Any frank and democratic discussion on Zimbabwe’s independence is crucial because the people have mainly been targeted by state-sanctioned events and a mainstream media that over-exaggerates the sanctity of political independence. An independence without economic justice or social emancipation.

1. FIGHTING STILL:
Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in
Zimbabwe
Edited by:
Lenin Tinashe Chisaira

2. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
1
FIGHTING STILL:
Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in
Zimbabwe
Edited by: Lenin Tinashe Chisaira
Published by: AfricaFightNow.org! &
The Progressive Centre for Human Rights and Economic Justice in Zimbabwe
(The ProJusticeZim Trust)
Copyright: ©2016, AfricaFightNow.org! & The ProJusticeZim Trust & The Authors
Disclaimer: All works may be cited or reproduced, provided the source is acknowledged. The
views and opinions expressed in the articles are those of the author(s) and do not
necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the editors or the publishers.
Solidarity: To assist, fund, support AfricaFightNow.org! and/or The Progressive Centre for
Human Rights and Economic Justice in Zimbabwe (The ProJusticeZim Trust)
please get in touch at:
E-mail: africafightnow@gmail.com; projusticezim@gmail.com
Websites: www.africafightnow.org; www.projusticezim.org
Blog: www.cdetinashe.blogspot.com
…for economic, social and political emancipation

3. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
2
Table of Contents
Editorial Note..........................................................................................................................................3
The Challenges of Discussing Zimbabwe’s Independence......................................................................4
Zimbabwean Women: Free from colonial rule but trapped in patriarchal bondage. ...........................5
Commoditisation of the education sector in post-colonial Zimbabwe and the way forward................9
The struggles by women activists and their participation in public processes ....................................11
People`s rights and privatisation in post-independence Zimbabwe ....................................................13
The role of the teacher in the fight for bread and freedom.................................................................14
Discussion Forum Agenda.....................................................................................................................16
The ‘Police Clearance’ Letter ................................................................................................................17

4. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
3
Editorial Note
This booklet was compiled from presentations made during a discussion forum organised by
AfricaFghtNow.org! on 29 April 2016 at the Quill Club, New Ambassador Hotel in Harare. The
forum ran under the topic: ‘#ZimbabweAt36-Pesrpectives on economic, social and political independence’. It
was held at a time when Zimbabwe was commemorating 36 years of independence from white
minority rule.
The convener of the forum, AfricaFightNow.org is a voluntary activist and alternative media
association that advocates for solidarity with the struggles for the economic, social and political
emancipation of African and working people worldwide. The association was set up by voluntary
activists and writers who are active on economic, social and political justice issues. It was also
started as a media initiative by The Progressive Centre for Human Rights and Economic Justice
in Zimbabwe, which is a registered trust that also utilises alternative media, dialogue and
mobilisation campaigns to achieve its objectives.
The forum faced certain challenges when it was called for. The initial date set aside for the
discussion was 22 April 2016. However, the discussion was cancelled at the last minute following
interference by the state as well as hotel management. It is worthwhile to note that the discussion
was pegged for the Quill Club, which is a press club and which traditionally does not operate on
the basis of a police clearance. The state intimidation had the effect of de-mobilising potential
participants at the subsequent discussion forum.
The discussion drew 46 participants, six of them female. These were people who braved state
intimidation. The organisations these participants came from included the Zimbabwe National
Students Union (ZINASU), Centre for Community Development in Zimbabwe (CCDZ), Anti-
Privatisation Forum(APF), Zimbabwe Women in Politics Alliance, Rural Teachers' Union of
Zimbabwe, Communist Movement of Zimbabwe (COMZ), International Socialist Organisation,
freelance journalists and various other organisations and individuals.
Lenin Tinashe Chisaira
Editor

5. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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The Challenges of Discussing Zimbabwe’s Independence
Lenin Tinashe Chisaira1
On 18 April each year, Zimbabwe adds an extra year to its age of political independence.
However, it is apparent that sections of the society, especially youths and young graduates, have
continued to suffer from the vagaries of unemployment, economic injustice, exploitation and
general mal-governance at least during the four first decades. There have been lots of jobless
graduates. Those still at universities suffer from high tuition and accommodation fees.
In spite of this bleak background, as of 2016 at least, the Zimbabwean government claims to be
empowerment-driven. The state has pushed for its economic blueprint, the Zimbabwe Agenda
for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation (ZIM ASSET) to be on everyone’s lips but that
blueprint which has not brought tangible benefits to the people’s economic and social lived
realities.
Any frank and democratic discussion on Zimbabwe’s independence is crucial because the people
have mainly been targeted by state-sanctioned events and a mainstream media that over-
exaggerates the sanctity of political independence. An independence without economic justice or
social emancipation.
The main objectives for the discussion forum, that informed this booklet are outlined as follows:
 Improving understanding of liberation in the African context
 Encouraging the sharing of ideas between society ,young leaders, students and other
sections of society through meaningful and constructive debate around issues and events
that affect the lives of Zimbabweans
The min challenges of discussing such issues in zimbabwe is the existence of a suspicious and
brutal state. The organisers of this forum came face to face with such a state brutality when there
were some deliberate efforts made on April 22 to force AfricaFightNow.org! into cancelling the
discussion indefinitely. However, there were efforts by both the organisers and media
practitioners to expose the suppression of basic freedoms and the discussion was held. The
discussion, when it was finally held, had to be mindful that 1 May which is International
Workers’ Day was approaching. Hence there was pressing need for the independence discussion
to be broadened to take workers concerns into consideration. After independence, workers as a
sector have been suppressed, exploited and suffered the wrath of a state that continue to open its
arms to the worst features and demands of capitalism.
1
Lawyer, writer and leftist activist. Founder member, Communist Movement of Zimbabwe. Twitter:
@LeninChisaira

6. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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Zimbabwean Women: Free from colonial rule but trapped in
patriarchal bondage.
Daphne Jena2
According to the London Feminist Network, patriarchy is the term used to describe the society
in which we live today, characterised by current and historic unequal power relations between
women and men whereby women are systematically disadvantaged and oppressed. This takes
place across almost every sphere of life but is particularly noticeable in women’s under-
representation in key state institutions, in decision-making positions and in employment and
industry. Male violence against women is also a key feature of patriarchy. Women in minority
groups face multiple oppressions in this society, as race, class and sexuality intersect with sexism
for example.
36 years later, Zimbabwe is still a highly patriarchal society and that is the reason why women are
still subjected to injustices that make it questionable to consider them independent.
Although statistics state that women constitute the greater number the Zimbabwean population,
this has not translated to political representation, access to economic opportunities, social
services or power to decision making positions. Since 1980 it is arguable that 50% of votes that
have put any government into power have been from women but that is just as far as the story
goes. Some of the female government appointees have been meant to window dress the male
dominated political scene because some of the women do not have any power to make
important decision.
Government's commitment to equality and justice has been questionable as a result of incidences
such as those of the security forces swooping down on the women travelling alone at night,
arresting and detaining them for imagined offences of prostitution deemed to bring disrepute to
the country. Such incidences have shown that Zimbabwean law makers and enforcers still
operate from the assumption that women are dirty, loose and dangerous.
Women’s access to health, job opportunities, education and other services has not been
prioritised proven by the appropriation of public funds.
Women and Access to health
Access to health services is still beyond the reach of many with most if not all health services
institutions requiring patients to pay cash upfront before they can have access to any service.
By virtue of being at a more economic disadvantage because of limited access opportunities,
women have often failed to raise the fees the required or they have had to depend on men who
are their partner, father or brother to pay for the bill. Meaning the decision to pay for the needed
services does not lie with the one in need of the service but the one who pays the bill.
2
Women’s rights activist. Twitter: @DaphneJena

7. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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In some instances basic services needed by women such as maternity services are not available at
health institutions and women have to travel long distances to get other institutions. This is
costly and because of financial constraints, some women then decide to live without proper
healthcare.
Services are sometimes not offered in full. Recently, women in Uzumba were reported to be
walking as far as 5 kilometre to fetch water, because the institutions they were at did not have
water and nearby wells had dried up. Some homesteads denied some of these women access to
their wells.
We still have the (1977) Termination of pregnancy Act which states conditions under which a
woman can have an abortion. This denies women bodily autonomy because the decision lies
with someone else who has no concerns about the woman in question. This means control has
been transferred to a medical practitioner or policer officer who will be instrumental in deciding
whether or not somebody can have access to an abortion. The Mildred Mapingure case is a good
example of how women’s lives are compromised by this law. She had to give birth to a child who
was a result of rape only because of the health and legal systems took their time in giving a green
a light to a necessary abortion. By the time she got the permission, it was medically impossible
for her to have an abortion without endangering her life.
Women and access to law
Currently, Zimbabwe boasts of the ‘most gendered’ constitution the provisions are not readily
available to those who need them. Women and girls still have to toil and pay through their teeth
fully realise their rights. Most legal processes require one to hire a lawyer and lawyers are
currently charging at least $40 per hour just for consultancy. In some cases, one has to incur
court charges.
Years after signing a new constitution, implementation is yet to happen and that compromises
how certain rights are fulfilled. It is even more difficult for women who have no knowledge of
what they are entitled to. In rural areas most traditional leaders uphold patriarchal beliefs which
make it difficult for women in those areas to claim their rights. Traditional practices that oppress
and side line women still dominate the rural areas because not much outreach has been done on
provisions of the constitution. As a result of ignorance which is even worsened by lack of
implementation, women are often denied justice.
Some sections of the society have decided to ignore the constitution and they still limit the rights
of women including the right to walk freely, freedom of association or freedom of expression.
Women avoid visiting certain areas or getting involved in certain activities because of the
reactions they are likely to get from men. We have cases were women have been beaten or killed
by their partners as a result of disputes and in some instances the law and the security forces
have just failed to protect the women. Societal beliefs have also resulted in both men and women
determining how women are treated for certain things like dressing, looks, or even occupation.
Women have been publicly humiliated through insults, catcalling, in some cases physical abuse.

8. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
7
Because of the cumbersome legal system and slow reactions from the security forces, some
women have decided to endure the injustices.
Women and work
Between 1995 and 2015, the global female labour force participation rate decreased from 52.4 to
49.6 percent. The corresponding figures for men are 79.9 and 76.1 per cent, respectively.
Worldwide, the chances for women to participate in the labour market remain almost 27
percentage points lower than those for men.
In both high and lower income countries, women continue to work fewer hours in paid
employment, while performing the vast majority of unpaid household and care work. On
average, women carry out at least two and a half times more unpaid household and care work
than men in countries where the relevant data are available. Although this gender gap remains
substantive, it has decreased over time, mostly because of some reduction in the time spent by
women on housework; while there have been no significant reductions in the time that they
spend on childcare. The risk of women working for no payment is higher in informal economies
such as Zimbabwe. Most Women play the role of contributing workers who contribute to the
family.
Women in other disciplines
Sport
The second class treatment given to the women in sport is not something we can ignore. In as
much as they have the right to play football, their rights are limited to pleading for the most basic
care that any player representing the country in a national team deserves.
Whist the male teams can demand higher and constant salaries, the women’s soccer team has to
plead for proper meals and sanitation during the camps. This is because they have been made to
believe being chosen to represent the country is good enough an opportunity and they should
not ask for more. It was only recently that they were promised stands for qualifying for the
women’s African cup of nations.
Arts
Unlike their male counterparts, women are judged by societal expectations rather than their
talent. To gain respect, one has to be married and she should publicly declare claim her husband.
Whether or not the husband contributed to her final product which is the reason she is an
artiste, the husband will contribute to how she is treated.
Recently Fungisayi had to go to lengths explaining why she had do a collaboration with Killer-T,
because she has is known as a gospel singer who is expected to behave in a ‘respectful’ manner
according to the societal expectations of a church goer. This deeply entrenched our society is in
patriarchal tendencies.

9. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
8
Limited Freedoms
The 1982 Legal Age of Majority Act where women enjoy equal status as adults in society and the
Domestic Violence Act of 2006 the recent ban on child marriages cannot be ignored as they are
somehow evident of the efforts to make women equal citizens.
Women hold senior positions in government: for ten years we had a female Vice President, Dr.
Joice Mujuru, the President of the Senate is Edna Madzongwe, and there are a number of female
government ministers and members of Parliament. The quota system has also ensured that there
is more representation of women in parliament. However the limited lifespan leads to limited
positive results.
2014 and 2015 public examination results for secondary level education showed that, girls were
doing better than before which is probably a result of the fact that the country through various
channels is trying to increase girls access to education. However there are still more girls who are
failing to get to school because of social-economic problems.
While women in Zimbabwe have enjoyed freedom from colonialism oppression, women’s
conditions have changed little despite progressive legislation such as Political developments in
Zimbabwe’s demographic and social shifts regarding the position and condition of women over
the past 36 years needs examining and documenting. (Research Advocacy Unit 2014).

10. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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Commoditisation of the education sector in post-colonial Zimbabwe
and the way forward.
Makomborero Haruzivishe3
After political independence was acquired in 1980, well, people celebrated. It politically marked
the end of colonisation and imperialist rule by the few white. No-one thought that after such a
glorious mass struggle, the revolutionary party would at some point be put in comparison with
the racist political outfit that enabled Ian Douglas Smith to assume power in our beautiful
country.
Along education lines, no one ever imagined inglorious political bustard Ian Douglas Smith the
would be at some point be put side by side in comparison with the firebrand liberation struggle
icon Robert Gabriel Mugabe.
Who, amongst our fathers and grandfathers, ever foresaw the era in which the error of blind
loyalty to a personality cult would haunt us, where people would identify administrative
similarities between the colonial leaders and the Zimbabwean nationalists.
Our chancellor went on to rule Zimbabwe in a more or less unbroken and increasingly
authoritarian fashion that characterised Ian Smith’s premiership. Academic freedoms are still a
taboo in our beloved Zimbabwean academic institutions in as much as they were sacred at the
University of Rhodesia.
The same system used by the British South Africa Company to extract our minerals and ferry
them raw to the colonial capital continues unabated. It is aloota continua, the looting continues,
only that the loot goes east courtesy of our Look East policy. MIMOSA, Mbada diamonds,
Anjin etc.4
are beneficiaries but they don’t give back even to mining and environmental students.
At the Zimbabwe School of Mines, tuition is pegged at US$2, 500 and there us industrial
attachment without allowances, those who believe the slave era is over have never been to
Zimbabwe!
It indeed is Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-Pf government rotten institutional governance legacy of
Zimbabwe that keeps tens of thousands of students impoverished today. University
administrators are awarding themselves obscene salaries and benefits that bleed us the sons and
daughters of vendors and peasants
The other economic problems we silently see are the Unnecessary Accumulation of debts from
Bretton Wood institutions, illicit financial outflows such as the recent loss of US$ 15 billion and
US$10 million youth fund.
3
Secretary General, Zimbabwe National Students Union
4
Mining companies operating in Zimbabwe

11. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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There is also Toxic corruption such that US$220 000 ZimDev5
money that was fraudulently
given to government sweetheart unions like ZICOSU6
, and the tens of thousands that are stolen
at institution level
Right to education
The Constitution provides that every citizen and permanent resident of Zimbabwe has a right to:
 A basic State funded education including adult basic education.
 Further education provided by the State through reasonable legislative
and other measures.
 The State must progressively make further education available and accessible.
 Every person has the right to establish and run independent
educational institutions, but they must not discriminate on any of the
grounds laid out in the Constitution.
 The State must within its available resources take steps to ensure that this right is progressively realized.
But all this is not being realised. All we are seeing now is Privatisation of education, No more
grants, no more cadetship, educational bursaries, no more BEAM, but only skyrocketing of
tuition fees;
Education is now a preserve for the elite. Government leaders do not even educate their loved
ones in this country including our chancellor and ministers. The impacts of neglected education
funding are Mass school deferments, Massive school dropouts and the Millions who are failing
to even enrol for school. Now with all this satanic pauperization of the masses evident, it is a
shocker how, our institution fails to change even when they create poverty and misery for
millions.
It seriously marginalises the liberation struggle as people tend to be motivated by incentives
rather than revolutionary goals. Self-glory rather than achieving the overall agenda.
5
Zimbabwe Manpower Development Fund
6
Zimbabwe Congress of Students Union

12. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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The struggles by women activists and their participation in public
processes
Tendai Lynnette Mudehwe7
Women around the world often face daunting social, economic and political challenges. For
democratic governments to deliver to their constituents, they must be truly representative, it
should be recognised that women must be equal partners in the process of democratic
development. As activists, elected officials and constituents, their contributions are crucial to
building a strong and vibrant society. It is therefore essential to support women around the
world because:
Women are highly committed but vulnerable. Women activists are generally abused and men
take them as sex tools and not equal partners
Women are highly committed to promoting national and local policies that address the socio-
economic and political challenges facing women, children and disadvantaged groups. Women are
particularly effective in promoting honest government. Countries where women are supported as
leaders and at the ballot box have a correspondingly low level of corruption.
Women are strongly committed to peace building, as they often disproportionately suffer the
consequences of armed conflict. Reconstruction and reconciliation efforts take root more quickly
and are more sustainable when women are involved. By helping women become participating
members of a democracy, one can look to mitigate conflicts or stop conflicts before they begin.
Women are strongly linked to positive developments in education, infrastructure and health
standards at the local level. Where rates of gender development and empowerment are higher,
human rates of development and standards of living are also higher.
Women, have a profound positive democratic impact on communities, legislatures and the lives
of citizens. Women need to be encouraged and empowered to become strong politicians,
community leaders and activists.
The absence of women in power emphasize how women are impacted by public policy, and
improve the perception of women in political life, Government must demonstrate its
commitment to making democracy deliver, even in challenging environments. The Government
must leverage its high-level political relationships to encourage leaders to understand and actively
promote the benefits of gender-balanced politics. There must be a focus on training women as
well as on the inclusion of a gender perspective in every program. There must be an approach to
strengthen the ability to build women’s skills and organize women across ethnic and political
lines, as well as create the opportunity for women from diverse backgrounds to converge around
shared goals to solve problems in ways that contribute to the development and well-being of
their societies.
7
Coordinator, Zimbabwe Activists’ Alliance

13. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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To reach the widest range of women leaders and activists, a broad spectrum of inventive and
inclusive strategies and techniques that are uniquely adapted to best fit the local cultural and
political contexts of the communities in which we work must be used.

14. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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People`s rights and privatisation in post-independence Zimbabwe
Tatenda Mombeyarara8
The Anti-Privatisation programme seeks to expose the government` s failure to satisfy the socio-
economic needs of the poor and the working people in Zimbabwe who constitutes the majority
of the citizenry. We advocate for a life giving economy as opposed to the money accumulating
economy of free market economic policies under which privatization falls. We argue that the
basic role and function of any economy worth its salt, is to give life to its society, that is, it
should provide food, clothing, shelter and in summary it should sustain life.
With 36 years after the attainment of political independence, Zimbabwe is still characterized by a
scenario of pauperization of the masses as a result of a marginalizing economy inherited from
fascist and apartheid Rhodesia. Ian Smith`s Rhodesia had an economy that was structurally
designed to exclude the majority of the people from economic participation except of course as
slave labourers. It also had a strong and repressive State security machinery to thwart and crush
any resistance. Sadly 36 years down the line, the black government headed by President Mugabe
and his Zanu-Pf has done little if anything to reverse this undesirable status quo. Zimbabwe
continues to be plagued with the same challenges of commercialized and inaccessible basic
services and by extension massive poverty. Yes a few years down the line there were efforts to
try State Welfarism which saw expansion in public spending and development of more schools,
hospitals and general social infrastructure. But so insincere were the efforts that by the mid-90s
the same government had become a darling of the Bretton Woods Institutions and attacked the
social safety net of the masses under Economic Structural adjustment programmes. The effects
of such a move were drastic and fatal. In the area of labour, we witnessed massive job losses and
erosion of pension schemes. The resultant national strikes and social unrest were clear indicators
that as far as the majority of the Zimbabweans it was not yet Uhuru!
What is to be Done? People-based Resistance is the way go
As already indicated, at more than 36 years, the Zimbabwe State cannot survive democratic
scrutiny. The absence of economic democracy, mostly as a result of corruption and bad “anti-
people” policies, have resulted in a situation of survival for the most fit economically and for the
pauperized majority, the verdict is death. Privatisation of key public services can be located at the
centre of the suffering of the masses in Zimbabwe and any solution to relieve the agony of the
people cannot be separated from the fight against privatization. Resistance, primarily against
poverty, and then also political repression is the strategy of the Anti-Privatisation Forum of
Zimbabwe and we hereby call on all progressive forces here to join us in this fight for survival.
There should be no illusions in the hope of emancipation via parliamentary democracy as the
manifestoes of the political parties here in Zimbabwe have shown that in terms of class, the poor
and the workers do not really matter. Hence comrades our salvation lies in our own self activity.
Let us say No to Privatisation and Yes to a life giving economy. Let us organize, centralize and
fightback or we starve! It’s not yet Uhuru in Zimbabwe!
8
Coordinator, Anti-Privatisation Forum of Zimbabwe; Founder member, Communist Movement of Zimbabwe

15. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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The role of the teacher in the fight for bread and freedom
Obert Masaraure9
The topic #ZimbabweAt36 informs us that we have to engage in this discussion with the
independence of Zimbabwe in mind. The topic further expects us to explore ways of ensuring
that Socio economic rights are accessible, mindful of the impending workers’ day celebrations.
Unfortunately Independence remains a mirage, socioeconomic rights a pipe dream and Workers’
day a day of mourning. Nelson Mandela aptly summarized independence as the pursuit of
freedom and bread. To Mandela freedom would cover the Civic and political rights whereas
bread would cover all socioeconomic rights. Rhodesia neither offered bread nor freedom for the
black majority. Systems and institutions were designed to exclude the blacks from participating
meaningfully in the economy. Repressive systems were created to restrict blacks from exercising
their civil and political rights. Today the same institutions and systems have been inherited and
perfected by a black government dragging our country into a darker age than the colonial era.
For the teaching profession things have since deteriorated to an unprecedented low. The teacher
of the colonial era was a middle class professional who was handsomely rewarded. Our President
Robert Mugabe enjoyed those handsome salaries. The teacher had some bread but had no
freedom. Today the bread has also been lost. The teaching profession is now a source of ridicule
for the practitioners. Teachers now earn salaries well below poverty datum line and they still
endure repressive laws such as POSA and AIPPA which were adopted from colonial master’s
handbook. Teachers can justifiably selfishly declare that their bread was robbed by ZANU PF!
The selfish mentality must not be entertained and the current national crisis must be tackled
holistically. I don’t want to be as selfish as the elite Teacher of the colonial era who would close
his/her doors when black demonstrators were being teargassed by brutal policing force. The
teacher must now assume leadership role and go out there to fight shoulder to shoulder with all
marginalized communities demanding equitable distribution of resources.
I want to be like Mr Knottenbelt the then Headmaster of Fletcher High School in 1965. The
teacher who refused to raise the UDI flag which he felt was an illegal rebellion to the British
establishment. Today if Dokora wants to use Teachers to patronize innocent pupils through a
national pledge I have an obligation to say no. The national pledge is an illegal rebellion against
constitutionalism in Zimbabwe. Yes our Constitution guarantees freedom of conscience and
anything contrary to that must be rejected.
I like to like Mr Reed and Mr Cornadie the two University teachers who collaborated with
ZAPU during the liberation struggles. The two White men went to the extent of smuggling arms
for ZAPU, pursuing a calling they thought was justifiable and legitimate. As teacher I will
collaborate with the poor out there in their quest to access bread. When citizens demand
$US15bn I will join and play my part. When railway workers demand their long overdue salaries
through job action I will give meaningful solidarity.
9
President, Rural Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe

16. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
15
Today the poor are denied education as the black government has set prohibitive school fees.
During colonial period the poor were denied education on the basis of colour. I want to be like
Josiah Chinamano. Chinamano opened the first free community school in Highfield. Black
students that had failed to enrol at the segregation government schools would enrol there. Today
we can open community schools for the poor and teach them for free. Teaching the poor a
curriculum compatible to their needs. A curriculum that enlightens the poor that they are victims
of unequitable distribution of resources. The community schools would reach out to the remote
Uzumba and arm citizens with civic education so that they can consciously participate in national
processes.
The crisis in Zimbabwe can be meticulously articulated by every citizen. From the cash crisis and
job losses to the ravaging drought. What is more important is for us as citizens to find ways of
extricating ourselves from this mess. We must smash the capitalist state institutions running our
country depriving us of the basics in a country of plenty. The working class and peasants of this
country must engage in our community schools and start designing a new system to run this
country post the incumbent oppressive establishment. The conscious amongst ourselves must be
on the forefront of recruiting and radicalizing all the poor so that we can prosecute a revolution.
The realization of bread and freedom is still possible in our life time, lets continue to engage but
most importantly act on our resolutions as the poor. I thank you!

17. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
16
Discussion Forum Agenda
QUILL SPEAK AGENDA
#ZimbabweAt36: Perspectives on economic, social and political
independence
DATE: Friday, 29 April 2016
VENUE: Quill Club, New Ambassador Hotel, Harare
TIME: 1730-2000HRS
Time Activity /Topic Presenter
17:15 Registration Volunteers
17:30 Welcome Remarks and objectives of the Quill Speak Lenin Tinashe Chisaira,
AfricaFightNow.org!
17:35 Commoditization of the education sector in post
independent Zimbabwe and the way forward
Makomborero Haruzivishe
ZINASU
17:50 Women and Gender in Post-colonial Zimbabwe: Zimbabwean
Women: Free from colonial rule but trapped in
patriarchal bondage
Daphne Jena, Women’s rights
activist
18:05 People’s plights and privatization in Zimbabwe
after 1980
Simukai Mombeyarara, Anti-
Privatisation Forum
18:20 The struggles by women activists and their
participation in public processes
Lynnette Mudehwe,
Zimbabwe Activists Alliance
18:35 The role of the teacher in the fight for brad and
freedom
Obert Masaraure, Rural
Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe
18:50 Discussion All
1945 Vote of Thanks
2000 Refreshments and End of Programme

18. FIGHTING STILL: Perspectives On Economic, Social and Political Independence in Zimbabwe
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The ‘Police Clearance’ Letter