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ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟

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Mohamed SRHAYRI, PMP®, PMI-ACP®
Mohamed SRHAYRI, PMP®, PMI-ACP®

ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟

Economy & Finance
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‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ : ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ:‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ: ﺇﺣﺪﺍﳘﺎ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ ‪‬ﻄﻠـﻖ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ "ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ"، ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ "ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ" ﻭ"ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ" ﰲ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳـﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ. ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ‪‬ﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ "ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳـﺔ"،‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻌﱪ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ – ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺩ ﲢﻘﻘﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺎ ﻛﺈﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ، ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ، ﺍﳌﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻠﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ، ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺜـﺮﻭﺓ، ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ – ﻭﻫﻲ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ‪‬ﻤﹼﺜﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﺎ ‪‬ﻌﺘﱪ ﻻﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ. ﻭ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﹰﺗ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﰐ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﳌﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻞ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﹸﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ " ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ "‬ ‫ﺃ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺃﻧﻪ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ، ﻭﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﻢ "ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ" ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ. ﺃﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻬﻮ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ. ﻭﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺫﻟﻚ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ‪‬ﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﺎ ‪‬ﱪﺯ ﺍﳊﺎﺟـﺔ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﹰﻳ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ: ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻔﻴﺔ، ﻭﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﻠﺤـﺎﻓﺰ ﻭﺛﺎﻟﺜـﺔ ﻹﻋـﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ – ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ. ﻓﺄﻭﻻﹰ، ﻻﺑﺪ ﻟﻠﻄﻠﺐ ﻏﲑ ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﳝﺮ ﻋﱪ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﲝﻴﺚ ﻻ ‪‬ﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻱ ﻃﻠﺒـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ. ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎﹰ، ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺪﻧﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﻛﺮﺍﻩ، ﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼـﻔﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﺮ ﻋﱪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﲝﻴﺚ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﳑﻜﻦ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩ. ﻭﻳﻜﺘﺴـﺐ‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳊﺎﻓﺰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺰﻳﺎﺀ، ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻣـﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﺼﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺼﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ‪‬ﺎ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﲝﺎﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﳊﻔﺰﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ‪‬ﻳﻴﺴﺮ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩ. ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎﹰ، ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ – ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻜﲔ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ – ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻭﺳﻠﺴـﺔ –‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﱵ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﲔ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﳘﺎ. ﻭﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲﺀ ﳛﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺒﻪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺷﺢ ﻭﺣﺎﻓﺰ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻒ، ﻭﺇﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩ – ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻌﻪ – ﻫﻮ "ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ" ﻭ"ﻏﲑ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ" ﻭﻳﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﹸ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳ‪‬ﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻤﺔ. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﳑﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ. ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻫﻮ: ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺧﻔﺎﻕ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺸﻞ ﺭﺍﺟﻌﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺳﺒﺒﲔ: ﺃﻭﳍﻤﺎ، ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘـﺮﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ، ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴﻬﻤﺎ، ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﲏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺑﺼـﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﺘﺴـﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ. ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻻ ﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳋﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺔ. ﻭﻟﻌـﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺧﻔﺎﻕ – ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ – ﻫﻮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ، ﻭﻫﻮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺑﲔ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴـﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﺧﻮﺓ ﺑﲏ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫـﻲ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ‪‬ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﳝﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﷲ ﻭﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﳍﻢ‬ ‫ﹼ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻪ، ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ. ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻦ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ – ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ – ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻳﺔ. ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻋﺘـﱪﺕ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺃﻥ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻭﺣﻰ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﺲ ﳍﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺃ‪‬ﺎ – ﰲ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻬﺎ – ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻕ ﺍﻟ ﹸﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻮﻫﺎ ﻟﻺﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺟﻬـﻞ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺳ‪‬ﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ)١(. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺿﻌﻔﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﻓﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﲨﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪‬ﺒ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ، ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻫﺎ: ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ، ﺍﳊﺎﻓﺰ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫١- ﺑﺮﻧﺘﻮن، ٧٦٩١، ص٠٢٥.‬
‫ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱰﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭ"ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺘﲔ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﻮﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ.‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ:‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﹶﻟﻢ ﰲ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸـﻜﻞ ﳕـﻮﺫﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ. ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ "ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ" ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻗﻞ. ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺧـﺬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﳍﺎ، ﻟﻮﺟﺪﻧﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻘـﻼﱐ ﱂ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻭ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ، ﺑﻞ ﺇﻧﻪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺌـﺎ ﳊﺮﻳـﺔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ. ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﺑـﺪﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻮﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﳑﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻭﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﳕﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ. ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﲪﻞ ﻭﺻﻤﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ "ﺁﺩﻡ ﲰﻴﺚ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ: ﺇﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ "ﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﳋﻔﻴﺔ" ﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴـﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺪﻋﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ)٢(. ﻭﺁﺩﻡ ﲰﻴﺚ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﺮﺍﺿﻪ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﳕﺎ ‪‬ﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻷﻧﻈـﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴـﺪﹰﺍ ﻋـﻦ‬ ‫ﻳ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ، ﻭﻳﺼﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ "ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ" ﻟﻠﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲨـﺔ ﻋـﻦ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻌﺎﳍﻢ. ﺇﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ، ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻬﺎ "ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺒﲑﻍ"، ﻫﻲ "ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ ﻟﻸﻧﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﻘﺔ ﻳﻨﺠﻢ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻷﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ")٣(.‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ "ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ". ﻭﻟﻜﻦ "ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ" ﱂ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫)٤(‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻞ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍ ﹸﻄﻠﻘﺔ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ "ﳏﺎﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻏـﺎﻳﺘﲔ"‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﻭ"ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻌﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ")٥(. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﺧﺬ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ، ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ.‬ ‫٢- ﲰﻴﺚ، ٦٧٩١، ﺹ٣٢٤.‬ ‫٣- ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺒﲑﻍ، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ٩١٢، ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ "ﺑﺎﻛﻬﺎﻭﺱ"، ٤٩٩١، ﺹ٣١.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٤- ﺭﻭﺑﱰ، ٥٣٩١، ﺹ٤.‬ ‫٥- ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﺎﻥ، ٣٥٩١، ﺹ٤.‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ "ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ" ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﻏﲑ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﺠﺪﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ، ﺇﺫ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻻ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﻐﻠﲔ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﻨﺔ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻞ "ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﻛﺎﺋﻦ" ﺣﱴ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﲟﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ)٦(. ﻓﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻜـﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ "ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻛﺎﺋﻦ"، ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ "ﻣﺎ ﳛﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ". ﺇﻥ ﳍﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺎﻗﺸﻮﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ ﻭﻟـﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴﻞ.‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻳﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺟـﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﲢﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺻﺤﺘﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺧﻄﺌﻪ")٧(.ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻼ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ،‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳌﺎﱄ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ. ﺇﻥ ﻣﺒﲎ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﲜﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﻏﻮ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ: "ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻦ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻚ ﺿﺤﻠﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﺔ")٨(. ﻟﻘﺪ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ)٩(، ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻳﺴﲑ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺗﺌﻴﻪ.‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ – ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍ ﹸﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺼـﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ – ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ. ﻓﻠﻘﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺴـﲑ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ‪‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻟﺸﺄﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳍـﺎ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺳـﻮﻑ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺧﻠـﻖ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺑﻨﻔﺴـﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ "ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ" ﻭ"ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ" ﻭﺍﻟﺴﲑ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ "ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ" ﻭ"ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ". ﻭﺑـﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫٦- ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ. ﻓﺎﳌﺪﺭﺳـﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺿـﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ، ﻣﺜـﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻮﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ، ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﺻﻔﺎ ﻟﻠﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ‪‬ﺼﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ. ﻭﺧﻼﻓﺎ ﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺘﲔ، ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺭﺍﺋﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒـﺆ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﻧﻈﺮ "ﺑﻠﻮﻍ" ٠٨٩١؛ "ﻛﺎﻟﺪﻭﻳﻞ"، ٢٨٩١(. ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻧﲏ ﻻ ﺃﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﺪﻝ ﰲ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﲑ، ﻓﻘﺪ ﺫﻛﺮﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ. ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ، ﺍﻹﻗﻨـﺎﻉ، ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﰎ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴـﺰ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﻣـﺆﺧﺮﹰﺍ‬ ‫)ﻣﻜﻠﻮﺳﻜﻲ، ٦٨٩١(. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﻻ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﺇﺫ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﹰﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻣﻘﻨﻊ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ.‬ ‫٧- ﻛﻮﻻﻧﺪﺭ، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ٣١١.‬ ‫٨- ﻣﻘﺘﺒﺲ ﻣﻦ "ﻛﻮﻥ"، ١٦٩١، ﺹ١٦١.‬ ‫٩- ﺑﻠﻮﻍ، ٠٨٩١، ﺹ٩٤١.‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻋﺎﻡ ٠٣٩ ﻭﻣﺎ ﳒﻢ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ "ﻛﻴﱰ" ﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﳝﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻣـﻞ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻋﺎﺩ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﳝﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ، ﺣﻴﺚ ﳒﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ – ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥ – ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻊ "ﺃﺩﱏ" ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ.‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ "ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ" ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ:‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳌﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺃﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻫﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺤﺪﺩ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﻋﺪﺍﻟـﺔ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ، ﻭﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﺔ ﲝﻖ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﲟﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ )ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻳﻀـﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﻌﺎﺭ( ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ، ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻗـﻮﺓ ﺍﳊﻔـﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﻴﻞ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﺳﺘﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺷﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺴـﺠﻢ ﻣـﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻼ‪‬ﻢ ﺑﺄﻗﻞ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ‪‬ﻌﻴﻘﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﳍﻢ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺳﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﻭﻧﻪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﺄﻗﻞ ﻛﻠﻔﺔ ﳑﻜﻨﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﻈـﻴﻢ ﺃﺭﺑـﺎﺣﻬﻢ. ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﳊﺮ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻓﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﲔ ﺍﳍـﺎﺩﻓﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﻈـﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺑﺎﺣﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ – ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﻣﺔ – ﲢﺪﻳـﺪ ﺃﺳـﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻭﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ‪‬ﻌﻈـﻢ ﻣﻨـﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺴـﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺇﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻟـﺪﺧﻞ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ، ﻭﻧﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﻞ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ، ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻛﱪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻲ "ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼـﺎﱀ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ. ﻭ‪‬ﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﻢ "ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ.‬ ‫ﻳ‬
‫ﺭﲟﺎ ﱂ ﳛﻆ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎﳌﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺳﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻈﻲ ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ "ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﻔـﺎﺀﺓ" ﰲ‬ ‫ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ. ﺇﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ" ﻻ ‪‬ﺗﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺼﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ‪‬ﻔﺘـﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﹺ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺔ)٠١(. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ‪‬ﻌﺮﻑ ﺑﻠﻐـﺔ ﻫـﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﺇﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﲑ ‪‬ﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻳـﺘﻌﲔ ﺃﻥ ﳚﺘـﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺺ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ – ﻭﻫﻮ ﺇﻓﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻟﻮ ﳎﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋـﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﺗﻌﺲ ﳑﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ. ﻭﻳﺮﻯ "ﺟﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻟﺰ" ﺇﻧـﻪ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺀ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺳﻴﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﺴﺎ)١١(. ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﺤﺴﲔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﺧﺮ ﲡﻌﻠﻪ ﰲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﺳﻮﺃ ﳑﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺃﳒﺰﻩ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ‬ ‫– ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ – ﻫﻮ ﺇﺻﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺒﻪ ﺷﻠﻞ، ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﺩﻯ – ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ "ﺳﻮﻟﻮ"‬ ‫– ﺇﱃ "ﺍﻹﺣﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﲑ ﻫﺪﻯ")٢١(. ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺃﻃﻠﻖ "ﺷﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺷﻮﻟﺘﺰ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ "ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﳊﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺫﻯ" – ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺄﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻳﺬﺍﺀ ﺃﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ. ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ ﻫـﻮ ﺍﳌﺴـﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﹰﺍ)٣١(. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳍـﺎ ﺍﲡـﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺎﻥ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ – ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴـﺪﻱ –‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻄﺎ ﲟﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﳍﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﺇﻥ ﺷـﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﳍﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺪ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﺎﺕ ﻋـﱪ ﺍﻟﺰﻣـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ، ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻓﻀـﻰ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺿﻤﲏ ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﳝﺜﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻘﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ – ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ – ﻛﺄﻣﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻠﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﲔ ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٠١- ﻟﻴﺲ ﲦﺔ ﺷﻚ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻻ ﻳﺪﻋﻤﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴـﻮﻕ.‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻴﻪ. ﺏ. ﻛﻼﺭﻙ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻗﺎﺭﺑﺖ _ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻌﻴـﺪ –‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﳊﺪﻱ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﺘﻪ )ﺍﻧﻈﺮ "ﺳﺘﻴﻐﻠﺮ، ١٤٩١(. ﻭ‪‬ﺸﲑ "ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﺎﻥ" ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﻗﺎﺋﻼ: "ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋﻜـﺲ ﻣـﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺘﻬﻲ، ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥ – ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ – ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺣﺎﻓﺰ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ". "ﻣﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﺎﻥ، ٠٨٩١، ﺹ٣٢(.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫١١- ﺭﻭﻟﺰ، ٥٨٩١.‬ ‫٢١- ﺳﻮﻟﻮ، ١٨٩١، ﺹ٨٣؛ ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ "ﺳﻦ"، ٧٨٩١، ﺹ٢٣.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٣١- ﺷﻮﻟﺘﺰ، ٧٥٩١، ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ.‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﻲ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ "ﺩﻓﺎﻋﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨـﺔ")٤١(،‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺳﻴﺆﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻮﺻـﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺔ. ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﻃـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ )‪.(Pareto Optimality‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﻫﺎ :‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﻮﺽ "ﻛﻴﱰ" ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ. ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﲟﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ. ﺇﻥ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺙ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﰎ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺔ، ﺁﺧﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺃﻱ ‪‬ﺮﺷﺢ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻳﺘﻔـﻖ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ. ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﻏﲎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻬﺎ:‬ ‫ﺃ( ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ.‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ.‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺇﳊﺎﺡ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ.‬ ‫ﺩ( ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ.‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺽ ﺁﺩﻡ ﲰﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ ) ﺃ ( ﲢﻘﻖ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﻲ ﺣﺮ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ، ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺷـﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻠﺤﻆ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺪ ﳚﻌـﻞ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺻﻌﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ. ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺤﺼـﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺧﻔﺾ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ )ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺹ( ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺎﱐ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ. ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﹸﺭﻳﺪ ﺇﳘـﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺃ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٤١- ﻫﺎﻥ، ٠٧٩١‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺴ‪‬ﻞ ﳋﻔﺾ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫‪‬ﺒ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺬﻧﺎ ﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺳﺎﺋﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﺒﻴـﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺟـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ. ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨـﺎ ﻓﻘـﺪ ﻳﻜـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﺧﻔﻀﻪ. ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ، ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺱ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺤﺐ ﺧﻔﺾ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ. ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﻑ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣـﺎ ﰎ ﺍﳊـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻻ ‪‬ﺸـﺒﻊ –‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ – ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺃﻭ ‪‬ﺨﻔﻒ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻝ، ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﳑﻜﻨﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻻ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ. ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫـﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺈﻃﻼﻕ ﺃﻱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﻊ، ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺎﺕ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻌـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ، ﻭﺇﱃ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺧﺮﻕ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ،‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﲟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴﺎﺀ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻠﻌﺔ ‪‬ﻔﻀﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻼﻛﻬﺎ ﻛﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ. ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﻛﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﺧﻔﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﲡﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ.‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ، ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻠﻮﺙ ﺃ‪‬ﺎﺭ ﹸﻄﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻗﻄـﺎﺭ ﻫـﻮ ﳋﺪﻣـﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻓـﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻳﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻮﺙ ﻧﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺇﺳﺎﺀﺓ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻫﻮ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻔﺸﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ. ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻦ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ‪‬ﺘﺨﺬ ﻹﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻮﺙ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺳﻴﺆﺩﻱ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ، ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﲜﻌﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﲔ ﹸﻨﺘﺞ ﻣﻌﲔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺃﺳﻮﺃ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺍﻟـﺮﺑﺢ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻗﻞ، ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﻜﻞ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ. ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺭﺩﻧﺎ ﰲ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﻟـﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ، ﻓﻠﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻻ ﻧﺄﺧﺬ ﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻜـﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲨﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻏـﲑ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﻋـﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؟ ﻭﳛﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺀ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻟﻴﺘﺴﺎﺀﻝ ﳌﺎﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﰲ ﺇﻃـﻼﻕ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﳝﺘﻨﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ )ﺏ(، ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ، ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺇﻋﻄـﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﻭﺯﻧﺎ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺎ ﰲ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻮﻕ. ﻭﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﻮﺍﻓـﻖ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ‪‬ﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ، ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻓـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻩ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ، ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴـﺎﺀ ﳝﻠﻜـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﻏﺒـﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺷـﺮﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺎﻷﺳـﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﲟﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴـﺎﺀ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪ ﳝﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﲝﻜﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺃﺻﻮﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ، ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﰲ ﺳﻠﻢ ﺃﻓﻀﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ‪‬ﺸﻜﻞ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﺭﺓ ﰲ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺮ ﺍﳋﺎﱄ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺛﺮ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻠﻜﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﳍﺎ. ﻓﻬﻮ ‪‬ﻳﻘ‪‬ﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺇﳊﺎﺡ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﻤﻦ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺤﻠﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﳊﺎﺡ، ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﻫﻢ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﻫﻢ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻻﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻓﻘﲑﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺕ ‪‬ـﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻠﻴـﺐ‬ ‫ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺕ ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﻛـﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ. ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﻦ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺇﳊﺎﺡ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ، ﻓـﺈﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ )ﺝ( ﻟﻦ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﺀ ﺑﻪ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ "ﺁﺭﺛﺮ ﺃﻭﻛﻦ" ﻣﺤﻘﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺘﻪ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﲤﻴـﻞ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫"ﻣﻨﺢ ﺟﻮﺍﺋﺰ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻔﺎﺋﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺈﻃﻌﺎﻡ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻷﻟﻴﻔﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻄﻌﻢ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻃﻔﺎﳍﻢ")٥١(.‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺗﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻁ )ﺩ(، ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍ ﹸﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﳎﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﳌ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ )‪ (Theoretical Construct‬ﻟﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴـﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻤـﺔ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬ ‫‪ ‬‬ ‫٥١- ﺃﻭﻛﻦ، ٥٧٩١، ﺹ.١١‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﻠﻤﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ‪‬ﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ. ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﲢﺼﻰ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﲢﺒﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴـﻮﻕ ﻭﺗﺘﺴـﺒﺐ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﲑ ﺍﳊﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﻲ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ، ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ – ﰲ ﺣﺪ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ –‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﳛﻈﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﺪ ﺗﱰﻉ ﻷﻥ ﺗﻜـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﺐ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ.‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﰲ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﻕ ‪‬ﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺸـﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻫﺎ، ﺣﱴ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ)٦١(، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳـﺎﺕ ﰲ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ)٧١(. ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ‪‬ﺪﺧﻞ ﲢﻴﺰﹰﺍ ﻣﺘﺄﺻﻼ ﺿﺪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ‪‬ﲏ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ:‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ‪‬ﺤﺎﻃﺎ ﲟﻮﺍﻗﻒ ‪‬ﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎﹰ، ﻭﺍﻟﺴـﺒﺐ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻣ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻮ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻌﺒﲑ "ﻛﻮﻥ")٨١( – "ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻘﻘﺖ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺩﻳـﲏ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ. ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﺃﻓﻀﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ‪‬ﻔﺮﻁ ﺑﺎﳊﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﲔ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﲔ: ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﻃـﻼﻕ ﺃﻳـﺔ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ، ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ – ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ – ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ. ﻭﻣﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﹰﺍ. ﻭﻟﻮ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻗـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‪‬ﻤﺪﺕ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺭﲟﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻱ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ. ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻦ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺗـﺒﲏ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺘ‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ – ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺎﻙ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ – ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﺘﻔﻆ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﻛﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ. ﻭﺇﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ‪‬ﺎ، ﻫﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩ. ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻏـﲑ ﻗـﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ – ﻓﻬﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺇﺳﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀـﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﰲ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺿﺪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ‬ ‫٦١- ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻥ، ٥٨٩١، ﺹ.٦١‬ ‫٧١- ﺗﻮﱐ، ٨٤٩١، ﺹ.٢١‬ ‫٨١- ﻛﻮﻥ، .٠٧٩١‬
‫ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻫﺎ. ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻔﺴﺮ ﳌﺎﺫﺍ – ﺑﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠـﻲ – ﺗﺒﻘـﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺩﺧـﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﺳـﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻛﻨﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻧﻄﻼﻕ، ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ، ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﱂ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻃﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻲ. ﻭﻟﻘـﺪ ﻛـﺎﻥ "ﻟﻮﻛـﺎﺱ"‬ ‫ﻭ"ﺳﺮﺟﻨﺖ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺘﻪ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻲ ﻭﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ")٩١(. ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ "ﺃﺭﻭ" ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ "ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﺢ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ" )٠٢(. ﻭﰲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴـﻮﻕ،‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ‪‬ﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﺍﹰ، ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻏـﲑ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫‪‬ﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ، ﺳﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺀ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻋﻢ.‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ، ﺃﻭ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳـﺪﻋﻮﻩ "ﻻﻛـﺎﺗﻮﺱ" ﺑــ "ﺑﺮﻧـﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ")١٢(. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺣﻞ ﺇﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓـﻪ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺇﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﻫﻴﻜﻠﻪ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﱴ ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﻔـﺎﺀﺓ ﰲ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ – ﻧﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺄ‪‬ﻧﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻲ. ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﱂ ﳚﻌﻠﻪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﲡﺮﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻭﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺟﻌﻠﻪ ﺃﻳﻀـﺎ ﻗﻠﻴـﻞ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺧﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺣﻜﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺍ ﹸﺴﻠﻢ ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺷﻚ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ. ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻝ "ﺑﻠـﻮﻍ"،‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻮ ‪‬ﺼﻴﺐ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ: "ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳـﺮﺍﻡ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ")٢٢(. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫٩١- ﻟﻮﻛﺎﺱ ﻭﺳﺎﺭﺟﻨﺖ، ٩٧٩١، ﺹ.٤‬ ‫٠٢- ﻛﻴﻨﻴﺚ ﺃﺭﻭ، ٧٦٩١، ﺹ٤٣٧. ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﻴﺘﺮ ﻫﺎﻭﻳﺖ، ﺹ.٣٧٢‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫١٢- ﻻﻛﺎﺗﻮﺱ، .٤٧٩١‬ ‫٢٢- ﺑﻠﻮﻍ، ٠٨٩١، ﺹ.٣١‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻹﳚﺎﺩ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ)٣٢(. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻗـﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺄﺧﺬﻫﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ، ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻳﻮﺻﻠﻨﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﳕـﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺠﻪ.‬ ‫٣٢- ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ، ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻍ، ٢٨٩١؛ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻭﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻝ، ١٨٩١؛ ﺩﻭﺑﻔﲑ، .٦٧٩١‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ:‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻫﺪﻓﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ )ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ، ٥٢ : ٧٥( )٤٢(. ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ، ﻓﻬﻮ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ. ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺇﺧﻮﺓ، ﻭﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﺍﷲ ﳍﻢ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺇﳕﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﺋﺘﻤﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺣﺮﺻﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫، ﻭﺃﺅﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﷲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻔﻘﻮﻫﺎ، ﺇﻥ ﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﻓﺨﲑ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﻓﺸﺮ.‬ ‫ﻭﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ – ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ؛ ﺑﻞ ﺗﺘﻄﻠـﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧـﺎ ﺑـﲔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ. ﻓﺎﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻻ ‪‬ﺸﺒﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺗﺘﻄﻠـﺐ ﺃﻳﻀـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺸﻴﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺤﺔ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﷲ)٥٢(. ﺇﻥ ﺇﻏﻔﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﺮ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭ‪‬ﻔـﺎﻗﻢ ﻋﻼﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸـﺬﻭﺫ‬ ‫ﻳ ‪‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻹﺣﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﳉﺮﳝﺔ ﻭﺇﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺨﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﺤـﺎﺭ –‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﺪﻝ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ. ﻭﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻤـﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻌـﲏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻧﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺼﺪﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻲ. ﻓﺎﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰎ ﺑﻪ ﲨﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ، ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫٤٢- ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ، ﺍﻧﻈﺮ "ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ"، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ١٠٢-.٣١٢‬ ‫٥٢- ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ٧-٩ ﻟﻼﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﳐﺘﺼﺮﺓ ﳌﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ. ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﳌﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻉ: ﺍﳌﺎﺗﺮﻳـﺪﻱ )ﺕ٣٣٣ﻫــ/٤٤٩ﻡ( ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺷـﻲ‬ ‫)ﺕ٥٦٣ﻫـ/٥٧٩ﻡ(، ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻼﱐ )ﺕ٣٠٤ﻫـ/٢١٠١ﻡ(، ﺍﻟﻐﺰﺍﱄ )ﺕ٥٠٥ﻫـ/١١١ﻡ(، ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺯﻱ )ﺕ ٦٠٦ﻫــ/٩٠٢١ﻡ(،‬ ‫ﺍﻵﻣﺪﻱ )ﺕ ١٣٦ﻫـ/٤٣٢١ﻡ(، ﻋﺰ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ)ﺕ ٢٦٢ﻫـ/٠٦٦ﻡ(، ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ )ﺕ ٨٢٧ﻫـ/٧٢٣١ﻡ( ﻭﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻃﱯ‬ ‫)ﺕ ٠٩٧ﻫـ/٨٨٣١ﻡ(. ﻭﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺻﺪ، ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺴﻮﱐ، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ٥٢-٥٥، ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ، ٤٩٩١، ﺹ ٩٨١-‬ ‫٨٦٢ ﻭﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ، .٧٧٩١‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﳍﺎ ﻭﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻜـﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﻣﻜﻦ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻠﻖ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍ‪‬ﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ، ﻭﺍﻹﺿﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ.‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳊﻨﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﺄﻱ ﲤﻴﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ. ﻓﻜﻞ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﱐ – ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﺃﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓـﻪ "ﻣﺎﺩﻳـﺔ" ﺃﻭ‬ ‫"ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" ﺃﻭ "ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ" ﺃﻭ "ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ" – ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻃﺎﳌﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻨﺴـﺠﻢ ﻣـﻊ ﺃﺧـﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ. ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺃﺳﺮﺗﻪ ﺃﻭ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ، ﺷﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻻ ﻳﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ؛ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﺿـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ، ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﲤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨـﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﱪ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰﺃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ، ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﷲ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭ ‪‬ﻠﻪ )ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﲨﻴﻌﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲏ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ(، ﲟﻦ ﻓـﻴﻬﻢ ﺇﺑـﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫‪‬ﺳ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻭﳏﻤﺪ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺳﻼﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﲨﻴﻌﺎ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ – ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈـﺮ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ – ﺍﲰﺮﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺗﺸﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺿـﻤﻦ ﻋـﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻬﻬﺎ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻥ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺽ – ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ – ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ، ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ – ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ –‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ‪‬ﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼـﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ. ﻭﰲ ﺣﲔ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﹸﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌـﺪﻓﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻃ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ، ﻻ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ. ﻭﻳﺘﺒﲎ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ: ﺇﺫ ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎ ﺃﻭ ﳏﻜﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻀﺔ، ﻗﺪ ﳝﻴﻞ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻷﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺳـﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﲔ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ‪‬ﺸﻜﻼﻥ ﻃﺮﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ. ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ‪‬ﻌﺘـﱪ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ ﺃﻧـﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ، ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﳚﻌﻞ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳍـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ. ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺇﺫ ﻳﻌﻤﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﳕﺎ ﻳﻌﻤﺪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺇﻛﺮﺍﻩ. ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﻤﺪ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﻛﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﻫﺮ، ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﳍﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺤﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ. ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ)٦٢( ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﺎﻋﻼ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﺍﶈﺪﺩﺓ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺔ:‬ ‫ﻻ ﺗﻌﲏ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺯﻉ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻛﻤﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ ﲣﺼـﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﳍﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ. ﻓﺎﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ‪‬ﻜﻤﻞ ﻵﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ، ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﳌﺼﻔﺎﺗﲔ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﺼـﻔﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ. ﻓﺎﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ )ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ( ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ‪‬ﺠﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻏﲑ ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭ‪‬ﻬﺎﲨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻬﺎ – ﻭﻫﻮ ﺿﻤﲑ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ – ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ‪‬ﻠﻢ ﺃﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﲟﺎ ‪‬ﻼﺋﻢ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﳝﺮ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ، ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ.‬ ‫ﻭﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﻏـﲑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ، ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺄ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ. ﻓﺎﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﺟﹺـﺪ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺘﻼﺀﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻷﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﻻ ‪‬ﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺋﺬ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻯ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻜﻤﻼ)٧٢(.ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﺋﺬ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺾ ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣـﻦ ﺷـﺄﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺾ ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ‪‬ﺴﺒﺒﻪ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫٦٢- ‪‬ﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺎ : ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ – ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺎﻟـﻪ "ﻧـﻮﺭﺙ" –‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ. ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ )ﻛﺎﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺳﺎﺗﲑ( ﻭﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻮﻙ، ﻭﺍﻷﻋـﺮﺍﻑ،‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺎ( ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ". )ﻧﻮﺭﺙ، ٤٩٩١، ﺹ٠٦٣(.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٧٢- ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ، ٥٨٩١ ﻭ.٢٩٩١‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻓﺰ:‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺣﱴ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ‪‬ﺮﺷﺢ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﺤﻔﺰ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ،‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻗﻮﻳﺎﺀ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﻤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺍﻹﺿﺮﺍﺭ ﲟﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ؟ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ. ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ، ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻀـﺮﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺮﹰﺍ ﺳﻴﺌﺎﹰ، ﺇﺫ ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻻ ﻏﲎ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ. ﻧﻌﻢ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﺎﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﻓﺸﺎﻝ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻛﻴﻒ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ؟‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻃﻮﻝ ﺃﺟﻼ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫– ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻟﻴﻌﱪ ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ. ﻓﻔﻲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺘﺼﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻧﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟـﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ. ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ – ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻛﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻ ﰲ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻟﻪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻌﺎﱃ، ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﻭﻋﻘﺎﺏ – ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳛﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻃﻴﺎﺗـﻪ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺰ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﲜﻌﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ، ﻭﺑـﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ، ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ.‬ ‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ:‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﲣﻒ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﹸ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻴﺄﺓ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩﺓ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﻦ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻨﺼﺮ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ، ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ، ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ. ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﻒ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺔ، ﻭﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺇﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ)٨٢(. ﺇﻥ ﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺻﻮﻡ ﺭﻣﻀـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳊﺞ ﻭﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺰﻛﺎﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ – ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻠﻪ – ﻹﳚﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ. ﻓﻬـﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﲔ ﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﲢﻔﺰﻫﻢ ﻟﻼﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑـﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲤﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺿﺮﺍﺭ ﲟﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﲑ. ﺇﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺌـﺔ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩﺓ ﻗﺪ ‪‬ﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺭﻓـﻊ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻄﺔ ﻭﺧﻔﺾ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﳌﻬـﺪﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺬﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﻑ. ﺇﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺣﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩﺓ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﺑﻞ ﻭﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﺎﹸﻢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻗ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ، ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺰ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ:‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻫـﺬﻩ،‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻮﺓ ﻭﺧﻔﺾ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﻂ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ)٩٢(. ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺣﱴ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﺴـﺎﻃﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻛﲔ ﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍ ﹸﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍ ﹸﺸﺒﻌﺔ، ﺃﻭ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻨـﺪﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ. ﻭﰲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ )ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ(‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺣﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ، ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻧﺸﻄﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻼ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ. ﻭﻳـﺘﻌﲔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺮﻑ ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎﹰ، ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﺇﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺺ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻭﻣﻨﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ. ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻢ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﺠـﻮﺀ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺻﺎﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲤﻠﻚ ﻭﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺗﻨﻘﻴﻒ ﻭﺣﻔﺰ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫٨٢- ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺕ،‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻮﻝ ٧-١١ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ" .٢٩٩١‬ ‫٩٢- ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ، ﺍﻧﻈﺮ "ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ"، .٩٧٩١‬
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟
ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟

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ما هو الاقتصاد الإسلامي ؟

  • 1. ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ : ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ:‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ: ﺇﺣﺪﺍﳘﺎ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ ‪‬ﻄﻠـﻖ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ "ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ"، ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ "ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ" ﻭ"ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ" ﰲ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳـﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ. ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ‪‬ﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ "ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳـﺔ"،‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻌﱪ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ – ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺩ ﲢﻘﻘﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺎ ﻛﺈﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ، ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ، ﺍﳌﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻠﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ، ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺜـﺮﻭﺓ، ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ – ﻭﻫﻲ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ‪‬ﻤﹼﺜﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﺎ ‪‬ﻌﺘﱪ ﻻﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ. ﻭ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﹰﺗ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﰐ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﳌﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻞ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﹸﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ " ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ "‬ ‫ﺃ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺃﻧﻪ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ، ﻭﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﻢ "ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ" ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ. ﺃﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻬﻮ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ. ﻭﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺫﻟﻚ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ‪‬ﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﺎ ‪‬ﱪﺯ ﺍﳊﺎﺟـﺔ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﹰﻳ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ: ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻔﻴﺔ، ﻭﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﻠﺤـﺎﻓﺰ ﻭﺛﺎﻟﺜـﺔ ﻹﻋـﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ – ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ. ﻓﺄﻭﻻﹰ، ﻻﺑﺪ ﻟﻠﻄﻠﺐ ﻏﲑ ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﳝﺮ ﻋﱪ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﲝﻴﺚ ﻻ ‪‬ﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻱ ﻃﻠﺒـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ. ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎﹰ، ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺪﻧﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﻛﺮﺍﻩ، ﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼـﻔﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﺮ ﻋﱪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﲝﻴﺚ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﳑﻜﻦ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩ. ﻭﻳﻜﺘﺴـﺐ‬
  • 2. ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳊﺎﻓﺰ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺰﻳﺎﺀ، ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻣـﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﺼﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺼﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ‪‬ﺎ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﲝﺎﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﳊﻔﺰﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ‪‬ﻳﻴﺴﺮ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩ. ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎﹰ، ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ – ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻜﲔ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ – ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻭﺳﻠﺴـﺔ –‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﱵ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﲔ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﳘﺎ. ﻭﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲﺀ ﳛﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺒﻪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺷﺢ ﻭﺣﺎﻓﺰ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻒ، ﻭﺇﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩ – ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻌﻪ – ﻫﻮ "ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ" ﻭ"ﻏﲑ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ" ﻭﻳﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﹸ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳ‪‬ﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻤﺔ. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﳑﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ. ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻫﻮ: ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺧﻔﺎﻕ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺸﻞ ﺭﺍﺟﻌﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺳﺒﺒﲔ: ﺃﻭﳍﻤﺎ، ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘـﺮﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ، ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴﻬﻤﺎ، ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﲏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺑﺼـﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﺘﺴـﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ. ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻻ ﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳋﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺔ. ﻭﻟﻌـﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺧﻔﺎﻕ – ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ – ﻫﻮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ، ﻭﻫﻮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺑﲔ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴـﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﺧﻮﺓ ﺑﲏ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫـﻲ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ‪‬ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﳝﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﷲ ﻭﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﳍﻢ‬ ‫ﹼ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻪ، ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ. ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻦ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ – ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ – ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻳﺔ. ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻋﺘـﱪﺕ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺃﻥ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻭﺣﻰ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﺲ ﳍﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺃ‪‬ﺎ – ﰲ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻬﺎ – ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻕ ﺍﻟ ﹸﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻮﻫﺎ ﻟﻺﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺟﻬـﻞ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺳ‪‬ﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ)١(. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺿﻌﻔﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﻓﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﲨﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪‬ﺒ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ، ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻫﺎ: ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ، ﺍﳊﺎﻓﺰ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫١- ﺑﺮﻧﺘﻮن، ٧٦٩١، ص٠٢٥.‬
  • 3. ‫ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱰﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭ"ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺘﲔ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﻮﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ.‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ:‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﹶﻟﻢ ﰲ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸـﻜﻞ ﳕـﻮﺫﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ. ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ "ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ" ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻗﻞ. ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺧـﺬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﳍﺎ، ﻟﻮﺟﺪﻧﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻘـﻼﱐ ﱂ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻭ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ، ﺑﻞ ﺇﻧﻪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺌـﺎ ﳊﺮﻳـﺔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ. ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﺑـﺪﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻮﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﳑﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻭﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﳕﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ. ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﲪﻞ ﻭﺻﻤﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ "ﺁﺩﻡ ﲰﻴﺚ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ: ﺇﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ "ﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﳋﻔﻴﺔ" ﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴـﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺪﻋﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ)٢(. ﻭﺁﺩﻡ ﲰﻴﺚ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﺮﺍﺿﻪ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﳕﺎ ‪‬ﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻷﻧﻈـﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴـﺪﹰﺍ ﻋـﻦ‬ ‫ﻳ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ، ﻭﻳﺼﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ "ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ" ﻟﻠﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲨـﺔ ﻋـﻦ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻌﺎﳍﻢ. ﺇﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ، ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻬﺎ "ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺒﲑﻍ"، ﻫﻲ "ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ ﻟﻸﻧﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﻘﺔ ﻳﻨﺠﻢ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻷﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ")٣(.‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ "ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ". ﻭﻟﻜﻦ "ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ" ﱂ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫)٤(‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻞ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍ ﹸﻄﻠﻘﺔ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ "ﳏﺎﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻏـﺎﻳﺘﲔ"‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﻭ"ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻌﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ")٥(. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﺧﺬ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ، ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ.‬ ‫٢- ﲰﻴﺚ، ٦٧٩١، ﺹ٣٢٤.‬ ‫٣- ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺒﲑﻍ، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ٩١٢، ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ "ﺑﺎﻛﻬﺎﻭﺱ"، ٤٩٩١، ﺹ٣١.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٤- ﺭﻭﺑﱰ، ٥٣٩١، ﺹ٤.‬ ‫٥- ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﺎﻥ، ٣٥٩١، ﺹ٤.‬
  • 4. ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ "ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ" ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﻏﲑ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﺠﺪﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ، ﺇﺫ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻻ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﻐﻠﲔ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﻨﺔ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻭﲢﻠﻴﻞ "ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﻛﺎﺋﻦ" ﺣﱴ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﲟﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ)٦(. ﻓﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻜـﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ "ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻛﺎﺋﻦ"، ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ "ﻣﺎ ﳛﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ". ﺇﻥ ﳍﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺎﻗﺸﻮﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ ﻭﻟـﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴﻞ.‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻳﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺟـﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﲢﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺻﺤﺘﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺧﻄﺌﻪ")٧(.ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻼ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ،‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳌﺎﱄ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ. ﺇﻥ ﻣﺒﲎ ﲝﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﲜﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﻏﻮ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ: "ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻦ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻚ ﺿﺤﻠﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﺔ")٨(. ﻟﻘﺪ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ)٩(، ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻳﺴﲑ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺗﺌﻴﻪ.‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ – ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍ ﹸﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺼـﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ – ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ. ﻓﻠﻘﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺴـﲑ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ‪‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻟﺸﺄﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳍـﺎ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺳـﻮﻑ ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺧﻠـﻖ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺑﻨﻔﺴـﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ "ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ" ﻭ"ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ" ﻭﺍﻟﺴﲑ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ "ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ" ﻭ"ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ". ﻭﺑـﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫٦- ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﰲ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ. ﻓﺎﳌﺪﺭﺳـﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺿـﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ، ﻣﺜـﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻮﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ، ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﺻﻔﺎ ﻟﻠﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ‪‬ﺼﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ. ﻭﺧﻼﻓﺎ ﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺘﲔ، ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺭﺍﺋﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒـﺆ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﻧﻈﺮ "ﺑﻠﻮﻍ" ٠٨٩١؛ "ﻛﺎﻟﺪﻭﻳﻞ"، ٢٨٩١(. ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻧﲏ ﻻ ﺃﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﺪﻝ ﰲ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﲑ، ﻓﻘﺪ ﺫﻛﺮﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ. ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ، ﺍﻹﻗﻨـﺎﻉ، ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﰎ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴـﺰ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﻣـﺆﺧﺮﹰﺍ‬ ‫)ﻣﻜﻠﻮﺳﻜﻲ، ٦٨٩١(. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﻻ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﺇﺫ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﹰﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻣﻘﻨﻊ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ.‬ ‫٧- ﻛﻮﻻﻧﺪﺭ، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ٣١١.‬ ‫٨- ﻣﻘﺘﺒﺲ ﻣﻦ "ﻛﻮﻥ"، ١٦٩١، ﺹ١٦١.‬ ‫٩- ﺑﻠﻮﻍ، ٠٨٩١، ﺹ٩٤١.‬
  • 5. ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻋﺎﻡ ٠٣٩ ﻭﻣﺎ ﳒﻢ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ "ﻛﻴﱰ" ﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﳝﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻣـﻞ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻋﺎﺩ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﳝﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ، ﺣﻴﺚ ﳒﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ – ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥ – ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻊ "ﺃﺩﱏ" ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ.‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ "ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ" ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ:‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳌﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺃﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻫﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺤﺪﺩ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﻋﺪﺍﻟـﺔ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ، ﻭﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﺔ ﲝﻖ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﲟﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ )ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻳﻀـﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﻌﺎﺭ( ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ، ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻗـﻮﺓ ﺍﳊﻔـﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﻴﻞ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﺳﺘﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺷﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺴـﺠﻢ ﻣـﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻼ‪‬ﻢ ﺑﺄﻗﻞ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ‪‬ﻌﻴﻘﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺡ ﳍﻢ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺳﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﻭﻧﻪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﺄﻗﻞ ﻛﻠﻔﺔ ﳑﻜﻨﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﻈـﻴﻢ ﺃﺭﺑـﺎﺣﻬﻢ. ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﳊﺮ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻓﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﲔ ﺍﳍـﺎﺩﻓﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻌﻈـﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺑﺎﺣﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ – ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﻣﺔ – ﲢﺪﻳـﺪ ﺃﺳـﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻭﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ‪‬ﻌﻈـﻢ ﻣﻨـﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺴـﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺇﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻟـﺪﺧﻞ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ، ﻭﻧﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﻞ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ، ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻛﱪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻲ "ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼـﺎﱀ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ. ﻭ‪‬ﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﻢ "ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ.‬ ‫ﻳ‬
  • 6. ‫ﺭﲟﺎ ﱂ ﳛﻆ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎﳌﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺳﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻈﻲ ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ "ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﻔـﺎﺀﺓ" ﰲ‬ ‫ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ. ﺇﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ" ﻻ ‪‬ﺗﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺼﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ‪‬ﻔﺘـﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﹺ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺔ)٠١(. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ‪‬ﻌﺮﻑ ﺑﻠﻐـﺔ ﻫـﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﺇﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﲑ ‪‬ﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻳـﺘﻌﲔ ﺃﻥ ﳚﺘـﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺺ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ – ﻭﻫﻮ ﺇﻓﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻟﻮ ﳎﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋـﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﺗﻌﺲ ﳑﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ. ﻭﻳﺮﻯ "ﺟﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻟﺰ" ﺇﻧـﻪ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺀ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺳﻴﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﺴﺎ)١١(. ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﺤﺴﲔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﺧﺮ ﲡﻌﻠﻪ ﰲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﺳﻮﺃ ﳑﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺃﳒﺰﻩ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ‬ ‫– ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ – ﻫﻮ ﺇﺻﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺒﻪ ﺷﻠﻞ، ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﺩﻯ – ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ "ﺳﻮﻟﻮ"‬ ‫– ﺇﱃ "ﺍﻹﺣﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﲑ ﻫﺪﻯ")٢١(. ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺃﻃﻠﻖ "ﺷﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺷﻮﻟﺘﺰ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ "ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﳊﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺫﻯ" – ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺄﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻳﺬﺍﺀ ﺃﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ. ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ ﻫـﻮ ﺍﳌﺴـﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﹰﺍ)٣١(. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳍـﺎ ﺍﲡـﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺎﻥ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ – ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴـﺪﻱ –‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻄﺎ ﲟﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﳍﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﺇﻥ ﺷـﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﳍﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺪ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﺎﺕ ﻋـﱪ ﺍﻟﺰﻣـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ، ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻓﻀـﻰ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺿﻤﲏ ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﳝﺜﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻘﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ – ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ – ﻛﺄﻣﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻠﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﲔ ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٠١- ﻟﻴﺲ ﲦﺔ ﺷﻚ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻻ ﻳﺪﻋﻤﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴـﻮﻕ.‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻴﻪ. ﺏ. ﻛﻼﺭﻙ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻗﺎﺭﺑﺖ _ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻌﻴـﺪ –‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﳊﺪﻱ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﺘﻪ )ﺍﻧﻈﺮ "ﺳﺘﻴﻐﻠﺮ، ١٤٩١(. ﻭ‪‬ﺸﲑ "ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﺎﻥ" ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﻗﺎﺋﻼ: "ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋﻜـﺲ ﻣـﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺘﻬﻲ، ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥ – ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ – ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺣﺎﻓﺰ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ". "ﻣﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﺎﻥ، ٠٨٩١، ﺹ٣٢(.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫١١- ﺭﻭﻟﺰ، ٥٨٩١.‬ ‫٢١- ﺳﻮﻟﻮ، ١٨٩١، ﺹ٨٣؛ ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ "ﺳﻦ"، ٧٨٩١، ﺹ٢٣.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٣١- ﺷﻮﻟﺘﺰ، ٧٥٩١، ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ.‬
  • 7. ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﻲ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ "ﺩﻓﺎﻋﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨـﺔ")٤١(،‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺳﻴﺆﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻮﺻـﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺔ. ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﻃـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ )‪.(Pareto Optimality‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﻫﺎ :‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﻮﺽ "ﻛﻴﱰ" ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ. ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﲟﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ. ﺇﻥ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺙ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﰎ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﻴﺔ، ﺁﺧﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺃﻱ ‪‬ﺮﺷﺢ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻳﺘﻔـﻖ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ. ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﻏﲎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻬﺎ:‬ ‫ﺃ( ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ.‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ.‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺇﳊﺎﺡ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ.‬ ‫ﺩ( ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ.‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺽ ﺁﺩﻡ ﲰﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ ) ﺃ ( ﲢﻘﻖ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﻲ ﺣﺮ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ، ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺷـﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻠﺤﻆ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺪ ﳚﻌـﻞ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺻﻌﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ. ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺤﺼـﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺧﻔﺾ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ )ﺇﲨﺎﱄ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺹ( ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺎﱐ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ. ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﹸﺭﻳﺪ ﺇﳘـﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘـﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺃ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٤١- ﻫﺎﻥ، ٠٧٩١‬
  • 8. ‫ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺴ‪‬ﻞ ﳋﻔﺾ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫‪‬ﺒ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺬﻧﺎ ﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺳﺎﺋﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﺒﻴـﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺟـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ. ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨـﺎ ﻓﻘـﺪ ﻳﻜـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﺧﻔﻀﻪ. ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ، ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺱ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺤﺐ ﺧﻔﺾ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ. ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﻑ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣـﺎ ﰎ ﺍﳊـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻻ ‪‬ﺸـﺒﻊ –‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ – ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺃﻭ ‪‬ﺨﻔﻒ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻝ، ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﳑﻜﻨﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻻ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ. ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫـﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺈﻃﻼﻕ ﺃﻱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﻊ، ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺎﺕ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻌـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ، ﻭﺇﱃ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺧﺮﻕ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ،‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﲟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴﺎﺀ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻠﻌﺔ ‪‬ﻔﻀﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻼﻛﻬﺎ ﻛﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ. ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﻛﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﺧﻔﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﲡﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ.‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ، ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻠﻮﺙ ﺃ‪‬ﺎﺭ ﹸﻄﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻗﻄـﺎﺭ ﻫـﻮ ﳋﺪﻣـﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻓـﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻳﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻮﺙ ﻧﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺇﺳﺎﺀﺓ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻫﻮ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻔﺸﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ. ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻦ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ‪‬ﺘﺨﺬ ﻹﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻮﺙ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺳﻴﺆﺩﻱ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ، ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﲜﻌﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﲔ ﹸﻨﺘﺞ ﻣﻌﲔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺃﺳﻮﺃ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻋﻠـﻰ ﻭﺍﻟـﺮﺑﺢ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻗﻞ، ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﻜﻞ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ. ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺭﺩﻧﺎ ﰲ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﻟـﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ، ﻓﻠﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻻ ﻧﺄﺧﺬ ﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻜـﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﲨﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻏـﲑ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﻋـﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
  • 9. ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؟ ﻭﳛﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺀ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻟﻴﺘﺴﺎﺀﻝ ﳌﺎﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﰲ ﺇﻃـﻼﻕ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﳝﺘﻨﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ )ﺏ(، ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ، ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺇﻋﻄـﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﻭﺯﻧﺎ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺎ ﰲ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻮﻕ. ﻭﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﻮﺍﻓـﻖ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ‪‬ﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ، ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻓـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻹﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻩ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ، ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴـﺎﺀ ﳝﻠﻜـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﻏﺒـﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺷـﺮﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺎﻷﺳـﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﲟﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴـﺎﺀ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪ ﳝﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﲝﻜﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺃﺻﻮﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ، ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﰲ ﺳﻠﻢ ﺃﻓﻀﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ‪‬ﺸﻜﻞ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﺭﺓ ﰲ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺮ ﺍﳋﺎﱄ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺛﺮ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻠﻜﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﳍﺎ. ﻓﻬﻮ ‪‬ﻳﻘ‪‬ﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺇﳊﺎﺡ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺪﺭ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﻤﻦ. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺤﻠﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﳊﺎﺡ، ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﻫﻢ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﻫﻢ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻻﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻓﻘﲑﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺕ ‪‬ـﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻠﻴـﺐ‬ ‫ﲣﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺕ ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﻛـﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ. ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﻦ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺇﳊﺎﺡ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ، ﻓـﺈﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ )ﺝ( ﻟﻦ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﺀ ﺑﻪ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ "ﺁﺭﺛﺮ ﺃﻭﻛﻦ" ﻣﺤﻘﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺘﻪ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﲤﻴـﻞ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫"ﻣﻨﺢ ﺟﻮﺍﺋﺰ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻔﺎﺋﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺈﻃﻌﺎﻡ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻷﻟﻴﻔﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻄﻌﻢ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻃﻔﺎﳍﻢ")٥١(.‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺗﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻁ )ﺩ(، ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍ ﹸﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﳎﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﳌ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ )‪ (Theoretical Construct‬ﻟﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴـﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻤـﺔ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬ ‫‪ ‬‬ ‫٥١- ﺃﻭﻛﻦ، ٥٧٩١، ﺹ.١١‬
  • 10. ‫ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﻠﻤﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ‪‬ﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ. ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﲢﺼﻰ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﲢﺒﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴـﻮﻕ ﻭﺗﺘﺴـﺒﺐ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﲑ ﺍﳊﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﻲ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ، ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ – ﰲ ﺣﺪ ﺫﺍ‪‬ﺎ –‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﳛﻈﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﺪ ﺗﱰﻉ ﻷﻥ ﺗﻜـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﺐ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ.‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﰲ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﻕ ‪‬ﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺸـﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻫﺎ، ﺣﱴ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ)٦١(، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﺒﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳـﺎﺕ ﰲ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ)٧١(. ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ‪‬ﺪﺧﻞ ﲢﻴﺰﹰﺍ ﻣﺘﺄﺻﻼ ﺿﺪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ‪‬ﲏ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ:‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ‪‬ﺤﺎﻃﺎ ﲟﻮﺍﻗﻒ ‪‬ﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎﹰ، ﻭﺍﻟﺴـﺒﺐ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻣ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻮ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻌﺒﲑ "ﻛﻮﻥ")٨١( – "ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻘﻘﺖ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺩﻳـﲏ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ. ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﺃﻓﻀﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ‪‬ﻔﺮﻁ ﺑﺎﳊﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﲔ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﲔ: ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﻃـﻼﻕ ﺃﻳـﺔ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ، ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ – ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ – ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ. ﻭﻣﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﹰﺍ. ﻭﻟﻮ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻗـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‪‬ﻤﺪﺕ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺭﲟﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻱ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ. ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻦ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺗـﺒﲏ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺘ‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ – ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺎﻙ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ – ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﺘﻔﻆ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﻛﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ. ﻭﺇﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ‪‬ﺎ، ﻫﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩ. ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻏـﲑ ﻗـﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ – ﻓﻬﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺇﺳﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀـﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﰲ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺿﺪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ‬ ‫٦١- ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻥ، ٥٨٩١، ﺹ.٦١‬ ‫٧١- ﺗﻮﱐ، ٨٤٩١، ﺹ.٢١‬ ‫٨١- ﻛﻮﻥ، .٠٧٩١‬
  • 11. ‫ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻫﺎ. ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻔﺴﺮ ﳌﺎﺫﺍ – ﺑﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠـﻲ – ﺗﺒﻘـﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺩﺧـﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﺳـﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻛﻨﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻧﻄﻼﻕ، ﻭﻣﻦ ﰒ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ، ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﱂ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻃﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻲ. ﻭﻟﻘـﺪ ﻛـﺎﻥ "ﻟﻮﻛـﺎﺱ"‬ ‫ﻭ"ﺳﺮﺟﻨﺖ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺘﻪ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻲ ﻭﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ")٩١(. ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ "ﺃﺭﻭ" ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ "ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﺢ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ" )٠٢(. ﻭﰲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴـﻮﻕ،‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ‪‬ﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﺍﹰ، ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻏـﲑ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫‪‬ﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ، ﺳﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺀ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻋﻢ.‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ، ﺃﻭ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳـﺪﻋﻮﻩ "ﻻﻛـﺎﺗﻮﺱ" ﺑــ "ﺑﺮﻧـﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ")١٢(. ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺣﻞ ﺇﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓـﻪ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺇﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﻫﻴﻜﻠﻪ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﱴ ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﻔـﺎﺀﺓ ﰲ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ – ﻧﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺄ‪‬ﻧﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻲ. ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﱂ ﳚﻌﻠﻪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﲡﺮﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻭﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺟﻌﻠﻪ ﺃﻳﻀـﺎ ﻗﻠﻴـﻞ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﳘﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺧﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺣﻜﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺍ ﹸﺴﻠﻢ ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺷﻚ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ. ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻝ "ﺑﻠـﻮﻍ"،‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻮ ‪‬ﺼﻴﺐ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ: "ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳـﺮﺍﻡ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ")٢٢(. ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫٩١- ﻟﻮﻛﺎﺱ ﻭﺳﺎﺭﺟﻨﺖ، ٩٧٩١، ﺹ.٤‬ ‫٠٢- ﻛﻴﻨﻴﺚ ﺃﺭﻭ، ٧٦٩١، ﺹ٤٣٧. ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﻴﺘﺮ ﻫﺎﻭﻳﺖ، ﺹ.٣٧٢‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫١٢- ﻻﻛﺎﺗﻮﺱ، .٤٧٩١‬ ‫٢٢- ﺑﻠﻮﻍ، ٠٨٩١، ﺹ.٣١‬
  • 12. ‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻹﳚﺎﺩ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ)٣٢(. ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻗـﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺄﺧﺬﻫﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ، ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻳﻮﺻﻠﻨﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﳕـﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺠﻪ.‬ ‫٣٢- ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ، ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻍ، ٢٨٩١؛ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻭﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻝ، ١٨٩١؛ ﺩﻭﺑﻔﲑ، .٦٧٩١‬
  • 13. ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ:‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻫﺪﻓﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ )ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ، ٥٢ : ٧٥( )٤٢(. ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺣﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ، ﻓﻬﻮ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ. ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺇﺧﻮﺓ، ﻭﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﺍﷲ ﳍﻢ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺇﳕﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﺋﺘﻤﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺣﺮﺻﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫، ﻭﺃﺅﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﷲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻔﻘﻮﻫﺎ، ﺇﻥ ﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﻓﺨﲑ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺷﺮﹰﺍ ﻓﺸﺮ.‬ ‫ﻭﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ – ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ؛ ﺑﻞ ﺗﺘﻄﻠـﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧـﺎ ﺑـﲔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ. ﻓﺎﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻻ ‪‬ﺸﺒﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺗﺘﻄﻠـﺐ ﺃﻳﻀـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺸﻴﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺤﺔ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﷲ)٥٢(. ﺇﻥ ﺇﻏﻔﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﺮ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭ‪‬ﻔـﺎﻗﻢ ﻋﻼﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸـﺬﻭﺫ‬ ‫ﻳ ‪‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻹﺣﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﳉﺮﳝﺔ ﻭﺇﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺨﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﺤـﺎﺭ –‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﺪﻝ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ. ﻭﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻤـﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻌـﲏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻧﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺼﺪﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻲ. ﻓﺎﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰎ ﺑﻪ ﲨﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ، ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫٤٢- ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ، ﺍﻧﻈﺮ "ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ"، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ١٠٢-.٣١٢‬ ‫٥٢- ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ٧-٩ ﻟﻼﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﳐﺘﺼﺮﺓ ﳌﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ. ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﳌﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻉ: ﺍﳌﺎﺗﺮﻳـﺪﻱ )ﺕ٣٣٣ﻫــ/٤٤٩ﻡ( ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺷـﻲ‬ ‫)ﺕ٥٦٣ﻫـ/٥٧٩ﻡ(، ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻼﱐ )ﺕ٣٠٤ﻫـ/٢١٠١ﻡ(، ﺍﻟﻐﺰﺍﱄ )ﺕ٥٠٥ﻫـ/١١١ﻡ(، ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺯﻱ )ﺕ ٦٠٦ﻫــ/٩٠٢١ﻡ(،‬ ‫ﺍﻵﻣﺪﻱ )ﺕ ١٣٦ﻫـ/٤٣٢١ﻡ(، ﻋﺰ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ)ﺕ ٢٦٢ﻫـ/٠٦٦ﻡ(، ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ )ﺕ ٨٢٧ﻫـ/٧٢٣١ﻡ( ﻭﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻃﱯ‬ ‫)ﺕ ٠٩٧ﻫـ/٨٨٣١ﻡ(. ﻭﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺻﺪ، ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺴﻮﱐ، ٢٩٩١، ﺹ٥٢-٥٥، ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ، ٤٩٩١، ﺹ ٩٨١-‬ ‫٨٦٢ ﻭﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ، .٧٧٩١‬
  • 14. ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﳍﺎ ﻭﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻜـﺜﲑ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﻣﻜﻦ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻠﻖ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍ‪‬ﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ، ﻭﺍﻹﺿﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ.‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳊﻨﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﺄﻱ ﲤﻴﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ. ﻓﻜﻞ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﱐ – ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﺃﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓـﻪ "ﻣﺎﺩﻳـﺔ" ﺃﻭ‬ ‫"ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" ﺃﻭ "ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ" ﺃﻭ "ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ" – ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻃﺎﳌﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻨﺴـﺠﻢ ﻣـﻊ ﺃﺧـﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ. ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺃﺳﺮﺗﻪ ﺃﻭ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ، ﺷﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻻ ﻳﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ؛ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﺿـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ، ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﲤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨـﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﱪ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺰﺀﹰﺍ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰﺃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ، ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﷲ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭ ‪‬ﻠﻪ )ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﲨﻴﻌﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲏ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ(، ﲟﻦ ﻓـﻴﻬﻢ ﺇﺑـﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫‪‬ﺳ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻭﳏﻤﺪ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺳﻼﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﲨﻴﻌﺎ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ – ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈـﺮ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ – ﺍﲰﺮﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺗﺸﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺿـﻤﻦ ﻋـﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻬﻬﺎ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻥ.‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺽ – ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ – ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ، ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ – ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ –‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ‪‬ﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼـﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ. ﻭﰲ ﺣﲔ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﹸﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌـﺪﻓﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻃ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ، ﻻ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ. ﻭﻳﺘﺒﲎ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ: ﺇﺫ ﰲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎ ﺃﻭ ﳏﻜﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﻀﺔ، ﻗﺪ ﳝﻴﻞ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻷﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺳـﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﲔ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ‪‬ﺸﻜﻼﻥ ﻃﺮﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ. ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ‪‬ﻌﺘـﱪ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ ﺃﻧـﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ، ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﳚﻌﻞ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳍـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ. ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺇﺫ ﻳﻌﻤﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﳕﺎ ﻳﻌﻤﺪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺇﻛﺮﺍﻩ. ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﻤﺪ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫‪‬‬
  • 15. ‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﻛﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﻫﺮ، ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﳍﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺤﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ. ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ)٦٢( ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﺎﻋﻼ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ ﺍﶈﺪﺩﺓ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺔ:‬ ‫ﻻ ﺗﻌﲏ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺯﻉ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻛﻤﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ ﲣﺼـﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﳍﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ. ﻓﺎﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ‪‬ﻜﻤﻞ ﻵﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ، ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﳌﺼﻔﺎﺗﲔ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﺼـﻔﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ. ﻓﺎﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ )ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ( ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ‪‬ﺠﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻏﲑ ﺍﶈﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭ‪‬ﻬﺎﲨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻬﺎ – ﻭﻫﻮ ﺿﻤﲑ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ – ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ‪‬ﻠﻢ ﺃﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﲟﺎ ‪‬ﻼﺋﻢ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﳝﺮ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ، ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ.‬ ‫ﻭﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤـﻊ ﻏـﲑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ، ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺄ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ. ﻓﺎﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﺟﹺـﺪ ﻫـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺘﻼﺀﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻷﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﻻ ‪‬ﺴﻬﻢ ﰲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺋﺬ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻯ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻣﻜﻤﻼ)٧٢(.ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﺋﺬ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺾ ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣـﻦ ﺷـﺄﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺾ ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ‪‬ﺴﺒﺒﻪ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫٦٢- ‪‬ﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺎ : ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ – ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺎﻟـﻪ "ﻧـﻮﺭﺙ" –‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ. ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ )ﻛﺎﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺳﺎﺗﲑ( ﻭﻏﲑ ﺭﲰﻴﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻮﻙ، ﻭﺍﻷﻋـﺮﺍﻑ،‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺎ( ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ". )ﻧﻮﺭﺙ، ٤٩٩١، ﺹ٠٦٣(.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫٧٢- ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ، ٥٨٩١ ﻭ.٢٩٩١‬
  • 16. ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻓﺰ:‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺣﱴ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ‪‬ﺮﺷﺢ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﺤﻔﺰ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ،‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻭﲞﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻗﻮﻳﺎﺀ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﻤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺍﻹﺿﺮﺍﺭ ﲟﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ؟ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ. ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ، ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻀـﺮﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺮﹰﺍ ﺳﻴﺌﺎﹰ، ﺇﺫ ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻻ ﻏﲎ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ. ﻧﻌﻢ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﺎﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﻓﺸﺎﻝ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ. ﻛﻴﻒ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ؟‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻃﻮﻝ ﺃﺟﻼ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫– ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻟﻴﻌﱪ ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ. ﻓﻔﻲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺘﺼﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻧﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ، ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟـﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ. ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ – ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻛﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻ ﰲ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻟﻪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻌﺎﱃ، ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﻭﻋﻘﺎﺏ – ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳛﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻃﻴﺎﺗـﻪ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺰ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﲜﻌﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ، ﻭﺑـﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ، ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ.‬ ‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ:‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﲣﻒ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﹸ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﻴﺄﺓ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩﺓ. ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﻦ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻨﺼﺮ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ، ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ، ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟـﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ. ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﻒ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺔ، ﻭﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺇﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
  • 17. ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ)٨٢(. ﺇﻥ ﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺻﻮﻡ ﺭﻣﻀـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳊﺞ ﻭﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺰﻛﺎﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ – ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻠﻪ – ﻹﳚﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ. ﻓﻬـﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﲔ ﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﲢﻔﺰﻫﻢ ﻟﻼﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑـﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲤﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺿﺮﺍﺭ ﲟﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﲑ. ﺇﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺌـﺔ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩﺓ ﻗﺪ ‪‬ﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺭﻓـﻊ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻄﺔ ﻭﺧﻔﺾ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﳌﻬـﺪﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺬﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﻑ. ﺇﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺣﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺩﺓ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﺑﻞ ﻭﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﺎﹸﻢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻗ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ، ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺰ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ:‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻫـﺬﻩ،‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬ﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻮﺓ ﻭﺧﻔﺾ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﻂ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ)٩٢(. ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺣﱴ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﺴـﺎﻃﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻛﲔ ﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍ ﹸﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍ ﹸﺸﺒﻌﺔ، ﺃﻭ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻨـﺪﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﳌ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ. ﻭﰲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺎﺓ )ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ(‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺣﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ، ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ.‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻧﺸﻄﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻼ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ. ﻭﻳـﺘﻌﲔ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺮﻑ ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎﹰ، ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻓﲑ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﺇﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺺ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻭﻣﻨﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ. ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻢ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ. ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﺠـﻮﺀ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺻﺎﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲤﻠﻚ ﻭﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ. ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺗﻨﻘﻴﻒ ﻭﺣﻔﺰ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫٨٢- ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺕ،‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻮﻝ ٧-١١ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ" .٢٩٩١‬ ‫٩٢- ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ، ﺍﻧﻈﺮ "ﺷﺎﺑﺮﺍ"، .٩٧٩١‬