2. 2
During World War II, women broke new ground in challenging stereotypes. However,
the status quo sought to maintain traditional gender roles. Two organizations of women in
particular during World War II took the brunt of this sexist onslaught, the WAVES (Women
Accepted for Voluntary Emergency Service), and WASPS (Women Air Force Service Pilots).
However, many women in these two organizations witnessed no gender prejudice. This paper
examines how women in the WAVES and WASPS experienced gender discrimination from
within and without the military establishment. It provides a brief history of women in World War
II, discusses the organizations themselves, and hones in on the words of the women serving at
that time. The women who served in World War II experienced gender inequality, even if
ignorance or lack of a term obscured their perception of it.
Women during World War II experienced unprecedented opportunities, allowing them to
enter sectors of the United States job market usually reserved for men.1 They entered many areas
such as industrial and military sectors to support the war effort. But while access to industrial
work gave women a new way to dash stereotypes, military service proved unique. The choice of
women to become soldiers “was the most dramatic break with traditional sex roles that occurred
in the twentieth century.”2 However, from the beginning women encountered a backlash to their
military service. They discovered enormous hurdles in trying to overcome the rigid views of that
time period.3 Despite the opposition they encountered, women still entered in droves into the
military, for many reasons, patriotism among the most prominent.
1 Susan Godson, Serving Proudly: A History of Women in the U.S. Navy (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press,
2001), 106.
2 D’Ann Campbell, Women at War: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1984), 19.
3 Emily Yellin, Our Mother’s War: American Women at Home and at the Front during World War II (New York,
NY: Free Press, 2004), 142.
3. 3
Patriotism became a common thread that united the women who joined the workforce,
especially the military. Surveys confirm this motivation as the first reason the majority of women
entered the war.4 This patriotic resolve eventually led some 2.3 million women to enter the
workforce by 1944.5 In particular, military women who served came to recognize the
significance of their service, and “identify themselves with the same principles of military order
and discipline as men.”6 However, men proved one of the greatest forms of opposition.
Many men believed that the traditionally male-only U.S military came under attack
during World War II. Enlisted men became hostile towards the idea of women serving, even
suggesting that such service diminished a man’s masculinity.7 Leila Rupp, in her examination of
propaganda and women in World War II, remarked that if a woman performed a masculine
occupation, society regarded that service as less important and acceptable.8 Women joining the
military often entered and performed service despised by many. By the end of World War II
some men even thought that women’s service caused a woman to lose a portion of her feminine
character.9 Other forces also played a significant role to challenge women.
Pressures from traditionalists also fought against women’s service during World War II.
In the year 1943, a slander campaign against women originated from enlisted men. These men
“started and perpetuated the slander” that “women’s intrusion into the male military world”
4 D’Ann Campbell, Women at War, 36.
5 Brenda Ralph Lewis, Women at War: The Women of World War II – At Home, at Work, on the Front Line
(Pleasantville, NY: Reader’s Digest, 2002), 15.
6 Kathleen M. Ryan, “Uniform Matters: Fashion Design in World War II Women’s Recruitment,” Journal of
American Culture, no. 4 (December 2014): 427, accessed May 30, 2015,
http://web.b.ebscohost.com.byui.idm.oclc.org/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=f8c53b8d-0ddd472-a4f3-
c70239b257ee%40sessionmgr115&vid=3&hid=110.
7 D’Ann Campbell, “Women in Uniform: The World War II Experiment,” Military Affairs 51, no. 3 (1987): 137,
accessed June 13, 2015,
http://search.proquest.com.byui.idm.oclc.org/docview/1296714468/fulltextPDF/1ECF5B31204744CCPQ/1?account
id=9817.
8 Leila J. Rupp, Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda,1939-1945 (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1978), 5.
9 Ibid., 163.
4. 4
threatened their position.10 This campaign never penetrated the military brass. In fact during this
time the government of the United States seriously considered a way of alleviating the problem
of a lack of men in combat.11 This time period from 1942 to 1943 became the moment when the
WAVES and WASPS began.
The WAVES started in 1942 as a branch of the Navy for women, and by the end of the
war some 100,000 women joined and served.12 The acronym itself implied a prejudicial and
apprehensive attitude towards women. Elizabeth Reynard, a Lieutenant in World War II, created
the acronym. By adding the word emergency she appeased superiors by giving the impression
that a woman’s service equated to only a temporary service.13 Momentary or not, women quickly
enrolled in the WAVES. While unlawful to draft women at that time, the Navy relied primarily
on volunteers, hence the volunteer part of the acronym.14 Once women joined, they often found
their roles riddled with ambiguity and gender discrimination.
The role of a WAVE lacked a clear sense of direction. Often women discovered that their
jobs overlapped each other.15 Popular magazines spun the attitude that women’s service
functioned as a means to an end. In a March 1945 article in Time magazine, it declared that the
“WAVES had released more than 70,000 men for combat, which was the same as adding 70,000
men to the Navy’s muster.”16 Characterizing the service provided by WAVES as a replacement
exercise really demeaned women. D’Ann Campbell, one of the most prominent modern voices
on women in World War II agrees. She argued that American society allowed women to enter
10 Susan H. Godson, Serving Proudly, 115.
11 D’Ann Campbell, Women at War, 37.
12 Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, We’re in This War, too: World War II letters from American Women in
Uniform (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1994), 29.
13 Emily Yellin, Our Mother’s War, 137.
14 Kathleen M. Ryan, “Uniform Matters,” 419.
15 D’Ann Campbell, Women at War, 49.
16 Emily Yellin, Our Mother’s War, 138.
5. 5
World War II not for the purpose of breaking some barrier in society, but to “free men for more
‘masculine’ duties like combat.”17 While the modern term sexism seldom entered the vernacular
of the 1940s, clearly such gender prejudice happened in the WAVES. The records of women
themselves provide us the greatest first-hand accounts of what really happened.18
Often the women in the WAVES mentioned the pledge or song that united them around a
common goal. This WAVE song provides insight into attitudes at that time. It reads,
“WAVES of the Navy
There’s a ship sailing down the bay;
And it won’t slip into port again
Until our Victory Day
CARRY ON! For that gallant ship
And for every hero brave
Who will find ashore
His man-sized chore
Was done by a NAVY WAVE”19
The phrase man-sized chore implied that a WAVES’s service boiled down to taking the place of
men. Demeaning these women to a filler role for men showed the extent of gender prejudice
attitudes at that time. Once on the job, some women clearly observed this in action.
From letters by WAVES, it becomes clear that gender inequality played an active role in
their working conditions. Helen Gunter remarked that early on in her service she ended up
having many jobs, mostly busy work because “officers aren’t supposed to be typists.”20 Typists
remained the work of women, placing women below the capability of men. Gunter, who
specialized in filming, actually helped the Navy direct some informational movies. While a step
in the right direction, she still encountered many days of not filming. She often performed
17 D’Ann Campbell, “Women in Uniform,” 137.
18 Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, We’re in This War, too, 7.
19 Helen Clifford Gunter, Navy Wave: Memories of World War II (Fort Bragg, CA: Cypress House Press, 1992),
135.
20 Ibid., 52.
6. 6
routine tasks assigned to men, while sadly acknowledging that she preferred “working on the
creative side of writing and directing.”21 Through performing busy work or the tasks of men,
women in the WAVES experienced constant hurdles in trying to achieve small gains.
Once they left this organization many knew that whatever ground they made amounted to
nothing afterwards. Betty Farris remarked that if discharged from the WAVES she dreaded the
idea of going back to a desk job because of her experiences.22 With no benefits from their
service, and certainly little formal recognition from society at large, the WAVES returned to the
same types of jobs as before the war. This anxiety Farris experienced stemmed from the lack of
confidence her military superiors placed in the WAVES organization.
Many military leaders viewed the service provided by WAVES with a skeptical lens.
Gunter pointed out that many officers lacked confidence in the WAVES.23 This lack of
confidence originated with discriminatory cultural tendencies. Another WAVE during World
War II, Winifred Collins, wrote about this attitude. She mentioned that women constantly
became forced into proving themselves to the men around them.24 Writing in retrospect, she
remarked that this attitude stemmed from sexist ideas about women’s role in society.25 The
WAVES encountered gender discrimination, but while some directly called it out, many ignored
or belittled it.
The reasons behind this attitude vary for each woman. Margaret Anderson said she felt
“that the WAVES were the elite branch of the service.”26 Clearly the status of WAVE brought
21 Ibid., 57.
22 Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, We’re in This War, 53.
23 Helen Clifford Gunter, Navy Wave, 56.
24 Winifred Quick Collins and Herbert M. Levine, A Navy Woman in a Navy Man’s World (Denton, TX: University
of North Texas Press, 1997), 91.
25 Ibid., 90.
26 Kathleen M. Ryan, “Uniform Matters,” 420.
7. 7
her joy and satisfaction. Others felt like the distinctly women’s branch set itself apart. Winifred
Collins believed that during her service the distinctly feminine look of the WAVES, most clearly
exhibited in the uniform, distinguished themselves. Wearing a man’s uniform appeared
inappropriate and unbecoming of women.27 The ever-present theme of releasing a man for
combat also allowed some WAVES to ignore the underlying problems of gender inequality.
Most WAVES joined to contribute their part to the war effort. Eunice McConnell
remarked that she felt joy in performing whatever the Navy wanted, justifying her position by
stating that she provided “[her] share to help” the Allies win the war.28 McConnell recognized no
discrimination against her. In reality such ideas of gender discrimination never entered their
culture. When it came down to it, most of the women in the WAVES signed up to win the war
quickly by releasing men to fight the Axis powers.29 While some recognized gender prejudice,
many ignored it out of duty to country or feeling part of something greater than themselves.
Others truly demonstrated obliviousness to the plight of women in America. While inequality of
gender in the WAVES organization becomes clear upon reading between the lines, the WASPS
encountered a more explicit form of gender discrimination.
Before the WASP organization formed the government already created a top secret
project aimed at determining the need for women pilots.30 In 1942, two organizations, the WAFS
(Women’s Auxiliary Ferrying Squadron) and WFTD (Women’s Flying Training Detachment)
27 Winifred Quick Collins and Herbert M. Levine, A Navy Woman in a Navy Man’s World, 33.
28 Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, We’re in This War, too, 96.
29 Joan Angel, Angel of the Navy: The Story of a WAVE (New York, NY: Hasting’s House, 1943), 3-4.
30 Molly Merryman, Clipped Wings: The Rise and Fall of the Women Airforce Service Pilots (WASPs) of World War
II (New York, NY: New York University Press,1998), 6.
8. 8
formed.31 By the end of 1943 the two organizations merged into the WASPS.32 The early
WASPS trained in Houston, Texas, and later ones trained at a more permanent base in
Sweetwater, Texas.33 From its inception in 1943 it became clear that this organization, even
more so than the WAVES, broke new ground for women in World War II.
While the WASPS broke new ground, the organization required strict qualifications to
enter. The women who joined needed a pilot’s license and a high level of maturity and
education.34 Molly Merryman’s overview of the WASP organization pointed out that these
qualifications ended up not imposed on men.35 For the same job requiring the same work,
women and men needed different criteria. Clearly this stems from gender discrimination and a
lack of providing equal employment opportunities to both men and women. Once a woman
began her service in the WASPS, the role she took on exposed more tensions.
The task of a woman in the WASPS clearly held on to tradition and confirmed the
narrative prevalent at that time. General Henry Arnold, the Army Air Forces Commander over
the WASPS, laid out three main objectives for the organization at its inception. These became,
“1. To see if women could serve as military pilots, and, if so, to form the nucleus of an
organization which could be rapidly expanded.
2. To release male pilots for combat.
3. To decrease the Air Forces’ total demands for the cream of the manpower pool”36
The first objective suggested that women required testing to see if they even qualified for this job
usually done by men. The second objective towed the line used similarly in the WAVES
organization that a woman’s service merely amounted to a means to an end. The third objective
31 Ibid., 7.
32 Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, We’re in This War, too, 30.
33 Molly Merryman, Clipped Wings, 7.
34 Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, We’re in This War, too, 7.
35 Molly Merryman, Clipped Wings, 28-29.
36 Ibid., 7.
9. 9
expands on the second, suggesting implicitly the inferiority of women to men. Day to day, the
work of a WASP showed this. The main task of a WASP became ferrying airplanes, and by the
time of the last graduating class in December 1944, some half of all WASPS spent their entire
time doing this.37 Providing ferry transport, while a dangerous task throughout the war,
indicated that the realm of combat remained completely closed to women. Some other tasks
included test piloting aircraft, training crews, and even top secret missions.38 While often viewed
as breaking new ground, for the most part it still fit the gender stereotypes of women teaching,
leaving the more dangerous jobs to men. Ultimately the WASPS crumbled as an organization, a
downfall which started with a failure to militarize.
As with the WAVES, the WASPS offered women only a temporary organization during
the war. Unlike the WAVES however, the WASPS took steps to ensure their organization
continued beyond the conflict. In September of 1943, shortly after its outset, “Representative
John Costello of California introduced the WASP Militarization bill, House Resolution 3358” for
consideration.39 This landmark bill said, in part that, “during the present war and six months
thereafter there shall be included in the Air Forces of the Army such licensed female pilots as the
Secretary of War may consider necessary.”40 If the bill passed it provided a great leap forward
towards women’s equality in the military, even if only for a short period. To even conceive of
such a thing seemed impossible when the United States entered the war less than two years
before. However the debate over this proposed bill became marred with intense gender
discrimination. The media through radio and newspaper provided some of the more vocal
opposition.
37 Ibid., 23.
38 Ibid., 24.
39 Ibid., 75.
40 Ibid.
10. 10
In 1943, much of the media called for a quick and decisive end to the war, and with that,
“a return of women from factories and the military to their homes.”41 The media convinced the
American public to return to the traditional way of life. The thought of a military organization
like the WASPS cut against the grain of traditional gender roles. Eventually this pressure,
combined with other factors caused the militarization bill to fail in the House of Representatives.
After the disappointment in the House, the WASPS faced three choices. First, support the
Senate version of the bill still circulating through Congress. Second, halt WASP training while
keeping the WASP members on active duty. Third, end the WASP program altogether.42 The
third choice ended up, sadly enough, becoming the only course of action. About a year after the
House bill came up for consideration, General Arnold informed the head of the WASP
organization, Jacqueline Cochran, that her women “successfully completed their mission
and…would ‘soon become pilot material in excess of needs.’ ”43 This statement not only meant
the termination of the WASPS, but also grounded it on discriminatory reasoning. To even equate
women with material clearly exposed the belief of female inferiority.
During the tenure of the WASP organization, many women knew of something wrong
going on. Thelma Miller remarked that her and other fellow WASPS performed their tasks as
required, with the objective of freeing up men, adding that the Air Force “[was] very short on
combat pilots.”44 This clearly demonstrates sexism, and again shows that combat remained a
man’s job. Another WASP named Marion Stegeman remarked that, “If [she went] into the
Army, they could chain [her] to a typewriter for the duration plus six months.”45 While
41 Ibid., 82.
42 Ibid., 102.
43 Ibid., 115.
44 Ibid., 6.
45 Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, We’re in This War, too, 120.
11. 11
referencing the militarization bill in her statement, she actually expected her situation to worsen
upon its passing. The women who joined the WASPS frequently interacted with men, and these
men often reacted in a chauvinistic manner towards them.
The WASPS encountered men in their line of work who opposed them. Marie Clark
taught men and women while a WASP. One time she “instructed [her] first student in instrument
flying” but the man already knew the material, but remarked that Clark “knows more about
instruments than I do!”46 The utter surprise of this student demonstrated gender prejudice. In his
mind, a woman knowing more than a man seemed highly unlikely. This attitude also played out
in other areas of training. When the flight times of men exceeded that of women, Madge
Rutherford remarked that the men “hated to see a woman beat their time.”47 Such discrimination
paled in comparison to some of the blatant cases seen. A WASP remarked that one time a man
who believed in a male only Air Force put sugar into the gas tank of a WASPS’s plane, and the
woman subsequently crashed.48 The WASPS endured gender inequality at all levels, yet some
failed to recognize it.
Failure to notice gender discrimination became common in the WASPS. Katherine Steele
speaking later of World War II mentioned that the experience united everyone together,
regardless of gender.49 This idealistic way of conceptualizing the war certainly glossed over the
clear gender discrimination the WASPS endured. Another WASP remarked at a later date that,
“Today it is inconceivable that women would be treated this way” but also noted that she
remained unwilling to “dwell on [that] aspect of the WASP experience.”50 Again this
46 Marie Mountain Clark, Dear Motherand Daddy: World War II Letters Home from a WASP, An Autobiography
(Livonia, MI: First Page Publications, 2005), 117.
47 Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, We’re in This War, too, 57.
48 Molly Merryman, Clipped Wings, 26-27.
49 Ibid., 14.
50 Marie Mountain Clark, Dear Motherand Daddy, 187-188.
12. 12
demonstrates the tendency on the part of both WASPS and WAVES to discredit, even decades
later, the real problem of gender inequality present during their military service. Later on she
mentioned she “misjudged the feelings of the male pilots regarding any resentment they may
have felt about our flying.”51 Not all men showed blatant chauvinism towards women, but
instances of implied gender discrimination still filled their service. Finally, this same WASP
pointed out that any “bullying [they] got from [their] junior officers was…not typical of the
treatment WASPs generally received” and that “excessive use of force…was infrequent.”52 The
military requires discipline, but women in the WASPS clearly received different treatment.
World War II provided women with an experience to break apart barriers. The WAVES
and WASPS represented only a fraction of the women who served in World War II. Their
experiences, however, clearly demonstrated sexist attitudes engrained in American society.
Whether overt or subtle, this contributed to a degradation and discredit of women’s service.
Since 1945 these women received their due justice for faithful service to the United States of
America, the only solace for years of gender prejudice during World War II.
51 Ibid., 132.
52 Ibid., 124.
13. 13
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