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Hannah Luzadder
3523 N Gantenbein Ave • Portland, OR 97227
hluzadder@lclark.edu • (303) 908-6770
EDUCATION
Lewis & Clark College: Portland, OR August 2016
Bachelor of Arts, International Affairs
Senior Thesis Project: Economic Liberalization in Developing Countries: A Multi-Theory Explanation of India’s Neoliberal Economic Policy
Reforms in 1991
• Detailed research, assessment of literature, International Relations theory, data collection and analysis to determine why developing
countries may choose to liberalize their economies despite potentially severe political and economic consequences, with India as a
case study.
Upper level courses:
• International Affairs Seminar, International Relations Theories, International Political Economy, Global Order, International Law,
Middle Eastern Politics, Comparative Politics, Global Resource Dilemmas, Area/Culture Studies: India, Development/Environment:
India, Social Change, United States Foreign Policy
India, Lewis & Clark College Overseas Program Fall 2015
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE
Clerical Assistant, Cain Petroleum, Portland, OR June 2014 - August 2016
• Reconciled daily Cash Receipts Register for 5-10 of 26 Chevron gas stations, composed monthly Sales Reports, reconciled Accounts
Payable , provided customer service, maintained updated employee files and credit card records
• Reorganized 6 years of current and terminated employee files for 26 separate gas stations and convenience stores
• 10-20 hours per week, 40 hours per week during summer breaks from school
Student Receptionist/Assistant, Student Health Services at Lewis & Clark College, Portland, OR January 2013 - May 2014
• Performed customer service, received incoming patients, checked patients vitals upon arrival, produced pamphlets and packets with
health information for students traveling overseas
• Maintained and organized updated patient files, prepared and delivered medical bills to patients, received and organized medical
supplies
• 10 hours per week
Barista, Starbucks, Evergreen, CO Summer 2013
• Prepared/served food and beverages in accordance with specific company recipes, provided customer service, completed daily
opening or closing duties, managed the cash register, supervised end-of-day till counting and delivery of money to locked safe
• Mastered prioritization and correct completion of tasks in a fast-paced environment, assisted in training new employees to follow
beverage recipes, operate the cash register, and proper use of various beverage appliances
• 35-40 hours per week
Hostess, BeauJo’s Pizza, Idaho Springs, CO Summer 2012
• Greeted and determined where to seat customers, assisted with food delivery, managed the cash register and to-go counter, provided
customer service
• 40+ hours per week
LEADERSHIPAND ACHIEVEMENTS
54th Annual International Affairs Symposium, Lewis & Clark College April 2016
• Chosen to host visiting professor, scholar, published theorist, and extensive contributor to the field of International Affairs and
Political Science, Dr. Randall Schweller, for three consecutive days
• Facilitated transportation for Dr. Schweller to and from symposium debates and dinners, coordinated punctual and safe arrival at
campus each day and return to hotel each evening, introduced Dr. Schweller to the student and faculty assembly preceding his debate
Music Merit Scholarship, Lewis & Clark College Fall 2012
• Completed a classical piano performance audition for a faculty panel from the Music Department at Lewis & Clark College, and
received a scholarship
• Financial scholarships are awarded to students who demonstrate “outstanding skill and potential in their instrument” (http://
college.lclark.edu/departments/music/scholarships/)
Rotary Youth Leadership Awards, Estes Park, CO Summer 2011
• Wrote and submitted a series of essays and applications that demonstrating my potential for leadership based on academic awards
received, leadership positions previously held, volunteer experience, and extracurricular activities participated in during high school
• Chosen as one of 200 high school students from a large pool of applicants from my district to receive a Rotary Youth Leadership
Award (RYLA), received a scholarship to attend a week-long camp for youth leadership development, sponsored by Rotary
SPECIAL SKILLS
• Proficient in Microsoft Office for Mac and PC, experience with navigating computer programs used for accounting, experienced in
utilizing social media as a business tool
• Writing, research, critical analysis, and problem solving
• Organization, prioritization, and attention to detail
• Public speaking, customer service, and public relations
• Fundamental proficiency in Spanish, limited Hindi
REFERENCES
Cyrus Partovi
Senior Lecturer in Social Sciences
Professor of International Affairs
Lewis & Clark College
(503) 768-7636
partovi@lclark.edu
Heather Smith-Cannoy
Associate Professor/Chair of International Affairs
Lewis & Clark College
(503) 768-7623
hsmith@lclark.edu
Denise Henry
Senior Operations Manager
Cain Petroleum
(503) 546-3535
denise@cainpetroleum.com
WRITING SAMPLE
Originally written for arbitror.org
Organizations vs. Institutions:
The Perils and Strife of the Anti-Globalization Movement
In his book Globalization and Its Discontents, Joseph Stiglitz poetically illustrated a disquieting symptom of
globalization when he wrote, “From one’s luxury hotel, one can callously impose policies about which one would think
twice if one knew the people whose lives one was destroying” (Stiglitz). This allusion is referring to a great economic1
and social divide that exists in today’s globalized world. The quote calls to mind Nobel Prize-winning economist
Thomas Friedman’s theory of the “Golden Straightjacket,” which addresses this divide by explaining the process of
domestic economic decline and loss of political autonomy many developing countries have experienced upon working
toward globalization. Developing countries who put on the “Golden Straitjacket” are forced to relinquish some of their
sovereignty to international financial institutions in exchange for monetary aid, or face severe economic hardship,
social unrest, loss of political legitimacy, and isolation from the international community. It is disconcerting to think
that the people running international institutions actually sit in offices or hotels and make policy prescriptions that may
drastically and devastatingly change the lives of thousands of people in a country thousands of miles away. In this way,
Stiglitz’s sentiment encapsulates the raison d étre of the social justice campaign known as the anti-globalization
movement.
There is disagreement among activists and scholars about when the anti-globalization movement originated.
One argument is that the movement was born at the time of the 1994 Zapatista protests in Chiapas, Mexico and later the
Seattle protest in 1999. Another argument is that the movement has a much longer history, stretching back to times of
resistance to European colonization and mobilizations against U.S. imperialism, uprisings against the Vietnam war in
the 1960s, and protests against the use of structural adjustment programs in developing countries during the 1980’s and
1990’s.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. "Chapter 2: Broken Promises." Globalization and Its Discontents. New York: W.W. Norton, 2002.1
24. Print.
Regardless of the precise moment of origin, it was the 1999 protest at the WTO’s Third Ministerial Meeting in
Seattle that effectively brought the anti-globalization movement to the attention of the mass media and wider public.
Thousands of activists gathered at the location of the meeting, where they proceeded to use a non-violent tactic of
building a barricade of bodies to prevent the WTO’s members from attending the meeting. Police responded with tear-
gas and rubber bullets. Afterword, a group of anarchists referred to as the “Black Bloc” vandalized the store fronts of
corporate stores and major banks in the area. One estimate posits that by the end of the event, more than 500 people had
been arrested for civil disobedience.
Supporters of this movement believe that the trade and financial policies of economic neoliberalism—better
known as corporate globalization—have exacerbated global poverty and inequalities. They stand against capitalism and
the recommendations of the Washington Consensus and are of the opinion that international institutions, governments,
and capitalist elites work to benefit corporate interests instead of the well-being of people and communities. The
movement is known to adhere to the principles of participatory democracy, which is demonstrated through its
horizontal organizational structure. This approach has kept the movement deliberately decentralized, despite the
ensuing challenges.
The Seattle protest, also known as the “Battle of Seattle,” clearly illustrates the unique nature of the anti-
globalization movement and some of the challenges it encounters as a result of its structure. The structure of this
movement stands out from other social justice movements because it is composed of alliances between individual
organizations that are based in a variety of social justice movements, as opposed to a collaboration between individual
people who form a single organization. The diversity of interests and difference of preferred approaches to activism
between organizations with different roots tends to cause fractures within the movement. This is especially true
between those who prefer to use nonviolent direct action tactics and those who believe in using violent direct action
tactics, as was demonstrated in Seattle. The barricade group took a non-violent approach, while the anarchist group
took an approach using violence. Even though the two may have not been part of the same organizations, both were
participants in a protest in which they were acting in support of anti-globalization. Therefore, the actions of the
anarchist group that were perceived as detrimental reflected negatively not only on their own organization, but the rest
of the groups and organizations associated with aiding the anti-globalization movement at that event as well.
This disjuncture within the anti-globalization movement actively impedes its progress in several ways. For
example, main stream media has had a tendency to highlight the use of violent tactics by select groups and overlook
other strategies. Due to the movement’s adherence to participatory democracy and egalitarianism, the movement will
not exclude organizations based on their views, goals or tactics, regardless of whether they undermine the legitimacy of
the movement as a whole. Consequently, the actions of a fraction of the movement’s participants may cast a shadow
upon everyone supporting the movement in the eyes of the public that uses main stream media as an information
source. The movement cannot therefore use the media as a tool to convey their own messages or defend their position
to the public. Word of mouth and technological communication become the most effective means by which to reach out
to the anti-globalization movement’s a large and wide-spread base of supporters, which is a hindrance to the
movement’s ability to organize, plan, and strategize.
Another problem that results from the divide over protest tactics comes from the reaction of the government in
which the protest is being held. In some cases, violence from protestors begets a violent response from the government.
In others, even a nonviolent response provokes a disproportionate use of force from the government. After a series of
uprisings in which activists gathered at the site of WTO, IMF, World Bank and G8 summit meetings to protest,
governments of host countries and international institutions began working together to prepare for demonstrations. The
decision was made to change the location of the WTO’s 2001 Ministerial Meeting to Doha, Quatar, with the intent of
making it difficult for the public to access. This tactic was effective in disrupting the movement’s progress.
The anti-globalization movement’s structure has required new solutions for how to effectively strategize,
network, and overcome the dilemma of communication between groups of allied organizations. In response to these
needs, the World Social Forum (WSF) was started in Brazil, in 2001. The WSF is an annual gathering of members of
1,525 different groups and organizations that support the ideas that motivate the anti-globalization movement. Over the
course of six days, participants attend workshops, conferences, debates, performances, and activities that focus on
various themes and issues caused by globalization and economic neoliberalism. The Forum has no formal leader and
doesn’t engage in voting on issues or actions. As stated by the fifth principle of the Charter of Principles, “The World
Social Forum brings together and interlinks only organizations and movements of civil society from all the countries in
the world, but it does not intend to be a body representing world civil society.”
I found it difficult to find coverage of the WSF in U.S. mainstream news media. There was no coverage by
MSNBC or CBS News. Fox News was the only large American news station that had published an article about the
WSF that was accessible from their website, which refers to the forum as an “Anti-U.S. Social Forum.” In contrast, the
forum has received substantial coverage by news media outlets outside of the U.S., particularly in Canada and France.
There are many unique challenges that face the anti-globalization movement, but it has won some victories as
well. The protests of the early 2000 had noticeable impact on trade and financial negotiations and debates, and it has
facilitated the start and spread of social forums like the WSF, on nearly every continent. Most importantly, it has taken
steps in fostering the creation of common goals among groups of people with many diverse interests on an international
scale.
TL;DR The anti-globalization movement is a social justice movement unlike any other. Due to its one-of-a-kind
structure the movement faces many challenges, but has been able to create a common goal to unite many diverse
interests, on an international scale.
The views expressed in this article do not necessarily represent the views of other Arbitror contributors or Arbitror as a
whole.
Photo: “WTO protest sign” originally posted to Flickr by geraldford, licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0. Use of this photo
does not indicate an endorsement from its creator.

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Hannah Luzadder Resume and Writing Sample

  • 1. Hannah Luzadder 3523 N Gantenbein Ave • Portland, OR 97227 hluzadder@lclark.edu • (303) 908-6770 EDUCATION Lewis & Clark College: Portland, OR August 2016 Bachelor of Arts, International Affairs Senior Thesis Project: Economic Liberalization in Developing Countries: A Multi-Theory Explanation of India’s Neoliberal Economic Policy Reforms in 1991 • Detailed research, assessment of literature, International Relations theory, data collection and analysis to determine why developing countries may choose to liberalize their economies despite potentially severe political and economic consequences, with India as a case study. Upper level courses: • International Affairs Seminar, International Relations Theories, International Political Economy, Global Order, International Law, Middle Eastern Politics, Comparative Politics, Global Resource Dilemmas, Area/Culture Studies: India, Development/Environment: India, Social Change, United States Foreign Policy India, Lewis & Clark College Overseas Program Fall 2015 PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE Clerical Assistant, Cain Petroleum, Portland, OR June 2014 - August 2016 • Reconciled daily Cash Receipts Register for 5-10 of 26 Chevron gas stations, composed monthly Sales Reports, reconciled Accounts Payable , provided customer service, maintained updated employee files and credit card records • Reorganized 6 years of current and terminated employee files for 26 separate gas stations and convenience stores • 10-20 hours per week, 40 hours per week during summer breaks from school Student Receptionist/Assistant, Student Health Services at Lewis & Clark College, Portland, OR January 2013 - May 2014 • Performed customer service, received incoming patients, checked patients vitals upon arrival, produced pamphlets and packets with health information for students traveling overseas • Maintained and organized updated patient files, prepared and delivered medical bills to patients, received and organized medical supplies • 10 hours per week Barista, Starbucks, Evergreen, CO Summer 2013 • Prepared/served food and beverages in accordance with specific company recipes, provided customer service, completed daily opening or closing duties, managed the cash register, supervised end-of-day till counting and delivery of money to locked safe • Mastered prioritization and correct completion of tasks in a fast-paced environment, assisted in training new employees to follow beverage recipes, operate the cash register, and proper use of various beverage appliances • 35-40 hours per week Hostess, BeauJo’s Pizza, Idaho Springs, CO Summer 2012 • Greeted and determined where to seat customers, assisted with food delivery, managed the cash register and to-go counter, provided customer service • 40+ hours per week LEADERSHIPAND ACHIEVEMENTS 54th Annual International Affairs Symposium, Lewis & Clark College April 2016 • Chosen to host visiting professor, scholar, published theorist, and extensive contributor to the field of International Affairs and Political Science, Dr. Randall Schweller, for three consecutive days • Facilitated transportation for Dr. Schweller to and from symposium debates and dinners, coordinated punctual and safe arrival at campus each day and return to hotel each evening, introduced Dr. Schweller to the student and faculty assembly preceding his debate Music Merit Scholarship, Lewis & Clark College Fall 2012 • Completed a classical piano performance audition for a faculty panel from the Music Department at Lewis & Clark College, and received a scholarship • Financial scholarships are awarded to students who demonstrate “outstanding skill and potential in their instrument” (http:// college.lclark.edu/departments/music/scholarships/) Rotary Youth Leadership Awards, Estes Park, CO Summer 2011 • Wrote and submitted a series of essays and applications that demonstrating my potential for leadership based on academic awards received, leadership positions previously held, volunteer experience, and extracurricular activities participated in during high school • Chosen as one of 200 high school students from a large pool of applicants from my district to receive a Rotary Youth Leadership Award (RYLA), received a scholarship to attend a week-long camp for youth leadership development, sponsored by Rotary SPECIAL SKILLS • Proficient in Microsoft Office for Mac and PC, experience with navigating computer programs used for accounting, experienced in utilizing social media as a business tool • Writing, research, critical analysis, and problem solving • Organization, prioritization, and attention to detail • Public speaking, customer service, and public relations • Fundamental proficiency in Spanish, limited Hindi
  • 2. REFERENCES Cyrus Partovi Senior Lecturer in Social Sciences Professor of International Affairs Lewis & Clark College (503) 768-7636 partovi@lclark.edu Heather Smith-Cannoy Associate Professor/Chair of International Affairs Lewis & Clark College (503) 768-7623 hsmith@lclark.edu Denise Henry Senior Operations Manager Cain Petroleum (503) 546-3535 denise@cainpetroleum.com
  • 3. WRITING SAMPLE Originally written for arbitror.org Organizations vs. Institutions: The Perils and Strife of the Anti-Globalization Movement In his book Globalization and Its Discontents, Joseph Stiglitz poetically illustrated a disquieting symptom of globalization when he wrote, “From one’s luxury hotel, one can callously impose policies about which one would think twice if one knew the people whose lives one was destroying” (Stiglitz). This allusion is referring to a great economic1 and social divide that exists in today’s globalized world. The quote calls to mind Nobel Prize-winning economist Thomas Friedman’s theory of the “Golden Straightjacket,” which addresses this divide by explaining the process of domestic economic decline and loss of political autonomy many developing countries have experienced upon working toward globalization. Developing countries who put on the “Golden Straitjacket” are forced to relinquish some of their sovereignty to international financial institutions in exchange for monetary aid, or face severe economic hardship, social unrest, loss of political legitimacy, and isolation from the international community. It is disconcerting to think that the people running international institutions actually sit in offices or hotels and make policy prescriptions that may drastically and devastatingly change the lives of thousands of people in a country thousands of miles away. In this way, Stiglitz’s sentiment encapsulates the raison d étre of the social justice campaign known as the anti-globalization movement. There is disagreement among activists and scholars about when the anti-globalization movement originated. One argument is that the movement was born at the time of the 1994 Zapatista protests in Chiapas, Mexico and later the Seattle protest in 1999. Another argument is that the movement has a much longer history, stretching back to times of resistance to European colonization and mobilizations against U.S. imperialism, uprisings against the Vietnam war in the 1960s, and protests against the use of structural adjustment programs in developing countries during the 1980’s and 1990’s. Stiglitz, Joseph E. "Chapter 2: Broken Promises." Globalization and Its Discontents. New York: W.W. Norton, 2002.1 24. Print.
  • 4. Regardless of the precise moment of origin, it was the 1999 protest at the WTO’s Third Ministerial Meeting in Seattle that effectively brought the anti-globalization movement to the attention of the mass media and wider public. Thousands of activists gathered at the location of the meeting, where they proceeded to use a non-violent tactic of building a barricade of bodies to prevent the WTO’s members from attending the meeting. Police responded with tear- gas and rubber bullets. Afterword, a group of anarchists referred to as the “Black Bloc” vandalized the store fronts of corporate stores and major banks in the area. One estimate posits that by the end of the event, more than 500 people had been arrested for civil disobedience. Supporters of this movement believe that the trade and financial policies of economic neoliberalism—better known as corporate globalization—have exacerbated global poverty and inequalities. They stand against capitalism and the recommendations of the Washington Consensus and are of the opinion that international institutions, governments, and capitalist elites work to benefit corporate interests instead of the well-being of people and communities. The movement is known to adhere to the principles of participatory democracy, which is demonstrated through its horizontal organizational structure. This approach has kept the movement deliberately decentralized, despite the ensuing challenges. The Seattle protest, also known as the “Battle of Seattle,” clearly illustrates the unique nature of the anti- globalization movement and some of the challenges it encounters as a result of its structure. The structure of this movement stands out from other social justice movements because it is composed of alliances between individual organizations that are based in a variety of social justice movements, as opposed to a collaboration between individual people who form a single organization. The diversity of interests and difference of preferred approaches to activism between organizations with different roots tends to cause fractures within the movement. This is especially true between those who prefer to use nonviolent direct action tactics and those who believe in using violent direct action tactics, as was demonstrated in Seattle. The barricade group took a non-violent approach, while the anarchist group took an approach using violence. Even though the two may have not been part of the same organizations, both were participants in a protest in which they were acting in support of anti-globalization. Therefore, the actions of the anarchist group that were perceived as detrimental reflected negatively not only on their own organization, but the rest of the groups and organizations associated with aiding the anti-globalization movement at that event as well.
  • 5. This disjuncture within the anti-globalization movement actively impedes its progress in several ways. For example, main stream media has had a tendency to highlight the use of violent tactics by select groups and overlook other strategies. Due to the movement’s adherence to participatory democracy and egalitarianism, the movement will not exclude organizations based on their views, goals or tactics, regardless of whether they undermine the legitimacy of the movement as a whole. Consequently, the actions of a fraction of the movement’s participants may cast a shadow upon everyone supporting the movement in the eyes of the public that uses main stream media as an information source. The movement cannot therefore use the media as a tool to convey their own messages or defend their position to the public. Word of mouth and technological communication become the most effective means by which to reach out to the anti-globalization movement’s a large and wide-spread base of supporters, which is a hindrance to the movement’s ability to organize, plan, and strategize. Another problem that results from the divide over protest tactics comes from the reaction of the government in which the protest is being held. In some cases, violence from protestors begets a violent response from the government. In others, even a nonviolent response provokes a disproportionate use of force from the government. After a series of uprisings in which activists gathered at the site of WTO, IMF, World Bank and G8 summit meetings to protest, governments of host countries and international institutions began working together to prepare for demonstrations. The decision was made to change the location of the WTO’s 2001 Ministerial Meeting to Doha, Quatar, with the intent of making it difficult for the public to access. This tactic was effective in disrupting the movement’s progress. The anti-globalization movement’s structure has required new solutions for how to effectively strategize, network, and overcome the dilemma of communication between groups of allied organizations. In response to these needs, the World Social Forum (WSF) was started in Brazil, in 2001. The WSF is an annual gathering of members of 1,525 different groups and organizations that support the ideas that motivate the anti-globalization movement. Over the course of six days, participants attend workshops, conferences, debates, performances, and activities that focus on various themes and issues caused by globalization and economic neoliberalism. The Forum has no formal leader and doesn’t engage in voting on issues or actions. As stated by the fifth principle of the Charter of Principles, “The World Social Forum brings together and interlinks only organizations and movements of civil society from all the countries in the world, but it does not intend to be a body representing world civil society.”
  • 6. I found it difficult to find coverage of the WSF in U.S. mainstream news media. There was no coverage by MSNBC or CBS News. Fox News was the only large American news station that had published an article about the WSF that was accessible from their website, which refers to the forum as an “Anti-U.S. Social Forum.” In contrast, the forum has received substantial coverage by news media outlets outside of the U.S., particularly in Canada and France. There are many unique challenges that face the anti-globalization movement, but it has won some victories as well. The protests of the early 2000 had noticeable impact on trade and financial negotiations and debates, and it has facilitated the start and spread of social forums like the WSF, on nearly every continent. Most importantly, it has taken steps in fostering the creation of common goals among groups of people with many diverse interests on an international scale. TL;DR The anti-globalization movement is a social justice movement unlike any other. Due to its one-of-a-kind structure the movement faces many challenges, but has been able to create a common goal to unite many diverse interests, on an international scale. The views expressed in this article do not necessarily represent the views of other Arbitror contributors or Arbitror as a whole. Photo: “WTO protest sign” originally posted to Flickr by geraldford, licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0. Use of this photo does not indicate an endorsement from its creator.