they discovered was
that “having foreign students or students from different cultures in
a mixed ability class, yielded the best desired results.Therefore, the
researcher highly recommends maximizing the heterogeneity in a class
in all possible ways” [11].The researchers recognize that “Learning
as a behavioral process is very complex and multifactorial“ but “It is
the interaction between the two factors (ability + multiculturalism)
seems to give the best desired results.“ [11]. Education as a tool is
helpful for all facets of life, so though this is one study at one school,
the implications are fascinatingly helpful in showing the positive
achievement effects of diversity, the benefits of heterogeneous
learning and working environments, and general sociological benefits.
The aforementioned studies are just a snippet of the mountains of
objectifiable, tested, hard data that prove and list the benefits of
diversity. Diversity, typically in terms of racial and ethnic heterogeneity

22. 


(as focused by this thesis) but we should not forget gender, sexual
orientation, ability, and religion as factors of diversity either, has been
researched to be beneficial in nearly every fact of society.Therefore,
it’s discouraging to have seen instances of hesitation and resistance to
integration and encouraging the multicultural society we are.
One other form of diversity we can explore is that of economic/
income/wealth diversity; it can be most readily employed in the built
environment, especially in housing (as residential segregation is
determinate of a host of living standards).Yet, economic diversity is rife
with contentions and benefits receive suspicion; in the contemporary
debate, mixed-income developments are central to the discourse.

Perhaps much of the debate surrounding mixed-income approaches is
because it’s the newest iteration of public housing. Since United States’
history has shown conflicted relations with public housing, a large
body of research is skeptical of the mixed-income housing mode with
legitimate reasons.When it is implemented, we can often see further
segregation in vertical strata (San Fransisco and NewYork City’s “poor
doors”14
come to mind). I contend that an appropriate architectural
response can be the engagement of communal spaces within
reorganized mixed-income projects to alleviate some of the adverse
effects of segregated environments and introduce the benefits of
heterogeneous living.Thus, understanding what different researchers
and commentators have said on the topic is essential.
The researchers from the Urban Institute concluded that “income
mixing” has yet to achieve its goals of economic desegregation
andpoverty alleviation.They examine the wide range of literature
on the subject of “mixed-income”15
and “income diverse areas”16
and
review the hypothesized benefits of mixed-income environments.
“The benefits tend to be less clear then the hypothesized benefits of
remediating concentrated poverty and neighborhood disinvestment.
One of their main takeaways is that “mixed-income strategies can help
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













 



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create spaces of opportunity for low-income families ... spaces in which
people can find relief from stress related to unsafe living environments,
but the strategies have not been found to lift households out of
poverty.”They recommend that “efforts need to be intentional and
focused on a specific purpose” such as health problems, educational
attainment, or job training instead of focusing on just “poverty
alleviation.” Since many of mixed-income developments’ goals are too
broad and ineffective, the researches state that “mixed-income housing
strategy continues to inform local and federal housing policies in the
United States and around the world, this approach needs to be under
heavy review.” [02].
Ellickson takes a much less ambiguous stance when it comes to his
research regarding mixed-income housing models however. He argues
traditional governmental support of mixed-income projects weakens
due to more complex nature of benefits and costs associated with
mixed-income living. He admits that mixed-income project approach
is “superior” to the traditional public housing model, but it is “distinctly
inferior” and “mediocre” in its methodology, similar to inclusionary
zoning practices of stipulating a number of affordable units per
development. Based on his research, he contends housing vouchers for
low-income families is more just in its outcomes and a more effective
role government should take is reducing barriers to insufficient housing
stock [07].
Brophy and Smith have a different outlook as they analyze 7 different
mixed-income developments to see what works and what doesn’t in
their optimistic article entitled “Mixed-Income Housing: Factors for
Success.” Chief among their factors is projects that emphasize the
basics of real estate development such as location, quality design,
financial viability, and excellent management and maintenance.
Another critical factor is a conditional one: if the goal of a project is
upward mobility of lower-income residents, more than just income-
mixing and good management is needed.They also include factors
such as having a high enough higher income population to achieve
critical mass, not advertising the income-income mixing, designing





24. 


similar quality units, and having a gradual climb of moderate income
tiers instead of a stark juxtaposition of lower and higher incomes
[03]. Brophy and Smith’s piece takes into account many of the
downfalls of mixed-income projects and is helpful in that it provides a
comprehensive list of factors that makes said projects successful.
This breadth of research is just a drop in the bucket of the mountains of
papers that have been written on the topic of mixed-income housing.
The research has been instrumental in determining the steps I need
to take to make my thesis proposal successful. As many of the papers
note, mixed-income housing tends to fail or not succeed without proper
communal integration and social mixing. I seek to build upon this by
making communal spaces integral to the proposed design and focus on
reorganizing overall organization as is typically done in projects.These
are the central tenants that my architectural response shall have.

Many factors clearly inform an architectural response. From a cultural
history of racism versus the benefits of heterogeneous living to the
questionability of mixed-income housing as a legitimate response,
the architectural response needs to engage communal spaces in a
reorganized manner to be a successful mediator for the multitude of
disparate conditions.
Before I delve into “engaged communal spaces,” I’ll start breaking
down the reorganizing aspect of my spatial reasoning. Mixed income
developments reasonably segregate their occupants by income.
Cheaper units are more oriented towards the bottom with smaller units
and unimpressive views; the richer units are typically situated towards
the top floor of developments with large units and spectacular views;
there often isn’t a gradient of unit prices and if there is, it’s a stark one;
amenities are distributed pragmatically yet sparingly.This organization
is based on economic realities and market forces that regulate
designers and developers to design projects in a safe, conventional
manner.Thus, I propose a radically different organization
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25. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
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that still conventionally relies on economic forces and market realities:
introduce a gradient of unit types such as, luxury, above-market rate,
market rate, workforce, and subsidized.The organization aspect comes
in orienting them in hyperlocalized strategies so there’s gradation per
floor and across floors. Lastly, allow the development to rely on the
proper market-to-subsidized ratio to achieve profitability..
As to engaging communal spaces, researchers note that the of
“development-wide organization and community building efforts...
tend to be the areas most lacking” In fact, “the lack of an effective
development-wide organizationThey do note that “the organization
of housing units mattered less than the organization of public spaces.
Interaction was more likely among residents when the layout of public
spaces led to encounters - even casual ones.” [02]. So in the absence of
infrastructural and institutional leadership, applying what makes them
successful in the urban scale can potentially be applied to spacial zones
within architectural projects. And thus, an architectural response ripe
with possibility.
Though the residents are a homogeneously low-income population,
the architectural project 60 Richmond East is an effective example
of activated communal space. By incorporating a cyclical system of
productive gardens and resident-run kitchens, the project inherently
builds community and “a sense of purpose” - two very hard aspects
to design for. “We were trying to be creative with a building type that
includes city spaces, not a tower as an object on the skyline,” says
Teeple [13].
Having delved into all the facets I believe influences an architectural
response, I can move forward with exploring how other projects have
employed the same type of developments. By learning from the
successes and failures while comparing them to my percieved strategy,
I can appropriately engage a mixed-income mixed-use development
to successfully start to break down centuries of socioeconomic
segregation.





26. 
[01] Anderson, Elijah. Code of the Street: Decency,Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City.
NewYork, NY:W.W. Norton, September 2000. Print. Code of the Street.
[02] Bertumen, Kassie; Levy, Diane K.; McDade, Zach. “Mixed-Income Living: Anticipated and Realized
Benefits for Low-Income Households.” Urban Institute. July 2013. U.S. Department of Housing and
Urban Development. September 2015.Web.
[03] Brophy, Paul C., and Rhonda N. Smith. 1997. “Mixed-Income Housing: Factors for Success,”
Cityscape 3 (2): 3–31. U.S. Dept. of Housing and Urban Development.
[04] Brown-Rice, Kathleen. “Examining theTheory of HistoricalTrauma Among Native Americans.”
The Professional Counselor (n.d.): n. pag.The Professional Counselor.Web. 17 Mar. 2016.
[05] Campanella, Richard. “An Ethnic Geography of New Orleans.”The Journal of American History 94.3
(2007): 704-15.The Organization of American Historians.Web. 17 Mar. 2016.
[06] “Chinese Exclusion Act (1882).” Harvard University Open Collections Program.The President and Fellows
of Harvard College, n.d.Web. 12 Oct. 2015.
[07] Cima, Rosie. “The Least Segregated Cities in America.” Priceonomics. Disqus, 21 Jan. 2015.Web.
16 Oct. 2015.
[08] Coates,Ta-Nehisi. “The Case for Reparations.”The Atlantic. June 2014. © 2015 byThe Atlantic Monthly
Group. September 2015.Web.
[09] Denton, Nancy A. and Massey, Douglas S. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the
Underclass. Harvard University Press. 1993. Print.
[10] Denton, Nancy A. and Massey, Douglas S. “Suburbanization & Segregation in U.S. Metropolitan Areas.”
American Journal of Sociology,Vol. 94, No. 3. Nov., 1988. The University of Chicago Press.
September 2015.Web.
DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
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[11] Egan, Mary Ellen. “Fostering InnovationThrough a DiverseWorkforce.” Comp. Christiaan Rizy and
Brenna Sniderman. Ed. Stuart Feil. (n.d.): 17-28. Forbes | Insights. Forbes.com LLC™, July 2011.
Web. 24 Nov. 2015.
[12] Ellickson, Robert C. “The False Promise OfThe Mixed-Income Housing Project” from Property Rights and
Land Policies (2009). Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, MA. Print.
[13] Ellis, G. “The Legacy OfThe Great Migrations: Some New Lessons From Economics” A Blog CalledWonk.
A Blog CalledWonk, 19 Sept. 2014.Web. 12 Oct. 2015.
[14] Faris, Ahmed O.The Impact of Homogeneous vs. Heterogeneous Collaborative Learning Groups in
Multicultural Classes on the Achievement and Attitudes of Nine Graders towards Learning Science.
Rep. N.p.: ERIC, 2009. ERIC Institute of Education Sciences.Web. 13 Oct. 2015.
[15] Florida, Richard L.The Rise of the Creative Class: And How It’sTransformingWork, Leisure, Community
and Everyday Life. NewYork, NY: Basic, 2002. Print.
[16] Fry, Richard, and PaulTaylor. “The Rise of Residential Segregation by Income.” Pew Research Centers
Social DemographicTrends Project. Pew Research Center, 01 Aug. 2012.Web. 18 Mar. 2016.
[17] Galster, George, Roger Andersson, Sako Musterd, andTimo M. Kauppinen. “Does Neighborhood Income
Mix Affect Earnings of Adults? New Evidence from Sweden.” Journal of Urban Economics 63.3
(2008): 858-70. Elsevier.
[18] Glaeser, Edward.Triumph of the City. NewYork: Penguin Group (USA), Inc., 2012. Print.
[19] Hannah-Jones, Nikole. “Living Apart: How the Government Betrayed a Landmark Civil Rights Law.”
ProPublica. 25 June 2015. © 2015 Pro Publica Inc. September 2015.Web.
[20] Hume, Christopher. “60 Richmond IsToronto’s Best New Co-op.”Thestar.com.Toronto Star Newspapers
Ltd., 11 July 2012.Web. 13 Oct. 2015.
[21] “Indian Removal Act.” Library of Congress:Virtual Programs & Services. United States Copyright Office,
23 June 2015.Web. 11 Oct. 2015.
[22] Jackson, KennethT. Crabgrass Frontier:The Suburbanization of the United States. NewYork: Oxford UP,
1985. Print.
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[23] Jefferson,Thomas. “Eighth Annual Message.”Washington D.C. 8 Nov. 1808. Miller Center of University of
Virginia.Web. 11 Oct. 2015.
[24] “King’s Dream Remains an Elusive Goal; Many Americans See Racial Disparities.” Pew Research Center.
Pew Resarch Center, 22 Aug. 2013.Web. 23 Nov. 2015.
[25] Legrain, Philippe. “YaleGlobal Online.” Cosmopolitan Masala: Diversity Enriches Us All.TheWhitney and
Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies atYale, 16 Nov. 2007.Web. 24 Nov. 2015.
[26] Lyman, Stanford M. “The “Chinese Question” and American Labor Historians.” New Politics
4th ser. 7.28 (200): n. pag. NOVA.Web. 12 Oct. 2015.
[27] Madanipour, Ali. “Social Exclusion and Space.”The City Reader. 4th ed. NewYork: Routledge, 2007.
158-65. Routledge Urban Reader Ser. Rpt. in Social Exclusion in European Cities: Processes,
Experiences, and Responses. Ed. RichardT. LeGates and Frederic Stout. London: Jessica Kingsley,
1998. Print.
[28] Marshall, Colin. “Levittown, the Prototypical American Suburb – a History of Cities in 50 Buildings,
Day 25.”The Guardian.The Guardian, 28 Apr. 2015.Web. 13 Oct. 2015.
[29] McGirr, Lisa. “The New Suburban Poverty.” Campaign Stops.The NewYorkTimes, 19 Mar. 2012.
Web. 13 Oct. 2015.
[30] Navarro, Mireya. “‘Poor Door’ in a NewYorkTower Opens a Fight Over Affordable Housing.”The New
YorkTimes.The NewYorkTimes, 26 Aug. 2014.Web. 13 Oct. 2015.
[31] NPR Staff. “Rising Income Gap Shapes Residential Segregation.” NPR. 23 September 2012. © 2015 npr.
September 2015.Web.
[32] Remeseira, Claudio Iván. “A Look at Economic Inequality, through a Latino lens.” NBC Latino.
NBC Universal, 29 July 2013.Web. 18 Mar. 2016.
[33] Roth, Gabriel. “Federal Highway Funding.” Downsizing the Federal Government. Cato Institute,
June 2010.Web. 13 Oct. 2015.

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[34] Sharkey, Patrick. Stuck in Place: Urban Neighborhoods and the End of Progress toward Racial Equality.
Chicago: U of Chicago, 2013. Print.
[35] Shoichet, Catherine E. “Racism Is a ‘big Problem’ to More Americans, Poll Finds.” CNN. Cable News
Network, 24 Nov. 2015.Web. 24 Nov. 2015.
[36] Soja, EdwardW. Seeking Spatial Justice. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, MN, 2010. Print.
[37] Stern, Mark J., and Susan C. Seifert. “Re-presenting the City: Arts, Culture, and Diversity in Philadelphia.”
The Politics of Culture: Policy Perspectives for Individuals, Institutions, and Communities.
The New Press (2000): 286-300. Social Impact of the Arts Project. University of Pennsylvania School of
SocialWork, Apr. 1999.Web. 24 Nov. 2015.
[38]The Pruitt-Igoe Myth. Dir. Chad Freidrichs. By Chad Freidrichs and Jaime Freidrichs. Unicorn Stencil,
2011. DVD (seen in person).
[39]Vanhemert, Kyle. “The Best Map Ever Made of America’s Racial Segregation.”Wired.com. Conde
Nast Digital, 26 Aug. 2013.Web. 24 Nov. 2015.
[40]Washington, George. “Seventh Annual Message to Congress.”Washington D.C. 8 Dec. 1795. Miller
Center of University ofVirginia.Web. 11 Oct. 2015.
[41]Washington, George and [a]War Department Clerk. “GeorgeWashington to Seneca Indians.”
Philadelphia. 29 Dec. 1790. University of Oregon.Web. 11 Oct. 2015.
[42]Wikipedia. “Bacon’s Rebellion.”Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., 7 Oct. 2015.Web. 08 Oct. 2015.
[43]Wikipedia. “Ethnic Enclave.”Wikimedia Foundation, 16 July 2015.Web. 08 Oct. 2015.
[44]Wikipedia. “Tulsa Race Riot.”Wikimedia Foundation, 12 Oct. 2015.Web. 12 Oct. 2015.

30. [A] Apartment Guide. Exterior-Building. N.d. New Haven, CT.The Residences at Ninth Square.
Web. 18 Mar. 2016.
[B] Ariely, Dan, and Michael I. Norton. “Building a Better America—OneWealth Quintile at aTime.”
Perspectives on Psychological Science 6: 9-12 (2011): 9-12. Sage Journals. SAGE Publications,
Jan. 2011.Web. 8 Oct. 2015.
[C] Bettmann, Dr. Otto. Demolition of Pruitt-Igoe Housing Project. 22 April 1972. Best of News, Getty Images,
St. Louis, -Missouri. Getty Images.Web. 24 Nov. 2015.
[D] Bettmann, Dr. Otto. Pruitt-Igoe Housing Project. 05 June 1971. © Bettmann/CORBIS, St. Louis, Missouri,
Corbis Images for Education [Gale].Web. 24 Nov. 2015.
[E] Bourke-White, Margaret. Aerial view of suburban housing development outside of Philadelphia.,
October 1957, photographic print , 17.8 in. x 13.7 in.,Time Inc.
[F] Brian, Mark, and U.S. Census Bureau. Homeownership Rate for SelectedYears (1900-2010). Digital image.
Active Rain. ActiveRain, Inc., 15 Aug. 2015.Web. 13 Oct. 2015.
[G] Cable, Dustin. “The Racial Dot Map of the United States of America.” Demographics Research Group.
Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service. July 2013.Web. 15 Oct. 2015.
A department within the University ofVirginia.
[H] “Federal Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) Maps (“Redlining Maps) for Ohio Cities.”The Ohio
State University - University Libraries.The Ohio State University - University Libraries, 2013.
Web. 12 Oct. 2015.
[I] Gil, Shai. Digital image. ArchDaily. ArchDaily, 02 Nov. 2010.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[J] Guthrie, John. Shadow of the Owl. 1839. Guthrie Studios,Tahlequah, Oklahoma. Guthrie Studios.
Guthrie Studios, 22 Jan. 2015.Web. 12 Oct. 2015.
[K] N.d. Kanas City, MO. Quality Hill Apartments.Web. 18 Mar. 2016.
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[L] ‘The Only One Barred Out.’ American Cartoon, 1882, OnThe Chinese Exclusion Act.. Fine Art.
Encyclopædia Britannica Image Quest.Web. 8 Aug 2012.
[M] Pearson Education. African-American Migration, 1915-1970. Digital image. A Blog CalledWonk.
A Blog CalledWonk, 19 Sept. 2014.Web. 12 Oct. 2015.
[N] Pyle, Howard - Harper’s Encyclopaedia of United States History: from 458 A.D. to 1905, Benson John
Lossing, Ed.Vol 5 of 10, (NewYork: Harper & Brothers 1905), facing page 120.
[O]Vieira,Tuca.The Paraisópolis favela (Paradise City shanty town) borders the affluent district of Morumbi.
São Paulo, Brazil. 2008. Digital image. OXFAM. © 2015 Oxfam America Inc., 20 Jan. 2015.
Web. 14 Sept. 2015.

32. [02] Bertumen, Kassie; Levy, Diane K.; McDade, Zach. “Mixed-Income Living: Anticipated and Realized
Benefits for Low-Income Households.” Urban Institute. July 2013. U.S. Department of Housing and
Urban Development. September 2015.Web.
[08] Coates,Ta-Nehsi. “The Case for Reparations.”The Atlantic. June 2014. © 2015 byThe Atlantic Monthly
Group. September 2015.Web.
[09] Denton, Nancy A. and Massey, Douglas S. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the
Underclass. Harvard University Press. 1993. Print.
DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
32 | Page
Denton and Massey deconstruct the myth that blacks and whites have always lived in segregated
communities – it was typical for them to live side by side in many American cities.This isn’t to say
there was ever racial harmony, but rather a geo-spatial reality that unjust geographies we see in
contemporary America weren’t created yet. By their historical retelling, Denton and Massey reveal the
socioeconomic reasons for black migration that were met with severe reactions in the form of racist
housing policies (and often time white riots).They reveal that ghettoization of black America wasn’t
a public housing accident or a consequence of economic reality – but a series of decisions and choices
that subjugated one class of people under another.

The researchers from the Urban Institute concluded that “income mixing” has yet to achieve its goals
of economic desegregation and poverty alleviation. By defining terms and review the hypothesized
benefits of mixed-income environments, the benefits tend to be less clear then the hypothesized
benefits of remediating concentrated poverty and neighborhood disinvestment. Due to the fact that
much of mixed-income housing strategy continues to inform local and federal housing policies in the
United States and around the world, this approach needs to be under heavy review.They also find that
projects without “development-wide organization and community building efforts” tend to be the
areas most lacking – and thus, an architectural response ripe with possibility.
Ta-Nehisi Coates thoroughThe Atlantic article “The Case for Reparations” is a persuasive piece more
on the present-day realities of black Americans are indicative of the centuries of trauma they’ve been
forced to endure. Coates argues that it isn’t a failure of black pathology why we see underprivileged
data concentrated in black populations, but rather white superiority played out in every role:
government, city government, organizations, and individuals. Many of these present day conditions
and phenomena, such as white flight and the black v. white wealth gap were not an accident, but
carefully constructed intentional policies and practices carried out by white people (and when all else
failed, violence became the tool of choice).

33. DSGN 5200 |Thesis Essay | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
33 | Page
[10] Denton, Nancy A. and Massey, Douglas S. “Suburbanization & Segregation in U.S. Metropolitan Areas.”
American Journal of Sociology,Vol. 94, No. 3. Nov., 1988. The University of Chicago Press.
September 2015.Web.
[12] Ellickson, Robert C. “The False Promise OfThe Mixed-Income Housing Project” from Property Rights and
Land Policies (2009). Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, MA. Print.
[36] Soja, EdwardW. Seeking Spatial Justice. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, MN, 2010. Print.
By zooming in on the process of suburbanization of the 1970s & 1980s in America, Denton and
Massey find an interesting phenomena were African-Americans tend to be the least likely to be
suburbanized and even when they are, they tend to be highly segregated – especially when compared
to other minority groups, Asians and Hispanics.They note, through multivariate models, that there
are persistent barriers of the spatial assimilation of African-Americans. African-Americans are
however less segregated in suburbs then in central cities, Asians are the most suburbanized and
least segregated, and Hispanics have reasonable access to the suburbs.Their main conclusion is
that decades after the Civil Rights Act of 1968, African Americans have not received equal access to
housing in America.
Ellickson posits that through his research, traditional governmental support of mixed-income projects
weakens due to more complex nature of benefits and costs associated with mixed-income living. He
admits that mixed-income project approach is “superior” to the traditional public housing model, but
it is “distinctly inferior” and “mediocre” in its methodology, similar to inclusionary zoning practices of
stipulating a number of affordable units per development. Based on his research, he contends housing
vouchers for low-income families is more just in its outcomes and a more effective role government
should take is reducing barriers to insufficient housing stock.
Ed Soja’s approach to this topic of spatial segregation is best described by a “critical spatial
perspective.”With a multiscalar approach, Soja outlines three ways spatial segregation originates: in
either exogenous (top-down), endogenous (bottom-up), and mesogreoghapichal (the in between).
He also differentiates the “positive motivators” for segregation, such as security, homogeneity, and
wealth accumulation, indicative of unequal power structures as well as the fundamental democratic
principle of right to property which when taken to the extreme, leads to the richest and poorest
living geographically close but worlds apart through “securitization” of private and public spaces. His
ultimate goal in dissecting the production, maintenance, and resistance of unjust geographies is to
reveal the consequences of actions planners and urban policy makes, both good and bad, so as to hold
us all accountable to seek the most conscientious, equitable decisions in spatial geography

34. 
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
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



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   






35. DSGN 5200 | Case Studies & Precedents | Joseph A. Colón | Professor Bernhard | 05.06.2016
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  

36. 

Designer Foster + Partners
Location Washington D.C., USA
Constructed Phase 01: 2013 | Phase 02: 2015
Program Multi-Use Development
(Offices, Hotel, Retail, Condos, & Apartments)
Units 216 Condos | 458 Apartments
CityCenterDC is an ambitious 10 acre mixed-use project that
disintegrates the site of the former convention center by reintroducing
the original L’Enfant street gird to increase communal interaction and
walkability [03]. Straddling the transition between residential and
commercial zoning, the projects seeks to be a locus of engagement for
the city.
As Kathryn Gustafson from Gustafson Guthrie Nichol puts it, through
the pedestrian scale development (such as the prominent street-level
retail) and ample terraced outdoor spaces, “[CityCenterDC] is expected
to emerge as a new destination in downtown DC” [05].
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



37. 

Designer Koning Eizenberg Architecture
Location Santa Monica, California, USA
Constructed 2009
Program Mixed Use (Residential & Retail)
Units 21 Condos | 8Townhouses | 7 Apartments
The community based design process of the Hancock Lofts resulted
in reconciling many intersecting site considerations.The project
remediates the demand for public parking by designing for 156 city-
dictated spaces, incorporates affordable housing into the design in an
increasingly expensive context, and uses the sloping site to reinvigorate
street life in an automobile centered culture [08].
The method the project uses to create divisions yields effective outdoor
spaces and clear circulatory rationale [14], but the lack of integration of
the affordable units with other units is reminiscent of other developer’s
schemes physically segregating residents by income.Yet, the situating
of these units does orient them towards the street life.
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



38. 

Designer Le Corbusier
Location Marseilles, France
Constructed 1952
Program Mixed-Use (Residential & Retail)
Units 337 apartments
Le Corbusier was able to manifest his ideas of utopian style living in
the “vertical garden city” known as Unité d´Habitation. As Corbu was
a detractor to deurbanization, skyscrapers like Unité was a way to
concentrate communal programming (on the ground and roof floors) to
serve local community [13].
While Unité is a Brutalist iteration of Corbu’s 5 Points of Architecture,
the most emblematic aspect of Unité is its interlocking apartment
design [16].The benefits and intrigue are numerous - less stops for
the elevator equals expediency, double height apartments allow for
more natural light and pleasurable space, and increases the efficacy of
structure.
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



39. 

Designer Dattner Architects + Grimshaw Architects
Location Bronx, NewYork, USA
Constructed 2012
Program Multi-Family Residential
Units 71 For Sale | 151 Rental
ViaVerde fulfills its goal to be “the next generation of social housing
and [that]seeks to provide a setting for healthy, sustainable living.” [17]
The primary organizing principle is rooftop terraces that are orientated
from ground-level courtyard to the top [see Fig 02].The various unit
types, from live work & townhouses to condos and apartments follow
this pattern allowing them to each have two facades and thus, plenty of
cross-ventilation [18].
The “green lifestyle” is also integrated by the arrangement of PVs
that provide clean energy, a community health center, and rainwater
harvesting for the drought tolerant vegetation containing gardens [19].
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


40. 

Designer Teeple Architects
Location Toronto, Canada
Constructed 2010
Program Mixed Use Housing Co-op
Units 85 Social Housing
Site & Context
60 Richmond East Housing Cooperative occupies an urban infill lot
in downtownToronto. It is situated in a zone that transitions from
medium density construction to skyscrapers and towers.ThusTeeple
Architects positions 60 Richmond East as the future of North American
urbanism: urban form that is simultaneously environmental [12].
They argue this is accomplished by bringing new conceptual
underpinnings of public space, accomplished in 60 Richmond East by
generating the idea of “urban permaculture.” Here, social spaces are
centered around food and its production. Making this sustainable, like
having 60% solid massing and even wrapped in a highly insulated rain
screen cladding, was they key to its success [12].
Form & Function
60 Richmond East Housing Co-operative primarily houses hospitality-
industry workers displaced by the Regent park redevelopment, one
ofToronto’s largest social housing renewal projects. [01].Teeple
Architects approach is an innovative, holistic design that elegantly
contrasts with traditional glass box and condo towers of downtown. As
Teeple themselves describe, the “interlocking and contrasting volumes
and voids create a sculptural and spatial composition that animates the
streetscape. “ [01]These shifts are duplicitous in their achievements,
since they draw light into the building’s interior, provide outdoor green
space, and create the kitchen garden [02].
By introducing a resident-run restaurant,Teeple was able to incorporate
a self-contained sustainable strategy of gardens and cisterns that all are
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



41. integrated - similar to how way residents are encouraged to interact in
abundant communal spaces resulted from the conspicuous shifts in the
mass of the structure [02].This, with the training kitchen, allows the
residents to also earn supplementary income and additional experience
[01]. Incorporating sustainable systems and materials effectively earn
60 Richmond East a Gold LEED rating [02].
Implications
Teeple Architects’ 60 Richmond East creates a dynamic and inventive
urban infill project.Without dismantling the contextual urban form,
60 Richmond East successfully incorporates green environments
into a space typically lack of such an amenity.This type of amenity’s
pronounced presence in the project is possible because of the radical,
yet subtle shifts and bi-sectioning of the massing of the project [see
Fig 03]; after all, “60 Richmond was conceived a solid mass that was
carved-into to create openings and terraces at various levels” [02].
60 Richmond East’s unique program of integrating a co-op style living
arrangement with “urban permaculture,” explores this possibility of a
new type of social organization for supplying affordable housing [02].
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



42. 

Designer Casanova + Hernandez Architects
Location Beekbergen,The Netherlands
Constructed 2012
Program Multi-Family Residential
Units 8 Park Houses | 18 Apartments
Site & Context
The Ginkgo Project is situated on a site that handles two very different
contexts [See Fig 02].
The first is a town like many small towns in the Netherlands:
Beekbergen is a community filled primarily with single family homes.
Much of the surrounding neighborhood was built in the post-WorldWar
II 1950s era. Unfortunately, this housing stock is unaffordable to many
young people and is unsuitable for older people. [10]
The second context is the greenery that is provided by the natural park
ofVeluwe. [06]
Form & Function
Casanova + Hernandez Architects designed for these conditions
by having the project respond to its contexts in distinctive ways -
the “urban side” is a simple, dark façade to relate to the post-war
neighborhood while the “park side” is wrapped in a green skin that
interacts with the park, provides privacy for the balconies, and creates
dynamism with different sun and lighting conditions [07].
By carrying this strategy into two different structures, the Ginkgo
Project is able to accommodate different dwelling types: park
houses and apartments.The contrasting users designed for inhabit
their respective spaces differently, but due to the unifying skins and
contextually responsive façades, the project is actually able to create
habitation suitable for both populations.
The design of the apartment block reveals an interesting architectural
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





43. phenomenal: the concept of functional, concentric rings [See Fig 07].
As described by Casanova + Hernandez Architects:, the first ring is the
circulation core, which provides access to the apartments.
The second ring is the concentration of the “required services” of the
apartment, such as kitchen, bathrooms, storage, etc.
The third ring is that of the unhindered “living spaces,” including
bedrooms, that can be arranged to suit the residents’ respective
preferences.
The fourth ring is the outdoor spaces of the units, which support long
panoramic balconies and connect residents in communion with the
exterior natural spaces on the park side and allow for random rhythm
on the urban side [07].
Implications
The Ginkgo Project illustrates the effectiveness of contextually
informed design. From the Gingko leaves printed on the green skin to
the façade articulation, the design “carefully dialogues” with its context
[10]. Casanova + Hernandez Architects were perhaps ambitious in
designing for widely disparate users but through their comprehensive
design strategy, they were able to incorporate their needs and
preferences into a stunning example of mixed income housing.
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


44. 


Designer Hamonic + Masson & Associés,
ComteVollenweider
Location Paris, France
Constructed 2015
Program Mixed Use (Residential & Retail)
Units 96 Ownership | 92 Social Housing
Site & Context
LaTour Home is located in the 13th arrondissement of Paris, France
[11]. It is indicative of the “new face of the Massena-Bruneseau sector”
[15], especially since it is the first and newest structure to try to meet
Paris’ goal of 25% social housing by 2025 [04] and tallest residence built
since 1970 after Paris officials increased the height restriction to 50m
for residential towers in November 2011 [09].
Not only does the project reflect a reconciliation of the confluence of
height restrictions over time, but its context is also a confluence of
intersecting site factors. Overlooking
The railway tracks of the Gare d’Austerlitz [15], the project is anchored
on the strictly rigid Avenue de France as it marks the transition into the
Ivry suburb [11].
Form & Function
Harmonic + Masson & Associés, ComteVollenwieder, the architects
for the project, recognizing these conditions, sought to accommodate
the desire for more affordable housing as well.They note that many
Parisians find aspects of suburban living desirable, such as eating
outside, having a direct connection to the outdoors, owning thy own
land, and manifesting one’s own individual character [15].
They feel they’ve accomplished this by splitting the project into two
towers with a strong, delineated street base.This allows for more
outdoor communal space (culminating in the raised garden) and more
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



45. room for ample terrace space to connect residents with the exterior.
Each floor is thus oriented to catch sun and shade angles [See Fig 03]
- which results in unique apartment form for each resident. [15]The
designers even incorporated conservatories, allowing “tenants to enjoy
the sun, whatever the season” [15].
Implications
The project’s impact goes well beyond its appealing aesthetic qualities.
For Paris, it’s a whole new approach to dealing with the problem of
affordable housing in a well-preserved, cost-increasing city. Françoise
Bertière, the CEO of Bouygues Immobilier, used the inauguration of
LaTour Home to advocate for lower land costs while simultaneously
encouraging more residential towers of such height [15].What
Bertière is highlighting is the value of increasing density as a means of
alleviating housing costs in cities.
What is perhaps more impressive however is how Harmonic + Masson
& Associés, ComteVollenwieder integrated the physical needs of units
with the psychological preferences of Parisians.The high degree of
variance [see Fig 04] makes for a dynamic and practical structure.
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



46. 
[01] “60 Richmond East Housing Development.”Teeple Architects. N.p., 2010.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[02] “60 Richmond Housing Cooperative /Teeple Architects” 02 Nov 2010. ArchDaily. Accessed 23 Sept 2015.
[03] “BARWA Bank. CONSTRUCTION BEGINS ON HINES | ARCHSTONE’S CITYCENTER DC DEVELOPMENT
INWASHINGTON, DC. CityCenterDC.com. 04 Apr. 2011.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[04] “CetteTour QuiTéconcilie Paris Avec La Hauteur.” BFM BUSINESS. Flus RSS, n.d.Web. 29 Sept. 2015.
[05] Furuto, Allison. “GGN Announces Groundbreaking at Hines | Archstone’s CityCenterDC Development.”
ArchDaily. N.p., 15 Apr. 2011.Web. 24 Sept. 2015.
[06] “Ginkgo Project.” Architizer. N.p., 2012.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[07] “Gingko Project / Casanova + Hernandez Architects” 01 Feb 2012. ArchDaily. Accessed 23 Sept 2015.
[08] ”Hancock Lofts Mixed-Use.” KoningEizenberg. N.p., n.d.Web. 28 Sept. 2015.
[09] “Hamonic + Masson & Associés + ComteVollenweider – 188 Logements – Paris.” AMC Architecture.
Groupe Moniteur, 03 Mar. 2015.Web. 29 Sept. 2015.
[10] “Housing Beekbergen.” Casanova+Hernandez Architects. N.p., 2011.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[11] Housing in Paris / Hamonic + Masson & Associés + ComteVollenweider” 13 Mar 2015. ArchDaily.
Accessed 23 Sept 2015
[12] Hyatt, Jeffrey. “60 Richmond East Housing Development ByTeeple Architects.” Design Crave.
UCrave, 2012.Web. 29 Sept. 2015.
[13] Kroll, Andrew. “AD Classics: Unite D’ Habitation / Le Corbusier.” ArchDaily. N.p., 05 Nov. 2010.Web.
24 Sept. 2015
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[14] Maddox, Devan. “Hancock Mixed-Use Housing.” Architect Magazine. HanleyWood Media, 26 June 2012.
Web. 28 Sept. 2015.
[15] Paquier, Jacques. “ParisTakes the PitchTower Home.” Le Journal Du Grand Paris. June 7, 2015.
Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[16] “Unite D´habitation of Marseille.” Architecture of theWorld.WikiArquitectura.com, 17 June 2015.Web.
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[17]ViaVerde / Dattner Architects + Grimshaw Architects” 11 Mar 2014. ArchDaily. Accessed 28 Sept 2015.
[18] “ViaVerde –The GreenWay.” Dattner Architects. N.p., 12 June 2012.Web. 29 Sept. 2015.
[19] ”ViaVerde –The GreenWay.” Grimshaw Architects. N.p., n.d.Web. 29 Sept. 2015.

48. [A] Casanova + Hernandez Architects. Digital image. Casanova+Hernandez Architects. N.p., 2012.Web.
23 Sept. 2015.
[B] Diagram by Author
[C] Digital image. Architizer. N.p., n.d.Web. 28 Sept. 2015.
[D] Foster + Partners. Digital image. FosterAndPartners.com. N.p., 2006.Web. 24 Sept. 2015.
[E] Gil, Shai. Digital image. ArchDaily. ArchDaily, 02 Nov. 2010.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[F] Hamonic + Masson & Associés, ComteVollenweider. Digital Image. ArchDaily. ArchDaily, 13 Mar. 2015.
Web. 23 Sept. 2015
[G] Kozlowsk, Paul. Digital image. Frozen Music Studio. N.p., N.d.,Web. 24 Sept. 2015.
[H] Neoscape. Digital image. ArchDaily. N.p., 15 Apr. 2015.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[I] Richters, Christian. Digital image. ArchDaily. ArchDaily, 01 Feb. 2012.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[J] Shimmura,Takuji. Digital image. ArchDaily. ArchDaily, 13 Mar. 2015.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[K] Staudenmaier, Eric. Digital image. Architect Magazine. HanleyWood Media., 13 Sept. 2010.Web.
28 Sept. 2015
[L] Sundberg, David. Digital image. ArchDaily, 11 Mar. 2014.Web. 28 Sept. 2015.
[M]Teeple Architects. Digital image.Teeple Architects. N.p., 2010.Web. 23 Sept. 2015.
[N]Wibisono, Gunawan. Digital image. Frozen Music Studio. N.p., 11 Feb. 2011.Web. 24 Sept. 2015.
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