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Thomas Paine is a smart man who understands the trials and tribulations that
occur in everyday life. He sees the war as a way to seem strong and invincible
and a way to overthrow the enemy, but he sees what no other sees. It is rather
disconcerting to him people would rather go to war and take advantage of the
things they get so freely on a day to day basis. Why does the regular man take
war so lightly and then revel in the glow from glory? It appears it may have come
all too soon and these people are celebrating prematurely. Tyranny is not
something that can just be discarded haphazardly – tyranny is important to
recognize and never forget.
Independence is a right for all man and it is detrimental in order to have the
quality of life one truly desires, but independence does come at a price – and
sometimes that price is high. The calamities of war will descend upon all men
and the bowels of Britain will open up and the devils will come forth and break
through in attempts to overtake. The French had Joan of Arc – a woman who
dressed as a man in order to be allowed to fight with her fellow men and yet it did
not matter whether or not she was a good or bad solider. She was burned at the
stake for her deception. How does this serve justice in a world of wars and
tyranny? It takes a different approach and illustrates a stronger opposition will
take you down. Thomas Paine was not a man who took situations lightly and
believed one should always be prepared because anything can happen -
regardless of how well things may appear.
“I shall conclude this paper with some miscellaneous remarks on the state of our
affairs; and shall begin with asking the following question, Why is it that the
enemy have left the New England provinces, and made these middle ones the
seat of war? The answer is easy: New England is not infested with Tories, and
we are. I have been tender in raising the cry against these men, and used
numberless arguments to show them their danger, but it will not do to sacrifice a
world either to their folly or their baseness. The period is now arrived, in which
either they or we must change our sentiments, or one or both must fall. And what
is a Tory? Good God! What is he? I should not be afraid to go with a hundred
Whigs against a thousand Tories, were they to attempt to get into arms. Every
Tory is a coward; for servile, slavish, self-interested fear is the foundation of
Toryism; and a man under such influence, though he may be cruel, never can be
brave.”

“But, before the line of irrecoverable separation be drawn between us, let us
reason the matter together: Your conduct is an invitation to the enemy, yet not
one in a thousand of you has heart enough to join him. Howe is as much
deceived by you as the American cause is injured by you. He expects you will all
take up arms, and flock to his standard, with muskets on your shoulders. Your
opinions are of no use to him, unless you support him personally, for 'tis soldiers,
and not Tories, that he wants.”
“America did not, nor does not want force; but she wanted a proper application of
that force. Wisdom is not the purchase of a day, and it is no wonder that we
should err at the first setting off. From an excess of tenderness, we were
unwilling to raise an army, and trusted our cause to the temporary defence of a
well-meaning militia. A summer's experience has now taught us better; yet with
those troops, while they were collected, we were able to set bounds to the
progress of the enemy, and, thank God! they are again assembling. I always
considered militia as the best troops in the world for a sudden exertion, but they
will not do for a long campaign. Howe, it is probable, will make an attempt on this
city [Philadelphia]; should he fail on this side the Delaware, he is ruined. If he
succeeds, our cause is not ruined. He stakes all on his side against a part on
ours; admitting he succeeds, the consequence will be, that armies from both
ends of the continent will march to assist their suffering friends in the middle
states; for he cannot go everywhere, it is impossible. I consider Howe as the
greatest enemy the Tories have; he is bringing a war into their country, which,
had it not been for him and partly for themselves, they had been clear of. Should
he now be expelled, I wish with all the devotion of a Christian, that the names of
Whig and Tory may never more be mentioned; but should the Tories give him
encouragement to come, or assistance if he come, I as sincerely wish that our
next year's arms may expel them from the continent, and the Congress
appropriate their possessions to the relief of those who have suffered in well-
doing. A single successful battle next year will settle the whole. America could
carry on a two years' war by the confiscation of the property of disaffected
persons, and be made happy by their expulsion. Say not that this is revenge, call
it rather the soft resentment of a suffering people, who, having no object in view
but the good of all, have staked their own all upon a seemingly doubtful event.
Yet it is folly to argue against determined hardness; eloquence may strike the
ear, and the language of sorrow draw forth the tear of compassion, but nothing
can reach the heart that is steeled with prejudice.”
“There are cases which cannot be overdone by language, and this is one. There
are persons, too, who see not the full extent of the evil which threatens them;
they solace themselves with hopes that the enemy, if he succeed, will be
merciful. It is the madness of folly, to expect mercy from those who have refused
to do justice; and even mercy, where conquest is the object, is only a trick of war;
the cunning of the fox is as murderous as the violence of the wolf, and we ought
to guard equally against both. Howe's first object is, partly by threats and partly
by promises, to terrify or seduce the people to deliver up their arms and receive
mercy. The ministry recommended the same plan to Gage, and this is what the
tories call making their peace, quot;a peace which passeth all understandingquot; indeed!
A peace which would be the immediate forerunner of a worse ruin than any we
have yet thought of. Ye men of Pennsylvania, do reason upon these things! Were
the back counties to give up their arms, they would fall an easy prey to the
Indians, who are all armed: this perhaps is what some Tories would not be sorry
for. Were the home counties to deliver up their arms, they would be exposed to
the resentment of the back counties who would then have it in their power to
chastise their defection at pleasure. And were any one state to give up its arms,
that state must be garrisoned by all Howe's army of Britons and Hessians to
preserve it from the anger of the rest. Mutual fear is the principal link in the chain
of mutual love, and woe be to that state that breaks the compact. Howe is
mercifully inviting you to barbarous destruction, and men must be either rogues
or fools that will not see it. I dwell not upon the vapors of imagination; I bring
reason to your ears, and, in language as plain as A, B, C, hold up truth to your
eyes.”
“I thank God, that I fear not. I see no real cause for fear. I know our situation well,
and can see the way out of it. While our army was collected, Howe dared not risk
a battle; and it is no credit to him that he decamped from the White Plains, and
waited a mean opportunity to ravage the defenceless Jerseys; but it is great
credit to us, that, with a handful of men, we sustained an orderly retreat for near
an hundred miles, brought off our ammunition, all our field pieces, the greatest
part of our stores, and had four rivers to pass. None can say that our retreat was
precipitate, for we were near three weeks in performing it, that the country might
have time to come in. Twice we marched back to meet the enemy, and remained
out till dark. The sign of fear was not seen in our camp, and had not some of the
cowardly and disaffected inhabitants spread false alarms through the country, the
Jerseys had never been ravaged. Once more we are again collected and
collecting; our new army at both ends of the continent is recruiting fast, and we
shall be able to open the next campaign with sixty thousand men, well armed and
clothed. This is our situation, and who will may know it. By perseverance and
fortitude we have the prospect of a glorious issue; by cowardice and submission,
the sad choice of a variety of evils — a ravaged country — a depopulated city —
habitations without safety, and slavery without hope — our homes turned into
barracks and bawdy-houses for Hessians, and a future race to provide for,
whose fathers we shall doubt of. Look on this picture and weep over it! and if
there yet remains one thoughtless wretch who believes it not, let him suffer it
unlamented.”

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Thomas Paine's Views on Independence, Tyranny and the Price of War

  • 1. Thomas Paine is a smart man who understands the trials and tribulations that occur in everyday life. He sees the war as a way to seem strong and invincible and a way to overthrow the enemy, but he sees what no other sees. It is rather disconcerting to him people would rather go to war and take advantage of the things they get so freely on a day to day basis. Why does the regular man take war so lightly and then revel in the glow from glory? It appears it may have come all too soon and these people are celebrating prematurely. Tyranny is not something that can just be discarded haphazardly – tyranny is important to recognize and never forget. Independence is a right for all man and it is detrimental in order to have the quality of life one truly desires, but independence does come at a price – and sometimes that price is high. The calamities of war will descend upon all men and the bowels of Britain will open up and the devils will come forth and break through in attempts to overtake. The French had Joan of Arc – a woman who dressed as a man in order to be allowed to fight with her fellow men and yet it did not matter whether or not she was a good or bad solider. She was burned at the stake for her deception. How does this serve justice in a world of wars and tyranny? It takes a different approach and illustrates a stronger opposition will take you down. Thomas Paine was not a man who took situations lightly and believed one should always be prepared because anything can happen - regardless of how well things may appear. “I shall conclude this paper with some miscellaneous remarks on the state of our affairs; and shall begin with asking the following question, Why is it that the enemy have left the New England provinces, and made these middle ones the seat of war? The answer is easy: New England is not infested with Tories, and we are. I have been tender in raising the cry against these men, and used numberless arguments to show them their danger, but it will not do to sacrifice a world either to their folly or their baseness. The period is now arrived, in which either they or we must change our sentiments, or one or both must fall. And what is a Tory? Good God! What is he? I should not be afraid to go with a hundred Whigs against a thousand Tories, were they to attempt to get into arms. Every Tory is a coward; for servile, slavish, self-interested fear is the foundation of Toryism; and a man under such influence, though he may be cruel, never can be brave.” “But, before the line of irrecoverable separation be drawn between us, let us reason the matter together: Your conduct is an invitation to the enemy, yet not one in a thousand of you has heart enough to join him. Howe is as much deceived by you as the American cause is injured by you. He expects you will all take up arms, and flock to his standard, with muskets on your shoulders. Your opinions are of no use to him, unless you support him personally, for 'tis soldiers, and not Tories, that he wants.” “America did not, nor does not want force; but she wanted a proper application of that force. Wisdom is not the purchase of a day, and it is no wonder that we
  • 2. should err at the first setting off. From an excess of tenderness, we were unwilling to raise an army, and trusted our cause to the temporary defence of a well-meaning militia. A summer's experience has now taught us better; yet with those troops, while they were collected, we were able to set bounds to the progress of the enemy, and, thank God! they are again assembling. I always considered militia as the best troops in the world for a sudden exertion, but they will not do for a long campaign. Howe, it is probable, will make an attempt on this city [Philadelphia]; should he fail on this side the Delaware, he is ruined. If he succeeds, our cause is not ruined. He stakes all on his side against a part on ours; admitting he succeeds, the consequence will be, that armies from both ends of the continent will march to assist their suffering friends in the middle states; for he cannot go everywhere, it is impossible. I consider Howe as the greatest enemy the Tories have; he is bringing a war into their country, which, had it not been for him and partly for themselves, they had been clear of. Should he now be expelled, I wish with all the devotion of a Christian, that the names of Whig and Tory may never more be mentioned; but should the Tories give him encouragement to come, or assistance if he come, I as sincerely wish that our next year's arms may expel them from the continent, and the Congress appropriate their possessions to the relief of those who have suffered in well- doing. A single successful battle next year will settle the whole. America could carry on a two years' war by the confiscation of the property of disaffected persons, and be made happy by their expulsion. Say not that this is revenge, call it rather the soft resentment of a suffering people, who, having no object in view but the good of all, have staked their own all upon a seemingly doubtful event. Yet it is folly to argue against determined hardness; eloquence may strike the ear, and the language of sorrow draw forth the tear of compassion, but nothing can reach the heart that is steeled with prejudice.” “There are cases which cannot be overdone by language, and this is one. There are persons, too, who see not the full extent of the evil which threatens them; they solace themselves with hopes that the enemy, if he succeed, will be merciful. It is the madness of folly, to expect mercy from those who have refused to do justice; and even mercy, where conquest is the object, is only a trick of war; the cunning of the fox is as murderous as the violence of the wolf, and we ought to guard equally against both. Howe's first object is, partly by threats and partly by promises, to terrify or seduce the people to deliver up their arms and receive mercy. The ministry recommended the same plan to Gage, and this is what the tories call making their peace, quot;a peace which passeth all understandingquot; indeed! A peace which would be the immediate forerunner of a worse ruin than any we have yet thought of. Ye men of Pennsylvania, do reason upon these things! Were the back counties to give up their arms, they would fall an easy prey to the Indians, who are all armed: this perhaps is what some Tories would not be sorry for. Were the home counties to deliver up their arms, they would be exposed to the resentment of the back counties who would then have it in their power to chastise their defection at pleasure. And were any one state to give up its arms, that state must be garrisoned by all Howe's army of Britons and Hessians to preserve it from the anger of the rest. Mutual fear is the principal link in the chain
  • 3. of mutual love, and woe be to that state that breaks the compact. Howe is mercifully inviting you to barbarous destruction, and men must be either rogues or fools that will not see it. I dwell not upon the vapors of imagination; I bring reason to your ears, and, in language as plain as A, B, C, hold up truth to your eyes.” “I thank God, that I fear not. I see no real cause for fear. I know our situation well, and can see the way out of it. While our army was collected, Howe dared not risk a battle; and it is no credit to him that he decamped from the White Plains, and waited a mean opportunity to ravage the defenceless Jerseys; but it is great credit to us, that, with a handful of men, we sustained an orderly retreat for near an hundred miles, brought off our ammunition, all our field pieces, the greatest part of our stores, and had four rivers to pass. None can say that our retreat was precipitate, for we were near three weeks in performing it, that the country might have time to come in. Twice we marched back to meet the enemy, and remained out till dark. The sign of fear was not seen in our camp, and had not some of the cowardly and disaffected inhabitants spread false alarms through the country, the Jerseys had never been ravaged. Once more we are again collected and collecting; our new army at both ends of the continent is recruiting fast, and we shall be able to open the next campaign with sixty thousand men, well armed and clothed. This is our situation, and who will may know it. By perseverance and fortitude we have the prospect of a glorious issue; by cowardice and submission, the sad choice of a variety of evils — a ravaged country — a depopulated city — habitations without safety, and slavery without hope — our homes turned into barracks and bawdy-houses for Hessians, and a future race to provide for, whose fathers we shall doubt of. Look on this picture and weep over it! and if there yet remains one thoughtless wretch who believes it not, let him suffer it unlamented.”