Despina.Iorga.Shelter refugees Lebanon

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Fig.2‐ Palestinian refugee camp Lebanon (Dokkedal, 2009)

Student name: Despina Iorga
Student no.: 4005143
Module name: Shelter after Disaster
Module no.: P38164
Module leaders: Bill Flinn, Charles Parrack
Submission date: 1st
May 2015

How Political and Socio‐economic
issues affect shelter conditions
for refugees: Palestinian and
Syrian Refugees in Lebanon.

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Contents:
Acronyms ________________________________________________________________________________1
1.0 INTRODUCTION __________________________________________________________________________ 2
2.0 LEBANON‐ Short description. Background ____________________________________________________ 2
3.0 The case of the Palestinian refugees‐ over 60 years living in Lebanon. _____________________________ 4
4.0 Current Syrian refugee situation‐ is history repeating itself? _____________________________________ 10
5.0 Comparative analysis of the two refugee contexts _____________________________________________13
6.0 CONCLUSION ___________________________________________________________________________ 14
Figure list _______________________________________________________________________________16
Bibliography ____________________________________________________________________________ 17

Acronyms
ICRC‐ International Committee of the Red Cross for Palestinian Refugees
ILO/ ROAS‐ International Labour Organization, Regional Office for Arab States
LRCS‐ International League of Red Cross Societies
MPC‐ Migration Policy Centre
NGO‐ Non‐governmental organization
PRCS‐ Palestinian Red Crescent Society
UN‐ United Nations
UNHCR‐ United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNICEF‐ United Nations Children's Fund
UNRWA‐ United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East

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1.0Introduction

In the current refugee crisis in Lebanon, having long surpassed the ‘devastating milestone’ (UNHCR) of one
million Syrian refugees (2014), an assessment of the refugee shelter conditions is crucial. This is not the first
time Lebanon takes in a large inflow of refugees. Currently, there are around 450,000 Palestinians living in
formal and informal settlements in the country since 1948. The refugee camps and gatherings in Lebanon
have been evaluated as having the worst living conditions out of all the areas where the UNRWA (United
Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East) operate.

Today, shelter and living conditions for refugees in Lebanon are extreme. Palestinians have no possibility
of rehabilitating the crumbling buildings they live in, or of expanding camp areas and are prohibited from
owning property. Syrians, on the other hand, have to take shelter in whichever abandoned buildings they
find, or overwork themselves for half the minimum wage to pay for constantly increasing apartment rents,
due to the refusal of the Lebanese government to set up formal refugee camps.

The essay aims to assess and analyse the political and socio‐economic factors regarding refugees in
Lebanon and how they influence shelter conditions in camps and informal settlements, preventing them
from developing and improving, while offering no real alternatives. It also examines the transition from
temporary to permanent shelters in the case of Palestinians, with the purpose of understanding the
attitude of the Lebanese government towards the more recent Syrian situation.

In order to address and answer the question adequately, this paper is divided into four chapters, followed
by conclusions. The first chapter represents a short descriptive background of Lebanon. The subsequent
two sections embody in‐depth studies of the two refugee situations‐ first Palestinian, followed by the Syrian
context‐ describing shelter and living conditions and what affected them. In the final chapter, the two
contexts are depicted in comparison to each other, while the conclusion section comprises a summary of
the overall discussion, results of the analysis and few recommendations.

There was a great variety of resources used for this essay: newspaper articles, reports, interviews, surveys.
In terms of statistics and data on refugees in Lebanon, publications and reports from UNRWA were the
most useful and reliable as they have been active in the country since the beginning of the 19050’s. Other
useful resources were the MPC report from 2013 on the Syrian refugees’ situation in Lebanon, an
assessment by ILO/ROAS of the impact of the presence of a large number of Syrian refugees on the
employment sector, a report on Palestinian refugees and camps in Lebanon by ANERA and an interview
conducted in 2013 with Dr. Kamel Mohanna, director of Amel Association.

2.0 LEBANON‐ Short description. Background

Lebanon has been a democracy since its independence from France in 1943 and has always been at the centre
of Middle Eastern conflicts, being situated at the border with Israel and Syria.

In an effort to stabilize the constant presence of a delicate sectarian balance, the country is known to have
a ‘confessional democracy’1
, based on the National Pact (al Mithaq al Watani), an unwritten agreement which
came into being in the summer of 1943 and divided parliamentary seats along communal lines as defined in

1
Shadbolt, P. and Macguire, E. (2012). Lebanon: Country profile ‐ CNN.com. [online] CNN. Available at:
http://edition.cnn.com/2012/08/10/world/meast/lebanon‐country‐profile/ [Accessed 10 Apr. 2015].

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the 1932 census, when the country had a Christian majority.2
Later extended to other governmental
institutions, it refers to a system whereby the political and institutional power is distributed proportionally
among religious communities: the president is always a Maronite Christian, the prime minister is Sunni
Muslim and the speaker for the parliament is Shiite (or Shia) Muslim.3

Lebanon was once the Middle East’s banking capitol due to banking confidentiality laws similar to
Switzerland’s, and also a ‘tourism Mecca’ thanks to its beautiful beaches, ski resorts and cultural life. The
mid‐20th
century large influx of Palestinian refugees ‐ over 400,000 of which still live in camps and informal
settlements in the country, and the 1975‐ 1990 civil war, both decimated the two powerful economic sectors.
4
Reconstruction and an austerity plan helped mend the sectors considerably, but Lebanon’s economy was
set back again in 2006 by the 34‐day war between Hezbollah (Lebanese militia group and political party
representing the Shiite Muslim community, which first emerged as a faction following the Israeli invasion of
19825
) and Israel and, more recently since 2011, by the Syrian conflict which spilled over border and caused a
large inflow of Syrians in Lebanon, exceeding by far 1 million refugees.

The national flag could not be a more suitable symbol for Lebanon’s tumultuous history: ‘Emblazoned with
a green cedar tree against a white background, framed between two red bands, an official account states
the white represents peace, the red the blood that has been spilled in the name of liberation, and the tree,
survival.’6

Fig.2‐ Nahr el Bared camp north of Lebanon, remainings of the 2007 war; (Renoult, 2014)

2
BBC News, (2015). Lebanon profile ‐ Overview. [online] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world‐middle‐east‐14647308
[Accessed 10 Apr. 2015].
3
Tristam, P. (2015). Lebanon: Country Profile. [online] About.com News & Issues. Available at:
http://middleeast.about.com/od/lebanon/p/me071020a.htm [Accessed 10 Apr. 2015].
4
5
Encyclopedia Britannica, (2014). Hezbollah | Lebanese organization. [online] Available at:
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/264741/Hezbollah [Accessed 12 Apr. 2015].
6

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3.0 The case of the Palestinian refugees‐ over 60 years living in Lebanon.

The youth playing football on the small streets and narrow alleys of one of Lebanon’s refugee camps, Burj
Barajneh, represent an entire generation of Palestinians who live in a continuous low intensity war. This is a
war waged against Palestinian refugees by the government of Lebanon. ‘It is not waged through military
campaigns and guerrilla battles as in the Lebanese civil war, but through policies and laws which are slowly
chocking the life from Lebanon’s Palestinian camps.’ 7

The refugees often refer to themselves as the ‘forgotten people’ and feel they are living in a hostile
environment where their basic human rights are not protected8
: they are forbidden from working in over 25
professions, owning property, rebuilding destroyed shelters or constructing new ones, have no access to
public schools and heath care, and have restricted freedom of movement. This is possible because Lebanon
is not a signatory of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention and its 1967 protocol does not recognize the basic
rights and legal obligations to people with refugee status; stateless Palestinians who came from outside
Lebanon do not enjoy the rights given to foreigners holding citizenship from another country.9

In the 20th
century, Lebanon received two large inflows of Palestinians fleeing in an effort to survive the
violence of the 1948 and 1967 Arab‐ Israeli wars. Over the years, their stay became permanent and they
currently live in overcrowded camps and informal settlements (or gatherings), having to face issues of
discrimination, isolation and social exclusion on a daily basis. In camps and gatherings, refugees confront
challenging environmental conditions, infrastructure deterioration and health hazards.10
They are the worst
of the region’s refugee camps in terms of poverty, health, education and, living conditions in particular.
Families crowded into what was designed as ‘temporary housing’, sheltering now a population which has
quadrupled over the decades, have to cope with living in decaying constructions, leaky pipes, open sewage
systems and contaminated water.11

UNRWA defines a Palestine refugee as ‘any person whose normal place of residence was Palestine during
the period of 1st
June 1946 to 15th
May 1948 and who lost their home and means of livelihood as a result of
the 1948 conflict’ and their descendants.12
It also divides the refugees into three categories: the ones
registered with UNRWA and with the Lebanese authorities, refugees registered solely with the Lebanese
authorities and non‐id Palestinian refugees.13
There are currently over 449,957 (latest census 2014) registered
Palestinian refugees living in 12 formal refugee camps and over 15 informal settlements. Within the formal
camps, UNRWA accounts for setting up and trying to maintain 69 schools, two vocational and technical
training centres, 27 primary health centres, one communal rehabilitation centre and nine Women’s
programme centres.14
UNRWA stated that given the exceptionally difficult circumstances of Palestinian

7
Christoff, S. (2004). Living War: Palestinians Refugees in Lebanon. [online] The Electronic Intifada. Available at:
http://electronicintifada.net/content/living‐war‐palestinians‐refugees‐lebanon/4961 [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015].
8
ANERA, (2012). Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon. Volume 3. [online] ANERA: Washington, pp.1‐12. Available at:
http://www.anera.org/wp‐content/uploads/2013/03/LEBRefugeeReport.pdf [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015].
9
10
11
12
Shafie, S. (2006). Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon. 1st ed. [ebook] Available at: http://www.forcedmigration.org/research‐
resources/expert‐guides/palestinian‐refugees‐in‐lebanon/fmo018.pdf [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015].
13
14
UNRWA, (2014). Lebanon | UNRWA. [online] Available at: http://www.unrwa.org/where‐we‐work/lebanon [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015].

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refugees in Lebanon, it provides services to all categories of refugees, but the legal aspects of ownership
limit their ability to provide assistance to those living outside the camps.15

Surveys reveal that just little over half of the refugees live in formal camps (figure not precise since many of
the refugees are not registered either with UNRWA or with the Lebanese authorities), the rest living in
gatherings scattered across Lebanon, many of which formed as informal and illegal extensions to the
officially recognized ones. The living conditions in gatherings are particularly grim: there is no formal
infrastructure, many which were partially destroyed during civil war or during the 2006 Hezbollah‐ Israel war
were never reconstructed, and the allocated surface area remained the same since 1948 because of ban on
expansion outwards, therefore no control over constructions expanding buildings upwards to
accommodate growing population, which in turn creates an unsafe environment.16

Fig.3‐ School built by UNRWA in a refugee camp near Beirut; (Renoult, 2014)
In 1948, Palestinians from the north of Palestine were forced to leave their homes due to Israeli military
forces attacks and ethnic cleansing. About 14% of them went across the border to Lebanon: those who were
economically comfortable travelled directly to big cities, while the majority remained in border areas.17

Various camps were initially set up on small areas of uncultivated land or on abandoned French military camp
sites, with assistance provided by local farmers, LRCS (International League of Red Cross Societies) and
Lebanese government and authorities. Gradually, ‘naked earth or sand were covered by cement, tents gave
way to shacks, which in turn were replaced by brick built houses, and public latrines for all were replaced by
private installation.’18
UNRWA began operations in the 1950’s, when shelters became semi‐permanent, and

15
16
17
18
Sirhan, B. (1975). Palestinian Refugee Camp Life in Lebanon. Journal of Palestine Studies, 4(2), pp.91‐107.

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started setting up schools.19
Along the decades, the refugee camps were subjected to countless military
attacks from Israeli forces and Lebanese right‐wing militia, which left most of them partially or completely
destroyed. 12 of them remain today, un‐rehabilitated and providing deplorable living conditions for their
residents, situated around four cities and towns: Beirut (Dbayeh, Shatila, Mar Elias and Burj Barajneh), Tripoli
(Beddawi, Nahr el‐Bared), Saida (Ein el‐Hillweh, Mieh Mieh), Tyre (Rashidieh, Burj Shemali, El Buss) and
Baalbeck (Wavel). EU‐ founded rehabilitation projects for water supply systems, sewage networks and storm
water systems have been implemented in the majority of camps and are currently running in the remaining
ones.20

Dbayeh camp was set up in 1956, has over 4,351 mostly Christian Palestinian residents, one school and one
health centre. One in four structures were damages or destroyed in 1990 as a result of the civil war.21

Sheltering over 9,842 refugees, Shatila (fig.4, 5) was set up in 1949 by the International Committee of the
Red Cross for Palestinian Refugees (ICRC) and came under fire frequently during civil war. It has two schools
and one health centre, shelter is overcrowded and sewage system needs considerable expansion.22
Mar Elias
is the smallest refugee camp, with a population of about 662, one school and one health centre. It was
formed in 1952 by the Mar Elias Greek Orthodox Convent. Its infrastructure is in need of comprehensive
rehabilitation.23
Beirut’s most overpopulated camp, Burj Barajneh, was formed in 1948 by LRCS. It
incorporates seven schools, one health centre, an active aging house and a job counselling and placement
centre. Its 17,945 residents live in a maze of narrow alleyways and roads which often get flooded in rainy
season.24

UNRWA recently built prefabricated schools and expanded the capacity of the health centre to
accommodate the growing population of Beddawi (fig.6) camp, which they set up in 1955. It has over 16,500
residents, seven schools and one kindergarten.25
Nahr el‐Bared was almost entirely destroyed during
fighting in 2007 which caused the displacement of two thirds of the refugees. As of November 2009 UNRWA
has been running a large‐scale project involving the reconstruction of residential units for 4,867 families,
1,105 shops and all camp infrastructure.26

Founded by ICRC in 1948 and taken over by UNRWA in 1952, Ein el‐Hillweh is the largest refugee camp in
Lebanon, both in size and population (54,116). Shelters are very small and close to each other, some still have
metal sheet roofing, while others remained in a partially demolished state after violence between 1982‐1991
caused almost complete destruction of camp.27
Mieh Mieh was formed in 1954, hosts over 5,250 refugees,
and has two schools and one part‐time health centre. Around 15% of its structures were damaged during civil
war.28

Rashidieh was set up in 1936 by the French government to shelter Armenian refugees and UNRWA expanded
it in 1963 for Palestinians. Today it has a population of 31,478 and four schools and shelter is in serious need
of rehabilitation, with poor ventilation and no electricity and water supply.29
In 1948, Burj Shemali camp was

19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29

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arranged. It hosts 22,789 refugees and 450 concrete block shelters have been rehabilitated since 2007.30

Palestinians came to El Buss in the 1950’s. Over 11,254 of them live there now in concrete block shelters, some
built by the residents themselves.31

The only remaining refugee camp close to Baalbeck, camp Wavel, was created from abandoned French army
barracks open to shelter Palestinian refugees in 1948. Housing is unhealthy as many of its 8,806 residents
still live in the original Mandate‐era army barracks, which lack daylight and ventilation, with particularly harsh
conditions in winter as the camp is located in a remote valley.32

Fig.4‐ Shatila refugee camp; (Renoult, 2014)

30
31
32

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Fig.5‐ Shatila refugee camp‐ jerry‐rigged electrical connections; (Renoult, 2014)

Fig.6‐ Beddawi refugee camp; (Renoult, 2014)

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The most important political and socio‐economic factors which determine the poor shelter and livelihood
conditions of Palestinian refugees, both in the above‐mentioned official refugee camps and in the informal
settlements, relate to: restriction in freedom to carry out construction and rehabilitation works and freedom
of movement; ability of camp expansion (camps can’t expand outwards); refusal by the Lebanese
government to grant Palestinian refugees citizenship (which implies very limited access to jobs, schools and
health care) and ownership of property; and refusal by Israel to implement UN General Assembly Resolution
194 regarding refugees’ freedom to return.
Since the Palestinian refugees were classified as foreigners, in the mid 1960’s, with work permits being
extremely difficult to obtain, they have no political, social or civil rights, and any question of granting them
these rights is seen as a step towards permanent integration. The Lebanese government has been constantly
refusing to allow this, under the pretext of refugees’ integration causing extra tensions within the already
delicate sectarian balance, as well as jeopardizing their chance of return to country of origin.
The tolerant attitude of Lebanon changed after Israel persistently refused to (and still does till this day)
implement UN General Assembly Resolution 194 stating ‘that the refugees wishing to return to their homes
and lives at peace with their neighbours, should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and
that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for the loss or
damage to property which, under principles of international law in equity, should be made good by the
governments, or authorities responsible.’33

The Lebanese government forbids the reconstruction of totally destroyed camps, and in other camps any
reconstruction of a building requires a special permit which is rarely issued. ‘In some camps, Lebanese
soldiers verify that the residents are not smuggling in building materials.’34
Building without permit is
punishable by arrest and detention. UNRWA is one of the very few organizations that manages to acquire
permits for reconstruction works, generally in formal settlements, while UNICEF targets less accessible
areas, where gatherings have formed. With the exception of PRCS (Palestinian Red Crescent Society),
Palestinian NGOs are forbidden to work in Lebanon by law, unless they are registered as a Lebanese NGO.35

In 2001 the Lebanese government passed law 296, adjusting the rules on foreign ownership of property,
which prohibits ‘any person who is not a national of any state… acquiring real estate property of any kind’.36

Though it does not specifically mention Palestinians, it serves to ban them from buying or selling their homes,
and their siblings from inheriting them.
As a repercussion of this law, many Palestinian refugees live in constant fear of being thrown away from the
homes they’ve been living in for over 60 years: ‘The Ghadbaan family is one of 75 in the Palestinian gathering,
or informal settlement, of Qasmiyeh in south Lebanon, where they are living with the prospect that their
homes might be destroyed. (…) In 1948 the owner of the land allowed the refugees to stay in exchange for
working in the fields, but gradually a permanent community emerged. (…) “There was nothing here when
we came, just land. We have built all these houses ourselves,” Ghadbaan says. (…) After the original
landowner died a few years ago, his daughters took legal action to evict the families. They demanded the
destruction of the homes and in 2012 a court ruled in their favour. So far, the families are refusing to budge,
but they fear the day when the bulldozers will arrive.’37

33
34
35
36
IRINnews, (2013). Property rights scarce for Palestinians in Lebanon. [online] Available at:
http://www.irinnews.org/report/99384/property‐rights‐scarce‐for‐palestinians‐in‐lebanon [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015].
37
http://www.irinnews.org/report/99384/property‐rights‐scarce‐for‐palestinians‐in‐lebanon [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015].

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In the context of the political and socio‐economic circumstances surrounding Palestinian refugees since their
arrival in Lebanon in 1948, they continue to live in camps and gatherings where the living conditions are
almost inhumane and the infrastructure is crumbling: shelters are overly congested, squeezing an ever‐
increasing population into a finite area; most structures, built as temporary shelters, have deteriorated over
decades from lack of funding for proper maintenance and ban on reconstruction; and leaky pipes,
deteriorated water and sewage treatment systems, contaminated water and jerry‐rigged electrical
connections.38

4.0 Current Syrian refugee situation‐ is history repeating itself?

In a 2013 interview conducted with Dr. Kamel Mohnna, director of Amel Association, a non‐sectarian
Lebanese NGO founded 30 years ago, he explained the Syrian refugee situation and its impact in Lebanon:
‘Unfortunately, the political situation is deteriorating as well. Lebanese officials maintain their “neutral”
stance vis‐à‐vis the Syrian civil war while in reality, one part of the Lebanese political class supports the Syrian
regime while the other part is against it. If the refugee population does expand to 700,000 in Lebanon, this
will have serious repercussions for political stability in Lebanon. This being said – Syrian refugees do feel at
home here in Lebanon, and family ties are strong. Before the Syrian civil war, there were already hundreds of
thousands of Syrian workers in the country. And importantly, during the Israel‐Hezbollah war in 2006, over
200,000 Lebanese refugees crossed into Syria, where they stayed with family members. Today, these Syrian
families are in Lebanon.’ 39

Few months later, on the 3rd
of April 2014, Lebanon received its one millionth refugee from Syria and is at risk
of paying the price for its hospitality with severe political and economic destabilization. One of the reasons
behind this is because Lebanon, unlike Syria’s other neighbours who have increasingly restricted crossings
since 2013, has maintained largely open borders throughout the crisis.40
It was only on the 6th
of January this
year that it cancelled the ‘open‐ door policy’ and demanded visas for the first time.41

There are currently over 1,146,405 Syrian refugees in Lebanon as of January 2015, representing nearly a
quarter of its population, with only a small number living in existing camps, the rest being dispersed in
communities around the country. As Lebanese government officials stand firmly against setting up formal
refugee camps, Syrians live in rented flats and abandoned constructions, in rooms with host families or
improvised shelters on their lands, and some even in Palestinian refugee camps, adding residents to the
already overpopulated sites which are banned from expansion.42

Lebanon's experience with Palestinian refugees left deep scars, leading to believe that creating formal
refugee camps for Syrians would encourage them to settle in the country permanently. Some opponents of
formal refugee camps have also argued that the non‐camp approach offers a more dignified and sustainable

38
39
Syrianrefugees.eu, (2013). Interview with Dr. Kamel Mohanna, Director of Amel Association  | Syrian Refugees. [online] Available at:
http://syrianrefugees.eu//?page_id=195 [Accessed 12 Apr. 2015].
40
Thibos, C. (2014). One million Syrians in Lebanon: A milestone quickly passed. 1st ed. [ebook] Florence: Migration Policy Centre, pp.1‐5.
Available at: http://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/31696/MPC_THIBOS_2014_.pdf?sequence=1 [Accessed 12 Apr. 2015].
41
Pizzi, M. (2015). In Syriaâ€™s war refugees, Lebanon sees echoes of Palestinian crisis | Al Jazeera America. [online]
America.aljazeera.com. Available at: http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2015/1/6/lebanon‐syria‐refugees.html [Accessed 12 Apr.
2015].
42
Syrianrefugees.eu, (2015). Lebanon | Syrian Refugees. [online] Available at: http://syrianrefugees.eu/?page_id=72 [Accessed 12 Apr.
2015].

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Fig.7 & 8‐ Syrian refugees in Bekaa valley; (Baldwin, 2013)

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lifestyle for those displaced, and provides unique development opportunities for overwhelmed locals.43

Amanda Gray, an urban displacement policy adviser at the International Rescue Committee UK, said that
"camps hinder opportunities for displaced communities to find solutions [to their problems]. They hinder
self‐reliance, because the people within are hampered by restrictions and their ability to access opportunities
outside".44
Nevertheless, one of the major downsides to the absence of formal refugee camps is that the
poorest Syrians lack adequate housing in the midst of winter, and are vulnerable to exploitation.
Both Lebanese policy makers and the UNHCR support the strategy of not setting up formal refugee camps,
claiming that it’s better for refugees to be integrated in local communities. A 2013 study showed that two
thirds of Lebanese citizens expressed a wish for the UN to set up the camps fearing great loss of job
opportunities in favour of Syrian refugees who work for half the salary a Lebanese would ask for, and for
security reasons, claiming the refusal to arrange camps might prove to be an issue for Lebanon’s security at
large.45
A young municipality worker stated: ‘I think a way to solve this problem is to make refugee camps for
Syrians (…) put them all in camps and give them all their needs and explain to them that they are not allowed
to take all the job opportunities, since the Lebanese need to work as well.’46

When the conflict erupted and Syrians started crossing the border to Lebanon, people believed the crisis will
be short lived, so they took in refugees, or even acted as beneficiaries when renting apartments, but now
they lack the resources to host them any longer and rents have more than doubled since 2011. They thought
they would provide transitional shelter and, in case the conflict prolonged, the refugees would be transferred
to camps. Now, desperate to find a living space, Syrians have turned shops, garages, store rooms, hallways
and, in one case, even a slaughterhouse into makeshift shelters.
The areas most affected by poverty in Lebanon‐ north, Bekaa (fig. 7 & 8) and Mount Lebanon, and to a lesser
extent the south‐ are also the areas with the highest number of refugees: together these areas amount for
both 78% of Lebanese living below the poverty line prior to crisis and 85% of registered Syrian refugees
currently in Lebanon.47
In Bekaa, an estimated 50% of refugees live in rented houses, 26% in nomadic camps
and the remaining 24% hosted by families or living in shelter provided by the local community.48

In general, numerous Syrian families gather in collective shelters, such as incomplete constructions,
abandoned buildings, or holiday chalets, which are not equipped to host numerous people for a large period
of time; most of them lack showers, garbage collection, kitchens and purification systems. Some families
have had to erect tents or build shelters on their own for lack of accommodation. In some towns, mayors, in
collaboration with the local community, have contributed to hosting refugee families by opening up schools
and other community buildings as collective shelters.49

43
Rainey, V. (2015). Lebanon: No formal refugee camps for Syrians. [online] Aljazeera.com. Available at:
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/03/lebanon‐formal‐refugee‐camps‐syrians‐150310073219002.html [Accessed 12 Apr. 2015].
44
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/03/lebanon‐formal‐refugee‐camps‐syrians‐150310073219002.html [Accessed 12 Apr. 2015].
45
Christophersen, M. (2014). Absence of Syrian Refugee Camps in Lebanon Heats Up Labor Competition and Local Tensions. [online] IPI
Global Observatory. Available at: http://theglobalobservatory.org/2014/03/absence‐of‐syrian‐refugee‐camps‐in‐lebanon‐heats‐up‐labor‐
competition‐and‐local‐tensions/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015].
46
Christophersen, M. (2014). Absence of Syrian Refugee Camps in Lebanon Heats Up Labor Competition and Local Tensions. [online] IPI
Global Observatory. Available at: http://theglobalobservatory.org/2014/03/absence‐of‐syrian‐refugee‐camps‐in‐lebanon‐heats‐up‐labor‐
47
Thibos, C. (2014). One million Syrians in Lebanon: A milestone quickly passed. 1st ed. [ebook] Florence: Migration Policy Centre, pp.1‐5.
Available at: http://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/31696/MPC_THIBOS_2014_.pdf?sequence=1 [Accessed 12 Apr. 2015].
48
MPC Migration Policy Centre, (2012). Syrian Refugees in Lebanon: the Humanitarian Approach under Political Divisions. MPC Research
Report 2012/13. [online] San Domenico di Fiesole: European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, pp.1‐25.
Available at: http://www.migrationpolicycentre.eu/docs/MPC%202012%2013.pdf [Accessed 12 Apr. 2015].
49
MPC Migration Policy Centre, (2012). Syrian Refugees in Lebanon: the Humanitarian Approach under Political Divisions. MPC Research
Report 2012/13. [online] San Domenico di Fiesole: European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, pp.1‐25.
Available at: http://www.migrationpolicycentre.eu/docs/MPC%202012%2013.pdf [Accessed 12 Apr. 2015].

13 | P a g i n ă

A small proportion of Syrians took shelter with the Palestinian refugees in camps set up in the 1950’s. Two
examples are Beirut’s Sabra and Shatila camps, perceived as urban slums, confined to an area of about 1.3 sq.
km., where up to 22,000 people live in desperate conditions. Since camps are prohibited from expanding
outwards, they’ve been slowly growing upwards to accommodate the new influx of refugees. Many breeze‐
block houses, which comprise rooms of 25‐30 sq. m. are now 4‐5 storeys high, sometimes more. ‘The
tampering streets, many of which are barely a meter wide, are now cast in near‐permanent darkness, apart
from some hours at noon when sunlight can penetrate through the concrete canopy. The lack of fresh air
and abundance of open sewers, coupled with the incredibly dense population, contribute to the fast spread
of disease in camps.’50

The strain on Lebanese communities, caused by the current Syrian refugee situation, arriving in the context
of a previous unresolved, 60‐year old conflict with Palestinian refugees, is obvious regardless of the metric
used. Employment, education, health care, housing, sanitation, physical infrastructure and living conditions‐
all have experienced spikes that have severely reduced the already insufficient capacity. Because of these,
not only the Lebanese have to suffer, but the Syrian refugees as well, coming to the country in the past 3‐4
years and taking shelter in extreme, brutal environments.

5.0 Comparative analysis the two refugee contexts

With a current population of just little over 5 million, Lebanon hosts today around 1.7 registered Palestinian
and Syrian refugees. Shelter conditions are appalling for both groups, which are unable to improve their living
environments due to various contrasting political and socio‐economic factors which influence each other,
complicating matters further. The Lebanese government’s stand on formal camps for Syrians is determined
by the previous experience with Palestinian refugees, which generated fear in relation to the possibility of
the Syrian refugees’ stay becoming permanent, causing extra conflict on the foundation of an already
delicate sectarian balance and further crippling the country’s economy. In turn, the intake of an extremely
large number of Syrians within a short period of time (4 years) affects both Palestinians residing in Lebanon
since mid‐20th century and Lebanese citizens. Both have been accommodating Syrians since 2011, forcing
Palestinian refugees to make space within their already overcrowded camps and determining great job and
resource loss among the Lebanese citizens.
The most relevant policy interfering with refugees’ possibilities of adequate shelter is related to their
different status in Lebanon. While Palestinians are classified as foreigners and considered stateless, Syrians
benefit from their status as refugees through the freedom of exercising their social and civil rights. These
contrasting situations entail, on one hand that for Palestinian refugees is almost impossible to acquire work
permits, they have no access to the public health and educational systems, and no political rights and are
banned by law to carry out reconstruction works or expand outwards in their congested, partially or totally
destroyed camps. On the other hand, Syrian refugees have the possibility of working in Lebanon, which
further helps them rent apartments. Although this is a good shelter option, the rents are becoming
increasingly expensive and refugees can’t afford them for much longer. Furthermore, in an effort to avoid
being evicted, Syrians take any job they can find and work for half of what a Lebanese citizen would ask for,
creating tensions within communities.
What further enhances the conflict between Lebanese communities and the refugee groups, is Lebanon’s
stance on formal camps. It refuses to set up camps for Syrian refugees, despite the disagreement of Lebanese
citizens who struggle with their own living conditions while sheltering refugees. Contrastingly, over half of

50
Macfarlane, J. (2014). Syrian refugees fear permanent exile in Lebanon's camps. [online] BBC News. Available at:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world‐middle‐east‐26816043 [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015].

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the Palestinians still live in refugees camps established in the 1950’s. These camps have suffered enormous
infrastructure and building damages over the years and Palestinians are prohibited from reconditioning
them.
The prospect of returning to their home countries in the immediate future is highly unlikely for both
Palestinian and Syrian refugees. In spite of Lebanon government’s continuous pressure on Israel, it still
refuses to implement UN General Assembly Resolution 194 regarding refugees’ freedom to return, while the
on‐going conflict and violence in Syria can’t provide a safe environment for Syrian refugees to return.
Today, both refugee groups are living in difficult socio‐economic conditions with limited livelihood resources,
due to different governmental strategies in relation to their status, provided shelter and restrictions on their
political, civil and social rights. Lebanese officials justify their actions through the fear of creating obstacles
for Palestinians’ slim chances of return and of providing conditions for Syrians to remain in the country on a
permanent basis, further damaging the economy and the labour market. In spite of these pertinent
reasoning, the reality of the lives of refugees in Lebanon is grim, living in extremely harsh environments.

6.0 Conclusion

Lebanon received a large influx of Palestinian refugees in two waves, during the 1948 and 1967 Arab‐ Israeli
wars. There are around 450,000 Palestinians currently residing in the country, distributed within 12 formal
refugee camps, mainly managed by the UNRWA, and in other extra 15 informal settlements. They live in
extreme conditions, sheltered in decaying, cramped and highly overpopulated constructions, with very little
possibility of expanding the built environments, or rehabilitating the existing buildings.
Since the outburst of the Syrian conflict in 2011, Lebanon kept its ‘open‐door policy’ to Syrian refugees until
the beginning of 2015, after 1, 2 million refugees had already taken shelter with host families, in rented
apartments and existing Palestinian camps, and in abandoned constructions, shops, or even hallways. Syrian
refugees have no better alternative, since Lebanon authorities stand firmly behind their decision not to allow
the installation of formal refugee camps, in fear of not repeating the Palestinian situation and creating
conditions for Syrian refugees to remain in the country on a permanent basis.
Currently, policies and laws set out by the Lebanese government in an effort to keep Palestinians from
integrating into the Lebanese society, trying to help them exercise their freedom to return, and to prevent
Syrians from remaining in the country indefinitely, have impeded the appalling shelter conditions the
refugees live in from improving. The two groups have different status in Lebanon, Palestinians being
considered foreigners, while Syrians benefit from refugee status. Another contrasting aspects is the fact that
over half of Palestinians have been living for the past 60 years in refugee camps, while Lebanese authorities
stand firmly against setting up formal camps for Syrians. As a result, some Syrians take refuge in the already
over‐crowded Palestinian camps, which can’t accommodate them, because of reconstruction works being
banned and punishable by law.
The rules and regulations adopted to prevent refugees from remaining in Lebanon indefinitely and from
shelters becoming permanent, have not been efficient in their intent but, instead, affected deeply the
livelihoods of almost two million refugees fleeing conflict or not being able to return to their country of origin.
They continue to live in deplorable conditions, deprived of their basic human needs, consequently affecting
the social and economic livelihoods of Lebanese citizens.

15 | P a g i n ă

Fig.9‐ Children playground around the derelict buildings of refugee camps in Lebanon; (Dokkedal, 2010)
Lebanon is facing now a confliction situation in which they have to accommodate the Syrian refugees while
being extra careful in their decisions and policies in an effort to prevent them from settling indeterminately.
At the same time, they refuse demands of amending laws regarding Palestinian refugees which would
determine a better social and economic situation for them to fight for their rights in a country where they
have been living for over half a century.
When talking about and trying to analyse the reasons as to why Palestinian shelters turned from temporary
to permanent, in an effort to tackle the Syrian situation differently, the reality of the matter is that the
determining factors were not shelter rules and regulations or their physical properties, neither were the
political and socio‐economic policies towards Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Their stay became permanent
because they have no real possibility of returning to their home country. Taking into account the constant
violence within the on‐going conflict in Syria, it is highly possible that Syrian refugees’ stay in Lebanon will
prove to be long‐term as well.
Considering the above‐ mentioned explanation, political and socio‐economic factors in Lebanon regarding
both Palestinian and Syrian refugees did not generate the permanent stay of refugees. Instead, they directly
impacted their shelter conditions. Therefore, refugees currently residing in Lebanon have no choice but to
live in degrading conditions anywhere they can find shelter, with nowhere to return to in the immediate
future.
Under these circumstances recommendations are addressed to Lebanese officials and the civil society to take
actions towards improving shelter infrastructure and amend laws which ban reconstruction works or camp
expansion. It is also suggested that Palestinians be allowed to own land and property and for their status in
Lebanon to be reconsidered. Another recommendation is that formal refugee camps should be set up for
Syrian refugees to prevent tensions within Lebanese communities to escalate into a vicious struggle. All these
issues should be tackled and planned systematically, being aware of the present unstable economic and
political scenes in Lebanon, which are at risk of causing violent conflicts at any time.

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Figure list
Fig.1‐ Dokkedal, S. (2009) Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon. Available at:
https://www.flickr.com/photos/simondokkedal/5089213242/in/photostream/ [Accessed 20th April 2015]
Fig.2‐ Renoult, Y. (2014) Nahr el Bared, remainings of the 2007 war. Available at:
https://www.flickr.com/photos/jazzinwb/12999042373 [Accessed 20th April 2015]
Fig.3‐ Renoult, Y. (2014) Ecole de l'UNRWA. Available at:
https://www.flickr.com/photos/jazzinwb/12849174443/in/photostream/ [Accessed 20th April 2015]
Fig.4‐ Renoult, Y. (2014) Shatila refugee camp, Beirut, Lebanon. Available at:
Fig.5‐ Renoult, Y. (2014) Kahraba. Available at:
Fig.6‐ Renoult, Y. (2014) Beddawi camp, north lebanon, tripoli D'un côté la mer, de l'autre, la montagne.
Available at: https://www.flickr.com/photos/jazzinwb/12930158923/in/photostream/ [Accessed 20th April
2015]
Fig.7‐ Baldwin, S. (2013) Syria’s Latest Grim Statistic: One Million Children in Exile. Available at:
https://www.flickr.com/photos/unhcr/9575846234/in/photostream/ [Accessed 20th April 2015]
Fig.8‐ Baldwin, S. (2013) Syria’s Latest Grim Statistic: One Million Children in Exile. Available at:
https://www.flickr.com/photos/unhcr/9573050773/in/photostream/ [Accessed 20th April 2015]
Fig.9‐ Dokkedal, S. (2010) Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon. Available at:
https://www.flickr.com/photos/simondokkedal/5090875812 [Accessed 20th April 2015]

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