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CLIMATE NEGOTIATIONS CANCUN, MEXICO NOV-DEC 2010 NGO NEWSLETTER
ECO has been published by Non-Governmental Environmental Groups at major international conferences since the Stockholm Environment
Conference in 1972. ECO is produced co-operatively by the Climate Action Network at the UNFCCC meetings in Cancun in November-December 2010.
ECO email: eco@sunlightdata.com – ECO website: http://climatenetwork.org/eco-newsletters – Editorial/Production: Fred Heutte
I S S U E N O 1 V O L U M E C X X V I I
N OV E M B E R
29
MESOAMERICAN
ISSUE
F R E E O F C H A R G E
Opening Moves
Cancun should deliver a substantial package
of decisions that provides a clear framework
for climate action. Such a package will move
forward toward a legally binding agreement
and put positive pressure on countries to go
beyond their current quite inadequate pledg-
es and commitments. The Cancun package
must progress both the KP and LCA tracks
and secure agreements on all building blocks,
namely mitigation/MRV, finance, adaptation,
REDD, technology, the legal form, the sci-
ence review, and a road map for South Africa
and beyond.
This means all countries must do their fair
share to secure success in Cancun. And so
ECO would like to take the liberty of identi-
fying some opening moves that key countries
should make so that Cancun starts on a con-
structive note, open negotiating space for the
coming two weeks, and deliver outcomes that
will set us on the pathway towards the ambi-
tious, global treaty we need.
ECO supports the United States objective
of increasing the transparency of mitigation
actions by developing countries, but it must
be part of a broader framework that includes
greater transparency of developed country
actions on both mitigation and finance. And
so instead of pressurizing others, the US
should announce its willingness to increase
the transparency of its own actions. The draft
decision text being circulated by the EU call-
ing for more detailed information in Annex
1 national communications would be a very
good way to start. Making it clear that sup-
porting enhanced transparency for everybody
includes the US itself will make adoption of
a balanced package of decisions here in Can-
cun much more likely. Just say yes!
ECO expects the European Union to speak
out much more clearly in favour of a second
commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol,
so that a constructive dialogue between de-
veloped and developing countries leading to
a legally binding agreement from both tracks
can be achieved. To provide further support
for the Kyoto Protocol the EU should also
help close the loopholes in its own position
on AAU surplus and LULUCF. Those helpful
moves on the Kyoto track can be bolstered by
the EU championing the establishment of the
UNFCCC climate fund.
China should take a more progressive
role in the international negotiations instead
of just continually reacting to provocations
from others. That way, China can building
strongly on its domestic momentum for low
carbon and clean energy development. For
Cancun, this means China should now put
forth its own views on the form international
consultation and analysis should take, as well
as challenge the US to clearly commit itself
to proper MRV, along with other developed
countries.
Japan must show more flexibility about
the second commitment period of the Kyo-
to Protocol. Upfront rejection will create
an unconstructive atmosphere for the entire
negotiations. Kyoto was the product of hard
negotiations, not only for the specific targets,
In the lead-up to Copenhagen and since,
climate finance ranked has ranked higher
and higher on the list of make-or-break
issues. It’s both vitally important and
politically challenging. As COP16 kicks
off, however, there are worrying signs
that negotiators may be taking their eye
off the ball and sleepwalking toward a
result that does little to resolve the inad-
equacies of existing institutional arrange-
ments.
To be sure, there is good news also.
Over the course of 2010, talks on a new
global climate fund have been produc-
tive – and now there are proposals and
options on the table to provide for its es-
tablishment here in Cancun, with details
to be worked out in time for COP17. But
the establishment of the Fund and related
climate finance decisions are far from a
done deal. Many of the emerging ‘areas
of convergence’ on the table may not de-
liver the fair, legitimate and effective cli-
mate fund that’s really needed.
For example, many Parties appear ready
to accept equal representation between
Annex I and non-Annex I on the Fund
Board. Because there are roughly three
times as many developing countries, this
means that each developing country will
have one-third the voice in the Fund’s
governance. This notion of ‘equal repre-
– Climate Fund, continued on page 2
A Climate Fund
Worth Fighting For
– Opening Moves, continued on page 2
CLIMATE NEGOTIATIONS CANCUN, MEXICO NOV-DEC 2010 NGO NEWSLETTER
I S S U E N O 1 V O L U M E C X X V I I F R E E O F C H A R G E
sentation’is a big step backward from the
precedent established by the Adaptation
Fund, which additionally has two seats
from each of the UN regional groups plus
one each for LDCs and SIDS. It’s hard
to see how, in the end, this would deliver
arrangements that are any different from
the GEF. Is this the “balanced’ guaran-
tee of interests needed for all UNFCCC
members?
Secondly, none of the textual propos-
als tabled so far guarantee any balance
between adaptation and mitigation fund-
ing – something most countries agree in
principle even though it has not been de-
livered in practice to date.
Adaptation currently receives scarcely
10% of the overall climate finance port-
folio. Unless Parties agree a dedicated
adaptation window in the new Fund with
at least 50% of the monies channelled to
it, we can only assume the current trend
will continue. Is this what Parties really
mean by ‘balance’?
Third, textual proposals for guidelines
to ensure that the most vulnerable com-
munities, especially women in rural ar-
eas, will ultimately benefit aren’t diffi-
cult to improve – only because right now
there aren’t any such proposals. But this
is easy to address with a few lines of text
and it’s hard to imagine any country op-
posing it. Who is against guarantees that
gender equity will receive particular at-
tention in adaptation support?
Finally, everyone knows building an-
other near-empty fund is pointless. Sev-
eral options to deliver predictable sources
of innovative financing – such as a levy
on international shipping and aviation as
part of an emissions reduction scheme
– were presented by the UN Secretary
General’s High-level Advisory Group on
Climate Finance less than a month ago.
In fact, it’s clear from the AGF Report
that raising $100 billion or more in pub-
lic finance is possible. But unless Parties
work in concert to map out options for
putting such proposals into practice, a de-
cision to establish a new Fund could de-
liver an empty shell. Is this what Parties
had in mind in Bali when they agreed to
‘improve access to adequate, predictable
and sustainable financial resources’?
but also for a top-down approach so that ag-
gregate emission reductions are driven by the
science. ECO hopes that Japan still remem-
bers the sleepless nights in Kyoto and knows
that while the Protocol is not perfect, there is
still a lot to be proud of. More openness on
Kyoto will signal that it acknowledges that
the Kyoto architecture is important to a vast
majority of Parties and opens the way forward
for securing a stronger global architecture.
India should help broker a solution to the
dilemma of international consultation and
analysis by tabling its own ICA proposal, un-
equivocally stating that it will work towards
creating a rule-based system of multilateral
governance within the UNFCCC and ensur-
ing transparency and accountability. Another
constructive move will be to support efforts
to identify substantial and innovative sources
of public finance for the new global climate
fund.
Brazil could come forward as a champion
for the creation of a fair climate fund in Can-
cun, supported through innovative sources of
public funding, which fully funds not only
mitigation but equally so adaptation. Brazil
also should come forward as a leading coun-
try fighting for responsible and transparent
LULUCF accounting rules to help reduce and
close the Gigatonne Gap.
It’s time for Mexico to play a more crea-
tive role in its welcome efforts toward trust-
building in the COP 16 presidency. Mexico
is well positioned to spur Parties to tackle the
issues that could otherwise drive the negotia-
tions into deadlock: legal form, the road map
on crunch issues post-Cancun, the Gigatonne
Gap, the science review and more.
Russia has an AAU surplus of 6 billion
tonnes of CO2 that is creating grave uncer-
tainty for the negotiations, carbon markets
and the environmental integrity of the Kyoto
Protocol. It’s time for clear statements from
Russia that it will not sell its AAU surplus
from the 1st commitment period. That kind
of good political will can go a long way to
ensuring progress can be made in Cancun
on dealing with AAU surplus, and give a big
boost to closing the Gigatonne Gap.
ECO hopes this list of substantial but
manageable first moves will help clarify
the middle game on the Cancun chess-
board and lead to a solution that makes
everyone a winner.
– Opening Moves, continued from page 1 – Climate Fund, continued from page 1
COP 16 will be the seventh Conference of
the Parties since the Kyoto Protocol en-
tered into force in February 2005. That’s
a lot of talking. And the physical layout
of these meetings means there is also a
great deal of walking.
But, lack of progress in the negotia-
tions shows that so far not enough gov-
ernments are ‘Walking the Talk’.
To highlight this disconnect, Green-
peace is hosting More Walk, Less Talk, a
competition to find the person – and the
country – that covers the most ground
in Cancun. And there will be fabulous
prizes!
As we all know, walking is very good for
us – among its many benefits it is credit-
ed with improving circulation, bolstering
the immune system, and helping keep us
in shape.
It is also, of course, good for the cli-
mate.
So, the race to the future starts now.
Grab your step-counter . . . reset . . . and
go!
Get your pedometer from the Green-
peace booth or Greenpeace representa-
tives around the Moon Palace. Register
at morewalklesstalk.org. Winners will
be announced on December 10th.
And by the way – did we mention the
fabulous prizes?
A New Way to
Walk the Talks –
And Fabulous Prizes!
The decisions taken here in Cancun
may not result in the FAB deal that is
increasingly overdue. But they will have
profound, long-standing implications for
the institutional architecture of the future
international climate regime.
A fair climate fund is definitely within
reach, and ECO calls on all Parties to
stand up for it.

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Eco nov29

  • 1. CLIMATE NEGOTIATIONS CANCUN, MEXICO NOV-DEC 2010 NGO NEWSLETTER ECO has been published by Non-Governmental Environmental Groups at major international conferences since the Stockholm Environment Conference in 1972. ECO is produced co-operatively by the Climate Action Network at the UNFCCC meetings in Cancun in November-December 2010. ECO email: eco@sunlightdata.com – ECO website: http://climatenetwork.org/eco-newsletters – Editorial/Production: Fred Heutte I S S U E N O 1 V O L U M E C X X V I I N OV E M B E R 29 MESOAMERICAN ISSUE F R E E O F C H A R G E Opening Moves Cancun should deliver a substantial package of decisions that provides a clear framework for climate action. Such a package will move forward toward a legally binding agreement and put positive pressure on countries to go beyond their current quite inadequate pledg- es and commitments. The Cancun package must progress both the KP and LCA tracks and secure agreements on all building blocks, namely mitigation/MRV, finance, adaptation, REDD, technology, the legal form, the sci- ence review, and a road map for South Africa and beyond. This means all countries must do their fair share to secure success in Cancun. And so ECO would like to take the liberty of identi- fying some opening moves that key countries should make so that Cancun starts on a con- structive note, open negotiating space for the coming two weeks, and deliver outcomes that will set us on the pathway towards the ambi- tious, global treaty we need. ECO supports the United States objective of increasing the transparency of mitigation actions by developing countries, but it must be part of a broader framework that includes greater transparency of developed country actions on both mitigation and finance. And so instead of pressurizing others, the US should announce its willingness to increase the transparency of its own actions. The draft decision text being circulated by the EU call- ing for more detailed information in Annex 1 national communications would be a very good way to start. Making it clear that sup- porting enhanced transparency for everybody includes the US itself will make adoption of a balanced package of decisions here in Can- cun much more likely. Just say yes! ECO expects the European Union to speak out much more clearly in favour of a second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol, so that a constructive dialogue between de- veloped and developing countries leading to a legally binding agreement from both tracks can be achieved. To provide further support for the Kyoto Protocol the EU should also help close the loopholes in its own position on AAU surplus and LULUCF. Those helpful moves on the Kyoto track can be bolstered by the EU championing the establishment of the UNFCCC climate fund. China should take a more progressive role in the international negotiations instead of just continually reacting to provocations from others. That way, China can building strongly on its domestic momentum for low carbon and clean energy development. For Cancun, this means China should now put forth its own views on the form international consultation and analysis should take, as well as challenge the US to clearly commit itself to proper MRV, along with other developed countries. Japan must show more flexibility about the second commitment period of the Kyo- to Protocol. Upfront rejection will create an unconstructive atmosphere for the entire negotiations. Kyoto was the product of hard negotiations, not only for the specific targets, In the lead-up to Copenhagen and since, climate finance ranked has ranked higher and higher on the list of make-or-break issues. It’s both vitally important and politically challenging. As COP16 kicks off, however, there are worrying signs that negotiators may be taking their eye off the ball and sleepwalking toward a result that does little to resolve the inad- equacies of existing institutional arrange- ments. To be sure, there is good news also. Over the course of 2010, talks on a new global climate fund have been produc- tive – and now there are proposals and options on the table to provide for its es- tablishment here in Cancun, with details to be worked out in time for COP17. But the establishment of the Fund and related climate finance decisions are far from a done deal. Many of the emerging ‘areas of convergence’ on the table may not de- liver the fair, legitimate and effective cli- mate fund that’s really needed. For example, many Parties appear ready to accept equal representation between Annex I and non-Annex I on the Fund Board. Because there are roughly three times as many developing countries, this means that each developing country will have one-third the voice in the Fund’s governance. This notion of ‘equal repre- – Climate Fund, continued on page 2 A Climate Fund Worth Fighting For – Opening Moves, continued on page 2
  • 2. CLIMATE NEGOTIATIONS CANCUN, MEXICO NOV-DEC 2010 NGO NEWSLETTER I S S U E N O 1 V O L U M E C X X V I I F R E E O F C H A R G E sentation’is a big step backward from the precedent established by the Adaptation Fund, which additionally has two seats from each of the UN regional groups plus one each for LDCs and SIDS. It’s hard to see how, in the end, this would deliver arrangements that are any different from the GEF. Is this the “balanced’ guaran- tee of interests needed for all UNFCCC members? Secondly, none of the textual propos- als tabled so far guarantee any balance between adaptation and mitigation fund- ing – something most countries agree in principle even though it has not been de- livered in practice to date. Adaptation currently receives scarcely 10% of the overall climate finance port- folio. Unless Parties agree a dedicated adaptation window in the new Fund with at least 50% of the monies channelled to it, we can only assume the current trend will continue. Is this what Parties really mean by ‘balance’? Third, textual proposals for guidelines to ensure that the most vulnerable com- munities, especially women in rural ar- eas, will ultimately benefit aren’t diffi- cult to improve – only because right now there aren’t any such proposals. But this is easy to address with a few lines of text and it’s hard to imagine any country op- posing it. Who is against guarantees that gender equity will receive particular at- tention in adaptation support? Finally, everyone knows building an- other near-empty fund is pointless. Sev- eral options to deliver predictable sources of innovative financing – such as a levy on international shipping and aviation as part of an emissions reduction scheme – were presented by the UN Secretary General’s High-level Advisory Group on Climate Finance less than a month ago. In fact, it’s clear from the AGF Report that raising $100 billion or more in pub- lic finance is possible. But unless Parties work in concert to map out options for putting such proposals into practice, a de- cision to establish a new Fund could de- liver an empty shell. Is this what Parties had in mind in Bali when they agreed to ‘improve access to adequate, predictable and sustainable financial resources’? but also for a top-down approach so that ag- gregate emission reductions are driven by the science. ECO hopes that Japan still remem- bers the sleepless nights in Kyoto and knows that while the Protocol is not perfect, there is still a lot to be proud of. More openness on Kyoto will signal that it acknowledges that the Kyoto architecture is important to a vast majority of Parties and opens the way forward for securing a stronger global architecture. India should help broker a solution to the dilemma of international consultation and analysis by tabling its own ICA proposal, un- equivocally stating that it will work towards creating a rule-based system of multilateral governance within the UNFCCC and ensur- ing transparency and accountability. Another constructive move will be to support efforts to identify substantial and innovative sources of public finance for the new global climate fund. Brazil could come forward as a champion for the creation of a fair climate fund in Can- cun, supported through innovative sources of public funding, which fully funds not only mitigation but equally so adaptation. Brazil also should come forward as a leading coun- try fighting for responsible and transparent LULUCF accounting rules to help reduce and close the Gigatonne Gap. It’s time for Mexico to play a more crea- tive role in its welcome efforts toward trust- building in the COP 16 presidency. Mexico is well positioned to spur Parties to tackle the issues that could otherwise drive the negotia- tions into deadlock: legal form, the road map on crunch issues post-Cancun, the Gigatonne Gap, the science review and more. Russia has an AAU surplus of 6 billion tonnes of CO2 that is creating grave uncer- tainty for the negotiations, carbon markets and the environmental integrity of the Kyoto Protocol. It’s time for clear statements from Russia that it will not sell its AAU surplus from the 1st commitment period. That kind of good political will can go a long way to ensuring progress can be made in Cancun on dealing with AAU surplus, and give a big boost to closing the Gigatonne Gap. ECO hopes this list of substantial but manageable first moves will help clarify the middle game on the Cancun chess- board and lead to a solution that makes everyone a winner. – Opening Moves, continued from page 1 – Climate Fund, continued from page 1 COP 16 will be the seventh Conference of the Parties since the Kyoto Protocol en- tered into force in February 2005. That’s a lot of talking. And the physical layout of these meetings means there is also a great deal of walking. But, lack of progress in the negotia- tions shows that so far not enough gov- ernments are ‘Walking the Talk’. To highlight this disconnect, Green- peace is hosting More Walk, Less Talk, a competition to find the person – and the country – that covers the most ground in Cancun. And there will be fabulous prizes! As we all know, walking is very good for us – among its many benefits it is credit- ed with improving circulation, bolstering the immune system, and helping keep us in shape. It is also, of course, good for the cli- mate. So, the race to the future starts now. Grab your step-counter . . . reset . . . and go! Get your pedometer from the Green- peace booth or Greenpeace representa- tives around the Moon Palace. Register at morewalklesstalk.org. Winners will be announced on December 10th. And by the way – did we mention the fabulous prizes? A New Way to Walk the Talks – And Fabulous Prizes! The decisions taken here in Cancun may not result in the FAB deal that is increasingly overdue. But they will have profound, long-standing implications for the institutional architecture of the future international climate regime. A fair climate fund is definitely within reach, and ECO calls on all Parties to stand up for it.