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INFORMALITY 
ENTERPRISE SURVEYS 
ENTERPRISE NOTE SERIES 
Formal and Informal Microenterprises 
Jessica Leino 
The informal or unregistered sector constitutes a significant 
proportion of the economy and employs a majority of nona-gricultural 
workers in many developing countries, espe-cially 
in Africa. Many facets of the sector, including why 
firms remain informal (e.g., Gelb et al. 2009), the role reg-ulation 
plays in informality (e.g., Djankov et al. 2002), and 
the productivity of the informal sector (e.g., McKenzie and 
Woodruff 2008), have been studied in various contexts and 
remain hotly debated. This note uses a unique new survey 
of the informal sector done in conjunction with the main 
Enterprise Surveys1 in three African countries to examine 
the characteristics of informal firms and explore how the 
constraints they face differ from businesses in the formal 
sector. The informal firms were selected to mirror the sam-ple 
of registered microfirms2 surveyed, so it is possible to 
directly compare firms operating in the formal and informal 
sectors in Côte d’Ivoire, Madagascar, and Mauritius.3 
The three sub- Saharan African countries examined in 
this note reflect a broad spectrum of business environments. 
According to the Doing Business 2009 Report, Mauritius 
ranks 7th (out of 181) in the world for starting a formally 
registered business, Madagascar ranks 58th, and Côte 
d’Ivoire ranks 167th. The approximately 600 formal and in-formal 
microfirms that were surveyed represent a variety of 
business activities, including food production, garment and 
textile manufacturing, other manufacturing, retail and 
wholesale trade, and other services. Almost all business ac-tivities 
are represented in both the formal and informal sec-tors, 
and most activities do not seem to be restricted to 
either the formal or informal sectors. The composition of 
firms in the survey sample differs from country to country, 
but retail and wholesale trade is always the most common. 
What Are the Characteristics of Entrepreneurs 
in the Formal and Informal Sectors? 
Formal sector entrepreneurs were significantly more likely 
to say that they were interested in taking advantage of busi-ness 
opportunities as the reason they started their busi-nesses. 
In contrast, as shown in figure 1, informal sector 
entrepreneurs were more likely to cite the lack of alternative 
jobs. However, in Côte d’Ivoire, there appear to be more en-trepreneurs 
of necessity in both the formal and informal sec-tors: 
the proportion of business owners citing business 
opportunities is lower, the proportion citing the lack of al- 
WORLD BANK GROUP ENTERPRISE NOTE NO. 5 2009 
This note uses unique data from enterprise surveys in three African countries to examine 
the characteristics of informal and formal microenterprises. Entrepreneurs in the infor-mal 
sector have different motivations for starting a business from their formal sector 
counterparts, with about twice as many informal entrepreneurs citing lack of alternative em-ployment 
opportunities as their main motivation. Female entrepreneurs are more likely to op-erate 
in the informal sector, with 38 percent of informal businesses and only a quarter of formal 
businesses owned by women. Differences in entrepreneur characteristics translate into differ-ences 
in business practices, with informal firms less than half as likely to have paid employees 
and nearly half as likely to have bank accounts.
ternative employment is higher, and the difference between 
the formal and informal sectors is relatively smaller. 
Entrepreneurs in the formal sector also have more educa-tion 
and experience than entrepreneurs in the informal sector. 
While 73 percent of all formal sector entrepreneurs surveyed 
have secondary or university- level training, only 54 percent of 
informal sector entrepreneurs do. The numbers vary slightly 
by country, but the pattern is consistent, and the differences 
are statistically significant, even after accounting for differences 
in business activities. Formal sector entrepreneurs have 13.2 
years of experience on average, while informal entrepreneurs 
have two years less experience, though the 
difference is not statistically significant. 
Female ownership rates are higher in 
the informal sector than in the formal sec-tor 
in all three countries, although 
women entrepreneurs always represent 
less than half of the sample. Figure 2 
shows that in Mauritius the gap in female 
ownership is significantly smaller be-tween 
the formal and informal sectors 
which, in the context of recent reforms 
that have made it much less costly to start 
a formal sector business, may provide 
suggestive evidence that women are disproportionately im-pacted 
by improved access to the formal sector. 
The pattern of higher female participation in ownership 
in the informal sector holds true for firms in each business 
activity category, with the exception of chemical, metals, and 
electronics (where the number of firms is relatively small). 
Women tend to be concentrated in business activities such 
as retail trade and food and garment production. The sub-stantial 
differences in the choice of sector and of business 
activity between male and female entrepreneurs may suggest 
that access to finance or other issues constrain some entre-preneurs’ 
ability to enter the formal sector or alter their de-cisions 
over which sector to enter, perhaps directing more 
women to activities with lower capital requirements. 
What Are the Characteristics of Formal and 
Informal Businesses? 
Differences in the characteristics of formal and informal 
firms appear to be correlated with the ease and relative ex-pense 
of starting a formal sector business and may change 
over time as countries' policies improve. In Mauritius, in-formal 
businesses are about five years 
older, on average, than formal busi-nesses, 
which suggests that new firms 
are choosing to enter the formal sector. 
In contrast, businesses in Côte d’Ivoire 
in both the informal and formal sectors 
have roughly the same distribution of 
ages, and in Madagascar formal sector 
businesses are more than seven years 
older than informal businesses. In Mau-ritius, 
75 percent of formal sector busi-nesses 
are registered at startup, whereas 
in Côte d’Ivoire, where it is much more 
difficult to register a business, only 43 percent of formal sec-tor 
businesses were registered at the time the business was 
created. 
Informal firms also tend to start out and stay smaller than 
formal firms. In both Madagascar and Mauritius, informal 
businesses start with about 1.8 workers versus an average of 
2.4 workers in formal businesses. In Côte d’Ivoire, the num-ber 
of full- time workers at startup is around 2.4 in both for-mal 
and informal businesses. Formal businesses tend to have 
more paid employees, while informal businesses have more 
Figure 1 Informal Entrepreneurs Motivated to 
2 
Start Business by Lack of Jobs 
Formal Informal Formal Informal Formal Informal 
Source: Enterprise Surveys. 
In the informal sector 
entrepreneurs cite the 
lack of alternative job 
opportunities as the 
main reason for starting 
their businesses. 
100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
10 
0 
Percent 
Côte d’Ivoire Madagascar Mauritius 
Started business to take advantage of business opportunity 
Started business because no other jobs available 
Figure 2 Female Ownership Rates Higher in 
Informal Sector 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
10 
0 
Percent 
Country Business activity 
Food production 
Chemicals/metals/electronics 
Mauritius 
Garment/textiles 
Madagascar 
Côte d’Ivoire 
Source: Enterprise Surveys. 
Retail and wholesale trade 
Other sectors 
Other services 
Percent female ownership informal 
Percent female ownership formal
unpaid workers. In informal businesses, as shown in figure 
3, the number of paid workers tends to remain low: 65 per-cent 
of informal businesses currently report zero or one paid 
worker.4 Formal sector businesses, in contrast, seem to be 
on a growth trajectory, with the current number of paid 
workers higher on average than the number of workers at 
start- up. Indeed, older formal sector businesses have signif-icantly 
more paid employees than younger formal firms. 
Employment of family members varies widely across sec-tors 
and countries. Informal businesses in Côte d’Ivoire are 
more likely to employ family members, with 36 percent of 
informal businesses but only 21 percent of formal busi-nesses 
employing at least one family member. However, in 
Madagascar, 26-27 percent of both informal and formal 
businesses employ family members, and in Mauritius 39 
percent of informal firms and 44 percent of formal firms em-ploy 
family members. Family members were paid employ-ees 
approximately 57 percent of the time that they worked 
in formal or informal businesses. 
Formal businesses in all three countries were more likely to 
have permanent locations and to own their premises. Ap-proximately 
96 percent of formal sector businesses in Mauri-tius 
and Madagascar have a fixed, permanent location, as do 
75 percent of formal businesses in Côte 
d’Ivoire. However, only between 47 per-cent 
and 63 percent of all informal busi-nesses 
have a permanent business 
location. 
How Do Formal and Informal 
Firms Finance Their Businesses? 
There are significant overall differences between formal and 
informal entrepreneurs’ use of external business finance, es-pecially 
of basic financial tools like bank accounts. There 
are also significant differences in loan use and other less 
common forms of financing for microenterprises. While 70 
percent of formally registered microentrepreneurs use a 
bank account for their business, only 38 percent of entre-preneurs 
in the informal sector do. The percentage of en-trepreneurs 
that currently have loans for their businesses 
nearly doubles from 7 percent in the informal sector to 13 
percent in the formal sector. 
The magnitudes of external financing differ substantially 
across the three surveyed countries, although the differences 
between the formal and informal sectors are reasonably con-sistent. 
As shown in figure 4, the use of loans is much more 
common in Mauritius (which had the highest Doing Busi-ness 
credit ranking of the three countries surveyed in 2009), 
though formal sector entrepreneurs are still more than twice 
as likely to have a loan as informal entrepreneurs. In Mada-gascar, 
the difference between the formal and informal sec-tors 
in having a bank account is extremely large. In Côte 
d’Ivoire, the country with the lowest Doing Business rank-ings 
of those surveyed, use of both bank accounts and loans 
is relatively low even in the formal sector. 
Why Do Businesses Remain Informal? 
The main reason informal firms cite for remaining unregis-tered 
varies by country, but the top reasons are the taxes on 
registered businesses (46 percent in Mauritius and 31 percent 
in Madagascar) and getting information on how to register 
(55 percent in Côte d’Ivoire). As shown in figure 5, the fees 
to complete the registration process are 
another reason frequently cited in all 
three countries (24 percent in Mauritius, 
27 percent in Madagascar, and 21 percent 
in Côte d’Ivoire). Interestingly, both the 
time and the cost of registering a business 
in Mauritius are very low (Doing Business 
2009), so these responses may reflect a 
lack of information about registration procedures. 
Payments to remain informal are not commonly reported. 
In Côte d’Ivoire, nearly 6 percent of informal firms report 
that they are required to make informal payments in order to 
stay unregistered, whereas only 0.8 percent of firms in Mada-gascar 
and no firms in Mauritius report such payments. 
3 
Formal businesses 
tend to have more paid 
employees. 
Figure 3 Formal Firms More Likely to Have 
Paid Workers 
35 
30 
25 
20 
15 
10 
5 
0 
Percent 
0 1 2 3 4 
Number of paid workers 
Formal Informal 
Source: Enterprise Surveys. 
Figure 4 Formal Sector Use of Bank Accounts 
and Loans Is Substantially Higher 
100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
10 
0 
Percent 
Formal Informal Formal Informal Formal Informal 
Côte d’Ivoire Madagascar Mauritius 
Bank account Loan 
Source: Enterprise Surveys.
Figure 5 Informal Firms Cite Taxes, Information 
as the Main Reasons for Remaining 
Unregistered 
100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
10 
0 
Percent 
Côte d’Ivoire Madagascar Mauritius 
The inspections and meetings with government officials 
Bribes that registered businesses need 
Time to complete registration procedure 
Fees to complete registration procedure 
Getting information on what you need to do 
Taxes on registered businesses 
Source: Enterprise Surveys. 
Entrepreneurs running formal and informal businesses 
in Côte d’Ivoire, Madagascar, and Mauritius have very dif-ferent 
profiles. Entrepreneurs in the informal sector are 
more likely to start their businesses because of lack of al-ternative 
employment opportunities and are less educated 
on average. Informal sector entrepreneurs employ fewer 
workers, are less likely to have permanent premises, and use 
less business financing than their formal sector 
counterparts. 
The greater use of financing instruments in the formal 
sector suggests that it may be easier to access business fi-nancing 
in the formal sector, all else being equal. Formal 
sector entrepreneurs may also require more financing be-cause 
their business needs as well as their desire to grow 
their enterprises are different. Additionally, entrepreneurs 
in the formal sector may be better able to take advantage of 
financing opportunities if they are more educated or more 
experienced. 
Differences in entrepreneur characteristics likely account 
for many of the differences in business practices between 
the formal and informal sectors in the three countries cov-ered. 
Policies encouraging business formalization may not 
be fully successful in fostering business growth if they do 
not recognize the different motivations and characteristics of 
entrepreneurs who choose to operate in the informal sector. 
Notes 
1. The data for Enterprise Surveys are available at www.enter-prisesurveys. 
org. 
2. Microfirms are firms with fewer than five employees. 
3. However, because there is no sample frame available for in-formal 
firms, it is not possible to make inferences about the pop-ulation 
of informal firms using these data. 
4. The business owner may not be counted as paid, if he or she 
does not draw a fixed salary. 
References 
Djankov S., R. LaPorta, F. Lopez- de- Silanes, and A. Shleifer. 2002. 
“The Regulation of Entry.” Quarterly Journal of Economics, 117 
(1), 1- 37. 
Gelb, A., T. Mengistae, V. Ramachandran, and M.K. Shah, M.K. 
2009. “To Formalize or Not to Formalize? Comparisons of Mi-croenterprise 
Data from Southern and East Africa” (draft). 
Available at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTMACRO/ 
Resources/InformalFirmsAfricaGelbMengistaeRamachandran- 
Shah1292009.pdf (last accessed 07/13/2009). 
McKenzie, D., and C. Woodruff. 2008. “Experimental Evidence on 
Returns to Capital and Access to Finance in Mexico.” World 
Bank Economic Review, 22 (3), 457–482. 
4 
The Enterprise Notes Series presents short research reports to encourage the exchange of ideas on busi-ness 
environment issues. The notes present evidence on the relation between government policies and 
the ability of businesses to create wealth. The notes carry the names of the authors and should be cited 
accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this note are entirely those of 
the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction 
and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the 
World Bank or the governments they represent.

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Informality 5

  • 1. INFORMALITY ENTERPRISE SURVEYS ENTERPRISE NOTE SERIES Formal and Informal Microenterprises Jessica Leino The informal or unregistered sector constitutes a significant proportion of the economy and employs a majority of nona-gricultural workers in many developing countries, espe-cially in Africa. Many facets of the sector, including why firms remain informal (e.g., Gelb et al. 2009), the role reg-ulation plays in informality (e.g., Djankov et al. 2002), and the productivity of the informal sector (e.g., McKenzie and Woodruff 2008), have been studied in various contexts and remain hotly debated. This note uses a unique new survey of the informal sector done in conjunction with the main Enterprise Surveys1 in three African countries to examine the characteristics of informal firms and explore how the constraints they face differ from businesses in the formal sector. The informal firms were selected to mirror the sam-ple of registered microfirms2 surveyed, so it is possible to directly compare firms operating in the formal and informal sectors in Côte d’Ivoire, Madagascar, and Mauritius.3 The three sub- Saharan African countries examined in this note reflect a broad spectrum of business environments. According to the Doing Business 2009 Report, Mauritius ranks 7th (out of 181) in the world for starting a formally registered business, Madagascar ranks 58th, and Côte d’Ivoire ranks 167th. The approximately 600 formal and in-formal microfirms that were surveyed represent a variety of business activities, including food production, garment and textile manufacturing, other manufacturing, retail and wholesale trade, and other services. Almost all business ac-tivities are represented in both the formal and informal sec-tors, and most activities do not seem to be restricted to either the formal or informal sectors. The composition of firms in the survey sample differs from country to country, but retail and wholesale trade is always the most common. What Are the Characteristics of Entrepreneurs in the Formal and Informal Sectors? Formal sector entrepreneurs were significantly more likely to say that they were interested in taking advantage of busi-ness opportunities as the reason they started their busi-nesses. In contrast, as shown in figure 1, informal sector entrepreneurs were more likely to cite the lack of alternative jobs. However, in Côte d’Ivoire, there appear to be more en-trepreneurs of necessity in both the formal and informal sec-tors: the proportion of business owners citing business opportunities is lower, the proportion citing the lack of al- WORLD BANK GROUP ENTERPRISE NOTE NO. 5 2009 This note uses unique data from enterprise surveys in three African countries to examine the characteristics of informal and formal microenterprises. Entrepreneurs in the infor-mal sector have different motivations for starting a business from their formal sector counterparts, with about twice as many informal entrepreneurs citing lack of alternative em-ployment opportunities as their main motivation. Female entrepreneurs are more likely to op-erate in the informal sector, with 38 percent of informal businesses and only a quarter of formal businesses owned by women. Differences in entrepreneur characteristics translate into differ-ences in business practices, with informal firms less than half as likely to have paid employees and nearly half as likely to have bank accounts.
  • 2. ternative employment is higher, and the difference between the formal and informal sectors is relatively smaller. Entrepreneurs in the formal sector also have more educa-tion and experience than entrepreneurs in the informal sector. While 73 percent of all formal sector entrepreneurs surveyed have secondary or university- level training, only 54 percent of informal sector entrepreneurs do. The numbers vary slightly by country, but the pattern is consistent, and the differences are statistically significant, even after accounting for differences in business activities. Formal sector entrepreneurs have 13.2 years of experience on average, while informal entrepreneurs have two years less experience, though the difference is not statistically significant. Female ownership rates are higher in the informal sector than in the formal sec-tor in all three countries, although women entrepreneurs always represent less than half of the sample. Figure 2 shows that in Mauritius the gap in female ownership is significantly smaller be-tween the formal and informal sectors which, in the context of recent reforms that have made it much less costly to start a formal sector business, may provide suggestive evidence that women are disproportionately im-pacted by improved access to the formal sector. The pattern of higher female participation in ownership in the informal sector holds true for firms in each business activity category, with the exception of chemical, metals, and electronics (where the number of firms is relatively small). Women tend to be concentrated in business activities such as retail trade and food and garment production. The sub-stantial differences in the choice of sector and of business activity between male and female entrepreneurs may suggest that access to finance or other issues constrain some entre-preneurs’ ability to enter the formal sector or alter their de-cisions over which sector to enter, perhaps directing more women to activities with lower capital requirements. What Are the Characteristics of Formal and Informal Businesses? Differences in the characteristics of formal and informal firms appear to be correlated with the ease and relative ex-pense of starting a formal sector business and may change over time as countries' policies improve. In Mauritius, in-formal businesses are about five years older, on average, than formal busi-nesses, which suggests that new firms are choosing to enter the formal sector. In contrast, businesses in Côte d’Ivoire in both the informal and formal sectors have roughly the same distribution of ages, and in Madagascar formal sector businesses are more than seven years older than informal businesses. In Mau-ritius, 75 percent of formal sector busi-nesses are registered at startup, whereas in Côte d’Ivoire, where it is much more difficult to register a business, only 43 percent of formal sec-tor businesses were registered at the time the business was created. Informal firms also tend to start out and stay smaller than formal firms. In both Madagascar and Mauritius, informal businesses start with about 1.8 workers versus an average of 2.4 workers in formal businesses. In Côte d’Ivoire, the num-ber of full- time workers at startup is around 2.4 in both for-mal and informal businesses. Formal businesses tend to have more paid employees, while informal businesses have more Figure 1 Informal Entrepreneurs Motivated to 2 Start Business by Lack of Jobs Formal Informal Formal Informal Formal Informal Source: Enterprise Surveys. In the informal sector entrepreneurs cite the lack of alternative job opportunities as the main reason for starting their businesses. 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Percent Côte d’Ivoire Madagascar Mauritius Started business to take advantage of business opportunity Started business because no other jobs available Figure 2 Female Ownership Rates Higher in Informal Sector 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Percent Country Business activity Food production Chemicals/metals/electronics Mauritius Garment/textiles Madagascar Côte d’Ivoire Source: Enterprise Surveys. Retail and wholesale trade Other sectors Other services Percent female ownership informal Percent female ownership formal
  • 3. unpaid workers. In informal businesses, as shown in figure 3, the number of paid workers tends to remain low: 65 per-cent of informal businesses currently report zero or one paid worker.4 Formal sector businesses, in contrast, seem to be on a growth trajectory, with the current number of paid workers higher on average than the number of workers at start- up. Indeed, older formal sector businesses have signif-icantly more paid employees than younger formal firms. Employment of family members varies widely across sec-tors and countries. Informal businesses in Côte d’Ivoire are more likely to employ family members, with 36 percent of informal businesses but only 21 percent of formal busi-nesses employing at least one family member. However, in Madagascar, 26-27 percent of both informal and formal businesses employ family members, and in Mauritius 39 percent of informal firms and 44 percent of formal firms em-ploy family members. Family members were paid employ-ees approximately 57 percent of the time that they worked in formal or informal businesses. Formal businesses in all three countries were more likely to have permanent locations and to own their premises. Ap-proximately 96 percent of formal sector businesses in Mauri-tius and Madagascar have a fixed, permanent location, as do 75 percent of formal businesses in Côte d’Ivoire. However, only between 47 per-cent and 63 percent of all informal busi-nesses have a permanent business location. How Do Formal and Informal Firms Finance Their Businesses? There are significant overall differences between formal and informal entrepreneurs’ use of external business finance, es-pecially of basic financial tools like bank accounts. There are also significant differences in loan use and other less common forms of financing for microenterprises. While 70 percent of formally registered microentrepreneurs use a bank account for their business, only 38 percent of entre-preneurs in the informal sector do. The percentage of en-trepreneurs that currently have loans for their businesses nearly doubles from 7 percent in the informal sector to 13 percent in the formal sector. The magnitudes of external financing differ substantially across the three surveyed countries, although the differences between the formal and informal sectors are reasonably con-sistent. As shown in figure 4, the use of loans is much more common in Mauritius (which had the highest Doing Busi-ness credit ranking of the three countries surveyed in 2009), though formal sector entrepreneurs are still more than twice as likely to have a loan as informal entrepreneurs. In Mada-gascar, the difference between the formal and informal sec-tors in having a bank account is extremely large. In Côte d’Ivoire, the country with the lowest Doing Business rank-ings of those surveyed, use of both bank accounts and loans is relatively low even in the formal sector. Why Do Businesses Remain Informal? The main reason informal firms cite for remaining unregis-tered varies by country, but the top reasons are the taxes on registered businesses (46 percent in Mauritius and 31 percent in Madagascar) and getting information on how to register (55 percent in Côte d’Ivoire). As shown in figure 5, the fees to complete the registration process are another reason frequently cited in all three countries (24 percent in Mauritius, 27 percent in Madagascar, and 21 percent in Côte d’Ivoire). Interestingly, both the time and the cost of registering a business in Mauritius are very low (Doing Business 2009), so these responses may reflect a lack of information about registration procedures. Payments to remain informal are not commonly reported. In Côte d’Ivoire, nearly 6 percent of informal firms report that they are required to make informal payments in order to stay unregistered, whereas only 0.8 percent of firms in Mada-gascar and no firms in Mauritius report such payments. 3 Formal businesses tend to have more paid employees. Figure 3 Formal Firms More Likely to Have Paid Workers 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Percent 0 1 2 3 4 Number of paid workers Formal Informal Source: Enterprise Surveys. Figure 4 Formal Sector Use of Bank Accounts and Loans Is Substantially Higher 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Percent Formal Informal Formal Informal Formal Informal Côte d’Ivoire Madagascar Mauritius Bank account Loan Source: Enterprise Surveys.
  • 4. Figure 5 Informal Firms Cite Taxes, Information as the Main Reasons for Remaining Unregistered 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Percent Côte d’Ivoire Madagascar Mauritius The inspections and meetings with government officials Bribes that registered businesses need Time to complete registration procedure Fees to complete registration procedure Getting information on what you need to do Taxes on registered businesses Source: Enterprise Surveys. Entrepreneurs running formal and informal businesses in Côte d’Ivoire, Madagascar, and Mauritius have very dif-ferent profiles. Entrepreneurs in the informal sector are more likely to start their businesses because of lack of al-ternative employment opportunities and are less educated on average. Informal sector entrepreneurs employ fewer workers, are less likely to have permanent premises, and use less business financing than their formal sector counterparts. The greater use of financing instruments in the formal sector suggests that it may be easier to access business fi-nancing in the formal sector, all else being equal. Formal sector entrepreneurs may also require more financing be-cause their business needs as well as their desire to grow their enterprises are different. Additionally, entrepreneurs in the formal sector may be better able to take advantage of financing opportunities if they are more educated or more experienced. Differences in entrepreneur characteristics likely account for many of the differences in business practices between the formal and informal sectors in the three countries cov-ered. Policies encouraging business formalization may not be fully successful in fostering business growth if they do not recognize the different motivations and characteristics of entrepreneurs who choose to operate in the informal sector. Notes 1. The data for Enterprise Surveys are available at www.enter-prisesurveys. org. 2. Microfirms are firms with fewer than five employees. 3. However, because there is no sample frame available for in-formal firms, it is not possible to make inferences about the pop-ulation of informal firms using these data. 4. The business owner may not be counted as paid, if he or she does not draw a fixed salary. References Djankov S., R. LaPorta, F. Lopez- de- Silanes, and A. Shleifer. 2002. “The Regulation of Entry.” Quarterly Journal of Economics, 117 (1), 1- 37. Gelb, A., T. Mengistae, V. Ramachandran, and M.K. Shah, M.K. 2009. “To Formalize or Not to Formalize? Comparisons of Mi-croenterprise Data from Southern and East Africa” (draft). Available at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTMACRO/ Resources/InformalFirmsAfricaGelbMengistaeRamachandran- Shah1292009.pdf (last accessed 07/13/2009). McKenzie, D., and C. Woodruff. 2008. “Experimental Evidence on Returns to Capital and Access to Finance in Mexico.” World Bank Economic Review, 22 (3), 457–482. 4 The Enterprise Notes Series presents short research reports to encourage the exchange of ideas on busi-ness environment issues. The notes present evidence on the relation between government policies and the ability of businesses to create wealth. The notes carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this note are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent.