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Read the Job Choice Scenario.
Write a 400 word paper answering the following questions:
· What are the advantages and disadvantages for each job listed
in the scenario?
· Which job would you choose in this scenario? Why?
Format your paper consistent with APA guidelines.
Job Choice Scenario
Review the following scenario and identify the advantages and
disadvantages that exist for each job opportunity. Use your
analysis to write your “Choosing the Right Job” paper, due in
Week Five.
Mary can hardly believe it! Graduation day has finally arrived.
This is the day she has been waiting on, for four long years.
Now, her hard work and dedication have paid off. Not only is
she graduating with her college degree, she has received two job
offers. What else could a person ask for? This is a dream come
true.
As soon as she’s finished celebrating, she knows she must sit
down and weight out her options and decide which job to
accept. Following are her options:
· Job offer number one is an opportunity to work as a
Psychological Associate at a small family owned rehab center.
The organization is small with a total employee base of 20
people. Everyone is friendly and on a first name basis with
President and owner. The owner is conscientious and works
hard to mentor each employee. The company has been in
existence for 15 years and has added five new employees during
the past year as it continues to grow. They offer a competitive
salary of $45,000 with raises promised once a year with
periodic bonuses. The job also offers health and dental
insurance along with two weeks paid vacation.
· The second job is with a large, well-known insurance company
as a Patient Liaison. In total the company employs
approximately 300 employees. The job pays $40,000 and
includes annual raises for good performance. The benefits
package includes company paid insurance and tuition
reimbursement. Employees receive one week vacation the first
year and three weeks’ vacation thereafter. In addition, the job
offers 401K with an employer matching contribution.
Which job offers the best start for Mary?
The Hofstede model
Applications to global branding and
advertising strategy and research
Marieke de Mooij and Geert Hofstede
Recent years have seen inereasing interest in the consequences
of culture for global mar-
keting and advertising. Many recent studies point at the
necessity of adapting branding
and advertising strategies to the culture of the eonsumer. In
order to understand cultural
differences, several models have been developed of which the
Hofstede model is the
most used. This article describes elements of this model that are
most relevant to brand-
ing and advertising, and reviews studies that have used the
model for aspcxts of inter-
national branding and for advertising research. It provides some
cautious remarks about
applying the model. Suggestions for more cross-cultural
research are added.
Introduction
T h e study of culture for understanding global advertising
results from the
global-local dilemma: whether to standardise advertising for
efficiency
reasons or to adapt to local habits and consumer motives to be
effective.
Only recently have studies included performance criteria and
several have
demonstrated that an adaptation strategy is more effective (Dow
2005;
Calantone etal. 2006; Okazaki etal. 2006; Wong & Merrilees
2007). As a
result, understanding culture will be viewed as increasingly
important. In
the past decades, various models have emerged of which the
Hofstede
model has been applied most to global marketing and
advertising.' Geert
Hofstede's dimensional model of national culture has been
applied to vari-
ous areas of global branding and advertising, and the underlying
theories
of consumer behaviour. T h e model has been used to explain
differences
' When we use the term global marketing and advertising, we
refer to advertising worldwide, not to
standardised advertising
Intemational Journal of Advertising, 29(1), pp. 85-110
© 2010 Advertising .Association
Published by Ware, www.warc.com
D O I : 10.2501/S0265(Ï487(»9201()4X 8 5
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1)
of the concepts of self, personality and identity, which in turn
explain
variations in branding strategy and communications. Another
area is infor-
mation processing, including differences in perception and
categorisation
that influence interpersonal and mass communication, and the
working
of advertising. This anide summarises various elements of
consumer
behaviour that affect global branding and advertising strategy,
and that
have been explained by the Hofstede model. Referring to
several issues
from Taylor's (2005, 2007) research agenda, we not only cover
advertising
research, but also questions concerning global brand image,
brand equity,
advertising and consumer behaviour theories in cross-cultural
contexts.
We have pulled a number of topics of this article together in
Figure 1.
First of all, we view cultural values as an integrated part of the
consumer's
self, not as an environmental factor. For developing effective
advertising
the consumer must be central. Cultural values define the self
and person-
ality of consumers. Next we distinguish mental processes and
social proc-
esses. Mental processes are mostly internal processes, how
people think,
learn, perceive, categorise and process information. Social
processes are
about how we relate to other people, including motivation and
emotions.
Both processes affect interpersonal and mass communication,
which in
turn affect advertising appeals and advertising style. All
elements must
Figure 1: Global advertising research - understanding cultural
values of consumers
Information processing
Categorisation
Absfract-concrete
1
Consumer
The self
Personality
Identity, Image
Cultural values
Advertising style
Brand positioning
Advertising strategy
Advertising appeal
Communication and culture, purpose of advertising
How advertising works across cultures
Cross-cultural advertising research
86
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
be taken into account when researching how advertising works
across
cultures. Cultural models help to analyse culture's consequences
for the
self and personality, mental and social processes, and how these
influence
global advertising strategy.
Cultural models applied to advertising research
Cultural models defme patterns of basic problems that have
consequences
for the functioning of groups and individuals, e.g. (a) relation to
authority;
(b) the conception of self, including ego identity; and (c)
primary dilem-
mas of conflict and dealing with them (Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck
1961;
Inkeles 1997). These basic problems can be recognised in the
Hofstede
model (Hofstede 2001; Hofstede & Hofstede 2005), and have
been found
in other studies, such as those by Trompenaars (1993), Schwartz
(1994;
Schwartz & Bilsky 1987), and the recent GLOBE study (House
etal. 2004).
Although these models find similar basic value differences, they
are
different with respect to the number of countries measured, the
level
of analysis (individual versus culture level), the dimension
structure
(one-poled or two-poled categorisations), the number of
dimensions, the
subjects (Schwartz - teachers and students; GLOBE - middle
managers;
Hofstede - all levels of employees in a company), and
conceptual and
methodological differences (e.g. measuring what ou^t versus
measuring
what is). These differences in research design can cause
different results
when applying dimensional models to international branding
and advertis-
ing. In particular the differences resulting from asking for the
desired or
the desirable influence research results. T h e desirable is how
people think
the world ought to be, the desired is what people want for
themselves.
Statements about the desired, although closer to actual
behaviour, do not
necessarily correspond to the way people really behave when
they have
to choose (Hofstede & Hofstede 2005). Advertising tends to
appeal to the
desired, as the desirable is too far from reality. Dimensional
models based
on questions asking for the desirable may be less useful for
measuring dif-
ferences in consumer attitudes, motives and advertising appeals.
A most
important area of research would be to analyse and compare the
working
of the various models in this respect.
A reason for the widespread adoption of Hofstede's
classiflcation of cul-
ture lies in the large number of countries measured and the
simplicity of
87
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010. 29(1)
his dimensions, which are straightforward and appealing to both
academic
researchers and business people. Comparison of different
models for the
purpose of measuring cultural distance for international
marketing strat-
egy shows that the more recent cultural frameworks provide
only limited
advancements compared with Hofstede's original work
(Magnusson et aL
2008).
None of the cultural models was developed for analysing
consumer
behaviour. When using them, the manifestations of culture that
are rel-
evant for consumer behaviour have to be selected and
interpreted. Too
often, cross-country research begins with a research instrument
without
consideration of the underlying conceptual framework (Douglas
& Craig
2006), and research method focuses almost exclusively on
sophisticated
statistical analyses (Schwarz 2003). There is a variety of
manifestarions of
the Hofstede dimensions to consider before setting hypotheses.
T h e next
section describes the manifestations of the five Hofstede
dimensions that
are most relevant to branding and advertising. These elements
are based
on findings from cross-cultural psychology and meta-analysis of
consumer
behaviour data (De Mooij 2004, 2010).
The Hofstede dimensional model of national culture
T h e Hofstede model (Hofstede 2001; Hofstede & Hofstede
2005) dis-
ringuishes cultures according to five dimensions: power
distance, indi-
vidualism/collectivism, masculinity/femininity, uncertainty
avoidance, and
Iong-/short-term orientation. T h e model provides scales from 0
to 100 for
76 countries for each dimension, and each country has a
position on each
scale or index, relative to other countries.
T h e power distance dimension can be defined as 'the extent to
which
less powerful members of a society accept and expect that
power is dis-
tributed unequally'. In large power distance cultures, ever>'one
has his or
her rightful place in a social hierarchy. The rightful place
concept is impor-
tant for understanding the role of global brands. In large power
distance
cultures, one's social status must be clear so that others can
show proper
respect. Global brands serve that purpose. Luxury articles, some
alcoholic
beverages and fashion items typically appeal to social status
needs.
Individualism/collectivism can be defined as 'people looking
after
themselves and their immediate family only, versus people
belonging to
88
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
in-groups that look after them in exchange for loyalty*. In
individualis-
tic cultures, one's identity is in the person. People are *r-
conscious and
self-actualisation is important. Individualistic cultures are
universal is tic,
assuming their values are valid for the whole world. They also
are low-con-
text communication cultures with explicit verbal
communication. In col-
lectivistic cultures, people are * we'-conscious. Their identity is
based on
the social system to which they belong, and avoiding loss of
face is impor-
tant. Collectivistic cultures are high-context communication
cultures, with
an indirect style of communication. In the sales process in
individualistic
cultures, parties want to get to the point fast, whereas in
collectivistic cul-
tures it is necessary to first build a relationship and trust
between parties.
This difference is reflected in the different roles of advertising:
persuasion
versus creating trusL
T h e masculinity/femininity dimension can be defined as
follows: 'The
dominant values in a masculine society are achievement and
success; the
dominant values in a feminine society are caring for others and
quality' of
life.' In masculine societies, performance and achievement are
important;
and achievement must be demonstrated, so status brands or
products such
as jewellery are important to show one's success (De Mooij &
Hofstede
2002; De Mooij 2010). An important aspect of this dimension is
role dif-
ferentiation: small in feminine societies, large in masculine
societies. In
masculine cultures, household work is less shared between
husband and
wife than in feminine cultures. Men also do more household
shopping in
the feminine cultures. Data from Eurostat (2002) show that low
masculin-
itŷ explains 52% of variance of the proportion of men who
spend time on
shopping activities.
Uncertainty avoidance can be defined as 'the extent to which
people
feel threatened by uncertainty and ambiguity and try to avoid
these situ-
ations'. In cultures of strong uncertainty avoidance, there is a
need for
rules and formality to structure life. This translates into the
search for
truth and a belief in experts. People of high uncertainty
avoidance are
less open to change and innovation than people of low
uncertainty avoid-
ance cultures. This explains differences in the adoption of
innovations
(Yaveroglu & Donthu 2002; Yeniurt & Townsend 2003; Tellis
et ai 2003).
Whereas high uncertainty avoidance cultures have a passive
attitude to
health by focusing on purity in food and drink and using more
medica-
tion, low uncertainty avoidance cultures have a more active
attitude to
89
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1)
health by focusing on fitness and sports (De Mooij & Hofstede
2002; D e
Mooij 2010).
Long- versus short-term orientation is 'the extent to which a
society
exhibits a pragmatic future-orientated perspective rather than a
conven-
tional historic or short-term point of view'. Values included in
long-term
orientation are perseverance, ordering relationships by status,
thrift, and
having a sense of shame. The opposite is short-term orientation,
which
includes personal steadiness and stability, and respect for
tradition. Focus
is on pursuit of happiness rather than on pursuit of peace of
mind. Long-
term orientation implies investment in the future. An example is
the
relationship between LTO and broadband penetration (De Mooij
2010).
Broadband asks for large investments by business or
governments.
The concepts of self and personality - implications for
global branding and advertising
T h e concepts of self, personality, identity and image that are
applied to
branding strategy are derived from an individualistic
worldview. A host
of knowledge from cross-cultural psychology is now available
that helps
understand the basic differences between the concepts of self
and person-
ality in different cultures.
The concept of self
T h e concepts of self and personality, as developed in the
individualistic
Western world, include the person -¿LS an autonomous entity
with ^ d'isúncúvG
set of attributes, qualities or processes. The configuration of
these internal
attributes or processes causes behaviour. People's attributes and
processes
should be expressed consistently in behaviour across situations.
Behaviour
that changes with the situation is viewed as hypocritical or
pathological.
In the collectivistic model the self cannot be separated from
others
and the surrounding social context, so the self is an
interdependetit entity
that is part of an encompassing social relationship. Individual
behaviour
is situational; it varies from one situation to another and from
one time to
another (Markus & Kitayama 1991). The very first words of
little children
in China are people-related, whereas children in the United
States start
talking about objects (Tardiff ¿•/'¿7/. 2008). In Japan, feeling
good is more
90
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
associated with interpersonal situations such as feeling friendly,
whereas
in the United States feeling good is more frequently associated
with
interpersonal distance, such as feeling superior or proud. In the
United
Kingdom feelings of happiness are positively related to a sense
of inde-
pendence, whereas in Greece good feelings are negatively
related to a
sense of independence (Nezlek et al 2008).
How the self of young people develops is not the same either. In
indi-
vidualistic cultures, a youth has to develop an identity' that
enables him
or her to function independently in a variety of social groups
apart from
the family. Failure to do so can cause an identity crisis. In
eollectivistic
cultures, youth development is based on encouragement of
dependency
needs in complex familial hierarchical relationships, and the
group ideal is
being like others, not being different (Triandis 1995).
Next to individualism, masculinity explains variation of the
self-concept.
Whereas in feminine cultures modesty and relations are
important char-
acteristics, in masculine cultures self-enhancement leads to self-
esteem.
A relationship orientation, including family values, not only is
specific to
eollectivistic cultures but also is found in individualistic
cultures that are
also feminine (Watkins^/tf/. 1998).
Personality
Personality generally is defined as unique and cross-
situationally consist-
ent and is usually described in terms of traits such as autonomy
or socia-
bility. In eollectivistic cultures, people's ideal characteristics
vary by social
role, and behaviour is influenced by contextual factors (Church
2006).
Easterners believe in the continuous shaping of personahty
traits by situ-
ational influences (Norenzayané/¿//. 2002).
T h e Western habit of describing oneself and others in terms of
abstract
characteristics has led to the development of characterisation
systems of
personal traits. ^Fhe most used set of personality traits is the
Five-Factor
Model, also called *Big Five' (McCrae 2002). Although these
five factors
are found in many different cultures, they vary in weight across
cultures
and these variations relate to Hofstede's cultural dimensions
(Hofstede
& McCrae 2004). Although research using the same set of
questions has
resulted in similar five-faetor structures across cultures, this
doesn't imply
that these are the only existing conceptions of personhood; it
merely
91
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1)
shows that a set of English-language questions, when translated,
results
in similar five-dimensional structures (Schmitt et al. 2007).
There may be
other conceptions of personality that are not found. The
different factors
also vary as to different facets (Cheung ¿/i?/. 2008). Personality
research in
East Asia suggests a 'Big Six' structure, including a factor
'dependence on
others' (Hofstede 2007).
T h e practice of attaching personalities to brands is typical of
individual-
istic cultures. Several studies have found brand personality
factors that are
culture specific (e.g. Aaker et al. 2001). For example, in the
United States
*Ruggedness in Japan and Spain 'Peacefulness', and a specific
Spanish
dimension, labelled Tassion'. A study of Korean brand
personalities (Sung
& Tinkham 2005) of well-known global brands like Nike, Sony,
Levi's,
Adidas, Volkswagen and BMW found two specific Korean brand
personali-
ties, labelled 'Passive Likeableness' and 'Ascendancy'.
Consumers across cultures attribute different brand
personalities to one
and the same global brand. T h e Red Bull brand has been
marketed with
a consistent brand identity, but consumers attribute different
personalities
to the brand (Foscht et al. 2008). A commercial cross-cultural
brand value
study (Crocus 2004, in De Mooij 2010) found that a brand
characteristic
like 'friendly' is most attributed to strong global brands in high
uncertainty
avoidance and low power distance cultures. 'Prestigious' is a
characteristic
attributed to global brands in high power distance cultures, and
'trust-
worthy' is most attributed to strong brands in high uncertainty
avoidance
cultures. In cultures of the configuration low power distance
and low
uncertainty avoidance, people attributed 'innovative' and
'different' to
these brands. So consumers project their own personality
preferences on
to global brands. T h e companies that own global brands want
to be con-
sistent in their messages worldwide, but consumers attribute
personalities
to such brands that fit their own cultural values, not the values
of the pro-
ducer of the brand. More research is needed to find whether
consumers
link brand personaUties to brands and, if they do so, consumers'
personal-
ity preferences across cultures.
T h e need for consistency also is at the basis of preferences for
stand-
ardisation strategies of US multinationals. It drives the wish of
compa-
nies to build uniform brand images (Duncan & Ramaprasad
1995) and
academic focus on standardisation instead of adaptation. Taylor
(2002)
mentions a preoccupation with questions of whether campaigns
should be
92
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
Standardised to the detriment of seeking answers for pragmatic
execution
across markets. Consistency needs drive several research
assumptions and
questions, such as the assumption that a uniform brand image
plays a key
role in building global brands, and questions about the role of
standardised
advertising in building a uniform brand image (Taylor 2005,
2007).
Another consequence of consistency need is the relationship
atritude-
behaviour. Individualists want consistency between their
attitudes, feel-
ings and behaviours. As a result, under certain conditions, the
behaviour of
consumers can be predicted from their attitudes towards
products, services
and brands, and a purchase prediction is derived from a positive
atritude.
In collectivistic cultures, however, there is not a consistent
relationship
between attitude and future behaviour. It may even be a reverse
relation-
ship: behaviour (product usage) comes first and defines attitude
(Chang
& Chieng 2006). This implies that measurement of attitude
towards the
advertisement (A^̂ ) for measuring advertising effectiveness
will not work
the same way in collectivistic cultures as it does in
individualistic cultures.
T h e most widely known model that measures the relationship
betveen
attitude and behaviour is the Fishbein behavioural intentions
model, in
which a normative or social component refers to social
pressures on behav-
iour such as expectations of others. What in Western terms is
called 'social
pressure' (Lee & Green 1991) has relatively weak influence on
individu-
alists, who will refer to their own personal attitudes as having
infiuenced
their buying decisions. This is different in collectivistic cultures
where
the norm is to live up to the standards of one's position, to save
'face'.
The social norm component of the Fishbein model doesn't
capture 'face'.
Face motivates collectivists to act in accordance with one's
social position.
¡f one acts contrary to expectations of one's social position, 'a
shadow is
cast over one's moral integrity' (Malhotra & McCort 2001).
Social processes: motivation and emotion
Assumed universal emotions and consumer motives are
fundamental to
standardisation issues, but both motives and emotions are
culture-bound.
Understanding the variations in what motivates people is
important for
positioning brands and for developing advertising appeals in
different
markets. Many motives are category-bound, such as status
motives for
luxury brands, but the strength of such motives will vary across
cultures
93
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING. 2010, 29(1}
(De Mooij 2004, 2010). More research should be done to find
different
categor>' motives and the relationship with culture.
Emotion psychologists have argued that emotions are universal.
An
argument in favour of universal basic emotions is that most
languages
possess limited sets of central emotion-labelling words, such as
anger,
fear, sadness and joy. However, display and recognition of
facial expres-
sions, intensity and meaning of emotions vary and are culturally
defined.
Emotions arc, for example, more subdued in high power
distance and col-
lectivistic cultures (Kagitçibasi 1997). East Asian coUectivists
try to display
only positive emotions and tend to control negative emotions.
Probably
this is the reason why, in emotion-recognition studies, Chinese
people are
less able to identify expressions of fear and disgust (Wang et aL
2006). A
comparison of emotion expression across 32 countries showed a
significant
correlation with individualism for overall emotion expressivity
and in par-
ticular expressing happiness and surprise (Matsumoto et al.
2008). People
also weigh facial cues differently. When interpreting the
emotions of oth-
ers, the Japanese focus more on the eyes, whereas Americans
focus on
the mouth. This difference may explain why emoticons differ
between
Japan and the United States (Yuki et al. 2007). Researchers
using emoti-
cons - assumed to be more neutral than the faces of real people -
should
be aware of these differences. As the same expressions may
have different
meanings in different cultures, this should be an important
research area
for international advertising researchers.
Mental processes and the implications for branding
and communication
How people see, their worldview, how they think, how language
struc-
tures their thinking, how they learn and how people
communicate are
mental or cognitive processes. We discuss cross-cultural studies
of three
such processes: abstract versus concrete thinking, categorisation
and infor-
mation processing.
Abstract versus concrete thinking
Whereas in individualistic cultures brands are made by adding
values or
abstract personality traits to products, members of collectivistic
cultures
94
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
are more interested in concrete product features than in abstract
brands
because they are less used to conceptual thinking. For members
of col-
lectivistic cultures where context and situation are important,
the brand
concept is too abstract to be discussed the way members of
individualis-
tic cultures do. T h e Reader's Digest Trusted Brands survey in
2002 asked
people in 18 different countries in Europe about the probability
of buy-
ing unknown brands. The responses 'extremely/quite likely to
consider
buying a brand which I've heard of but haven't tried before'
correlated
significantly with individualism {r= 0.82***).' Instead of
adding abstract
personal characteristics to the product, in collectivistic cultures
the brand
is linked to concrete persons, in Japan called talents (Praet 2001
). Whereas
American companies have developed product brands with
unique char-
acteristics, Japanese companies have generally emphasised the
corporate
brand. In essence, this means inspiring trust among consumers
in a com-
pany and so persuading them to buy its products. As a result,
Japanese
and Korean companies, in their television advertisements,
display corpo-
rate identity logos more frequently than do US and German
companies
(Souiden^/ö/. 2006).
T h e unfamiliarity with abstract brand associations leads to
variation
when measuring brand equity of global brands across cultures.
An impor-
tant element of brand equity is consumer equity, which is
measured in
part by brand associations. Many of these associations are
abstract. In
this respect. Western measurement systems are not adequate to
measure
global brand equity. Hsieh (2004) demonstrated that the brand
value
calculated based on brand associations for 19 car brands in 16
countries
varied significantly. In Europe, the average brand value ofthe
19 brands
was higher than in the Asian countries. These differences
appear to corre-
late with individualism ( r = 0.68***). Other studies confirm
that different
cuhural conditions lead consumers to different brand
evaluations (Koçak
etal.Zmi).
^ For corrclaiion analysis, [he Pearson product-moment
correlation coefficient is used. Correlation analysis
is one-tailed. Significance levels are indicated by *p < 0.05. "fl
< 0.01 and *'*p < 0.005. Regression
analysis is stepwise. T h e coefficient uf determination or R' is
the indicator ofthe percentage of variance
explained.
95
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010. 29(1)
Categorisation
How people categorise other people and objects varies with
individu-
alism-collectivism. Collectivists tend to pay attention to
relationships
between objects, whereas individualists categorise objects
according to
rules and properties (Choi elal 1997). Chinese children will
group items
together that share a relationship, whereas Canadian children
will group
items together that share a category (Unsworth eral 2005). Such
fmdings
explain variation of acceptance of brand extensions. American
consumers
view a brand extension of a different product category as not
fitting with
the parent brand. However, collectivists view the parent brand
in terms of
the overall reputation of or trust in the company. So they
perceive a higher
degree of brand extension fit also for extensions in product
categories far
from those associated with the parent brand than individualists
would
(Monga & Roedder 2007).
Information processing
How people acquire information varies with individualism-
collectivism
and power distance. In coilectivistic and/or high powder
distance cultures,
people will acquire information more via implicit, interpersonal
commu-
nication and base their buying decisions more on feelings and
trust in the
company, whereas in individualistic cultures of low power
distance, people
will actively acquire information via the media and friends to
prepare for
purchases. Frequent social interaction causes an automatic flow
of com-
munication between people, who as a result acquire knowledge
uncon-
sciously (De Mooij 2010). Cho elal (1999) state that, in China,
consumers
rely on word-of-mouth communication because of the high
contact rate
among group members. A 2002 consumer survey by
Eurobarometer (14
countries) asked people to what degree they view themselves as
well-
informed consumers. T h e answers 'well-informed' correlate
with low
power distance, low uncertainty avoidance, and individualism;
individual-
ism alone explains 61% of variance.
96
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
Culture and communication
If we want to understand how advertising works across cultures,
we'll first
have to learn how communication works. One of the clearest
distinctions
is between high-context and low-context communication of
collectivistic
and individualistic cultures. Whereas in individualistic cultures
commu-
nication is more or less synonymous with information, in
collectivistic
cultures communication varies with roles and relationships,
with con-
cern for belonging and occupying one's proper place (Singelis &
Brown
1995; Miyahara 2004). Different interpersonal communication
styles are
reflected in advertising styles across cultures. Related to this
distinction
are people's expectations of the role, purpose and effect of
communica-
tion. Is advertising persuasive by nature, or can it have another
role in the
sales process.''
How advertising works
There is not one universal model of how advertising works. One
of the first
scholars to demonstrate this was Gordon Miracle (1987). In
individualistic
cultures, advertising must persuade, whereas in collectivistic
cultures,
the purpose is to build relationships and trust between seller and
buyer.
Japanese advertising focuses on inducing positive feelings
rather than
providing information. The different purposes are reflected in
the dif-
ference in timing and frequency of verbal or visual mention of
the brand
name in television commercials (Miracle etal. 1992). In a
typical Japanese
television commercial, the first identification of a brand,
company name,
or product occurs later than in a typical US television
commercial. In
Chinese commercials, brand acknowledgement appears later
than in US
commercials (Zhou etal. 2005).
Western models of how advertising works presuppose that
consumers
want to be informed, gather information actively and want to
solve prob-
lems. This is the model for individualistic and low power
distance cultures.
The focus on information is reflected in the Resnik and Stern
(Stern &
Resnik 1991) typology, in which the criterion for considering an
advertise-
ment informative is whether the informational cues are relevant
enough to
assist a typical buyer in making an intelligent choice among
alternatives.
Next to the fact that in some cultures people do not consciously
search for
97
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1)
information, what is relevant information to members of one
culture may
not be relevant to members of another culture.
Models also follow the assumption that the advertising concept
is what
classical rhetoricians call an 'argument from consequence'.
Information
is an instrument to persuasion. Petty and Cacioppo's (1986)
elaboration
likelihood model (ELM) distinguishes a central route and a
peripheral
route of persuasion. In the theory, the peripheral route generally
includes
visual cues like the package, pictures or the context of the
message. This
theory is embedded in Western advenising practice, which uses
pictures
as illustration of words. Various studies have been conducted to
find the
influence of pictures, in both the central route and the
peripheral route.
Experiments conducted by Aaker and Maheswaran (1997)
suggest that
the dual process model works across cultures but evaluation
differences
exist between individualistic and collectivistic cultures.
Advertising appeals and style
Content analysis based studies have revealed culture-specific
appeals in
advertising that can be explained by the Hofstede dimensions
(e.g. Albers
1994; Zandpour et al. 1994). In collectivistic cultures such as
China and
Korea, appeals focusing on in-group benefits, harmony and
family are
more effective, whereas in individualistic cultures like the
United States,
advertising that appeals to individual benefits and preferences,
personal
success and independence is more effective (Han & Shavitt
1994). T h e
use of celebrities in advertising is related to collectivism, where
the func-
tion of a celebrity is to give a face to the brand in a world of
brands with
similar product attributes (Praet 2001).
Current research cjuestions (Taylor 2005, 2007) are about the
effective-
ness of various execudonal techniques and which elements of
advertising
to standardise and when. These questions assume that
consumers proc-
ess various elements of advertisements separately. Consumers,
however,
observe the whole picture. Disringuishing what one says from
how one
says it may not be the way to understand how advertising works
across
cultures. Often the communication style is decisive for
consumers'
acceptance of advertising. For example, the direct style of
individualistic
cultures may be offensive to members of collectivistic cultures.
Various
advertising researchers have studied differences in style such as
the direct
98
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
versus indirect styles used in individualistic and collectivistic
cultures (e.g.
Cutler et al. 1997; Cho et al. 1999). As the right advertising
style may be
more influential to success than executional aspects of
advertising, more
research is needed to understand adertising styles across
cultures. This
also applies to communications on the internet.
Advertising research across cultures: points of attention
A review of cross-cultural advertising research by Okazaki and
Mueller
(2007) shows that most cross-cultural advertising research
topics were
cultural values and the most used research methods were
content analysis
and survey. Content analysis has been criticised for providing
description
without prescription (Samiee & Jeong 1994). We have two
arguments
against discarding the method.
T h e first is that comparative content analysis does provide
insight in
cross-cultural advertising practice that also points at what
works best in
a country. If in a country certain appeals and communication
styles are
more common than in others, these style elements are used
because they
are effective (McQuarrie & Phillips 2008). When the values of
consumers
are congruent with the values reflected in advertising, the link
to liking
the ad, the brand or the company increases, and advertising will
be more
effective (Polegato & Bjerke 2006). Consumers are more
positively dis-
posed towards local advertisements and find them more
interesting and
less irritating (Pae et al. 2002). This is also relevant to website
design.
People perform information-seeking tasks faster when using
web con-
tent created by designers from their own culture (Faiola &
Matei 2005).
Cultural adaptation not only enhances ease of use of the website
but also
leads to more favourable attitudes towards the website, which in
turn
affects the intention to buy (Singh et al. 2006).
A second argument for the use of content analysis is for
measuring the
degree of standardisation of advertising. The usual method is
surveys
among managers o f - mostly - US multinationals. However, the
univer-
salistic values of US managers may make them give the
desirable answer
in the direction of standardisation. Observation of actual
practice by con-
tent analysis demonstrates what companies do in reality and
may as well
uncover important advertising appeals and styles for other
cultures than
the home culture.
99
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1)
A problem of cross-cultural content analysis is the organisation
and
logistics of a large-scale cross-country study. In particular when
using cul-
tural variables like the Hofstede dimensions, comparison should
be across
more than two countries. Unfortunately most studies compare
the United
States with one other country (Chang et al. 2007), whereas for
proper
cross-cultural research preferably at least five countries must be
compared.
Unfortunately, few multiple-country studies have been
conducted.
Another point of attention is the use of scales or constructs
developed in
a North American or European context for the study of another.
Examples
from advertising research are the application of the Resnik and
Stern cod-
ing scheme (Al-Olayan & Karande 2000; Mindy & McNeal
2001), the
informational-transformational distinction (Cutler /̂tf/. 2000)
and Pollay's
advertising appeals (Albers-Miller & Gelb 1996), all developed
in the
United States to analyse advertising in other countries. Such
constructs
may not uncover important items of other cultures.
Next to comparing cultures something can be learned from
national
studies of how advertising works in other countries than the
United States,
conducted among non-US subjects. This is not facilitated by the
way
some authors report their findings. An example is a study by
Ang and Lim
(2006), whose affiliations are with universities in Singapore and
Australia,
Their paper on the influence of metaphors on perceptions and
attitudes
is very relevant for understanding how advertising works, but
they do not
mention the national culture of their respondents, as if their
findings are
universal. This limits the viability of the conclusions. Another
example
is a statement like 'Many advertisers standardise general
strategy while
modifying executions' (Taylor 2005). Are these American
advertisers,
or also from other countries? This is important information as
managers
of US firms are more inclined to standardise advertising and to
create a
uniform brand image than, for example, Japanese managers
(Taylor &
Okazaki 2006). T h e degree to which marketing managers
customise brand
image varies with individualism and uncertainty avoidance
(Roth 1995).
Any study dealing with information processing, how advertising
works,
attitudes towards advertising and advertising practice should
mention the
cultural background of research subjects, because the national
culture of
respondents may influence the results.
100
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
Applying the Hofstede model to research for global
branding and advertising
In cross-cultural research we have noted an advance of
methodological
techniques but less conceptual analysis of cultural dimensions
when for-
mulating hypotheses. Some research questions ask for better
understand-
ing of how dimensional models work. Examples are the question
as to
which cultural dimensions are especially relevant to advertising,
and the
suggestion that cross-cultural studies that examine the impact of
culture
should actually measure how the individual respondents stand
on the cul-
tural dimension investigated (Taylor 2005, 2007).
Measuring individual respondents on scales of cultural
dimensions
In comparative cross-cultural research, the properties of
individuals as
observed within a country are aggregated and then treated as
culture-level
variables. These variables can be used to explain variation of
phenomena
(other aggregate data) at country level (e.g. differences in
ownership of
computers between countries). T h e aggregated data represent a
mix of
different people because a society consists of a variety of
people. So culture
is not one king-size personality that can be used for measuring
individu-
als. Patterns of associations observed at the culture level (also
called the
ecological level) can be different from patterns at the individual
level. For
example, Schwartz (1994, p. 104) has shown that patterns of
associations
with 'freedom' are different at the individual and at the cultural
(national)
level. Within countries, individuals who score high on the
importance of
'freedom' also tend to score high on the importance of
'independence of
thought and actions'. But if the scores for all individuals in each
nation are
averaged, the nations where on average 'freedom' is scored as
more impor-
tant than in other nations are not those scoring higher on the
importance
of ^independence', but those scoring higher on 'protecting the
welfare of
others'. The individual associations are based on psychological
logic, the
national associations on the cultural logic of societies composed
of differ-
ent, interacting individuals. Measuring individual respondents
on scales
based on aggregate data is an ecological fallacy.
101
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING. 2010, 29(1)
Cultural dimensions relevant to advertising
Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey (1988) have best described the
influence of
the various dimensions of culture on verbal and non-verbal
communica-
tion styles, which are reflected in advertising styles. T h e three
dimensions
that explain variance of communication styles are power
distance, individ-
ualism/collectivism and uncertainty avoidance. For appeals and
motives
reflected in advertising, generally the product category defines
the most
relevant dimensions (De Mooij 2003, 2004, 2010). T h e
dimensions that
are relevant for a product category can be discovered only by
correlating
the data with the GNI/capita and country scores of all five
dimensions.
Setting hypotheses
Sometimes researchers challenge the predictive value of the
Hofstede
model because their hypotheses were not supported, instead of
challeng-
ing the formulation of the hypotheses. Several aspects of the
Hofstede
dimensions must be considered when formulating hypotheses:
(1) Some
manifestations of each dimension are more work-related,
whereas others
can be applied to consumer behaviour and advertising; (2) often
it is a
configuration of dimensions that explains variation; (3) value
paradoxes
have to be taken into account. It is not easy to recognise values
in advertis-
ing as advertising appeals may reflect both the desired and the
desirable
(De Mooij 2010). Other problems are; (4) misunderstanding the
content
of a dimension, and (5) the effect of the researchers' cultural
roots when
selecting and interpreting manifestations of the values of the
dimensions.
Some examples are as follows.
• Power distance is about the relationship between bosses and
subordi-
nates, but it is also about everyone having his or her rightful
place in
society versus equality. The latter explains the need for luxury
brands
as status symbols in high power distance cultures.
• An important value of masculine cultures is achievement.
When com-
bined with individualism, success can be shown, less so when
combined
with collectivism. Innovativeness and the wish for change are
low in
high uncertainty avoidance cultures, but combined with high
power
distance, appeals like modernity and innovation provide status.
High
102
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
scores on masculinity and power distance explain status needs.
In high
power distance cultures, status brands demonstrate one's role in
a hier-
archy. In masculine cultures, status brands demonstrate one's
success.
T h e configuration of high power distance and uncertainty
avoidance
explains the importance of personal appearance. T h e Japanese
(high
PDI/high UAI) judge people by clothes, which is not the case
with the
Chinese (high PDI/low UAI). Whereas, in Japan, the proper way
things
are done and one's social status provide face, for the Chinese
face is
related to one's economic capability (Suedo 2004).
In content analysis of adverrising, the picture of a family is
assumed to
be a reflection of collecrivism, but paradoxically it can also be
a reflec-
rion of individualism where people are afraid that family values
are
disappearing. In collectivistic cultures advertisers may even feel
a lesser
need to depict families because the family is part of one's
identity; it
is not the desirable. Comparison of the number of people shown
in
advertisements is not a measure of individualism/collectivism.
A better
measure is measuring the directness of communication - for
example,
by comparing the use of personalised headlines.
Uncertainty avoidance tends to be confused with risk avoidance
(Roth
1995). The degree to which people insure themselves is not
related to
uncertainty avoidance. Instead, more life insurance policies are
sold
in individualistic cultures than in collectivistic cultures. In the
former,
should one die early, one cannot count on family to support
one's
dependants (Chui & Kwok 2008). Showing people in relation to
others
can be a reflection of collectivism, but also of the affiliarion
needs of
feminine cultures.
Collectivism is not about subordinating oneself to the group. T
h e lat-
ter is the typical description from an individualistic view of the
person.
T h e group itself is one's identity. Power distance is about
accepting làna
expectingnc{:wàXx^ - it is a two-way street. Female nudit>'
in advertising
should not be confused with sex appeal, as researchers from
masculine
cultures may assume. There is no relationship with masculinity
(Nelson
& Paek 2008).
103
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1)
Conclusion
T h e number of cross-cultural consumer behaviour studies has
been
increasing over the years. T h e Hofstede model of national
culture has
proved to be a useful instrument for understanding consumer
behaviour
differences across cultures. Applying the model to branding and
advertis-
ing, which originally sought answers to work-related value
differences,
needs conceptual insight in the various manifestations that are
relevant to
these business areas. This paper has reviewed many recent
studies that
help gain conceptual insight.
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About the authors
Marieke de Mooij studied English literature at the Universit>'
of Amsterdam
and Textile Engineering in Enschede, the Netherlands. She
received her
PhD at the University of Navarre in Spain, at the department of
eom-
munication. She was advertising manager for an international
company,
account executive at an advertising agency, was a director at the
Dutch
institute for professional advertising education and director of
education of
the International Advertising Association. She has worked on
the applica-
tion of the Hofstede model to consumer behaviour and
advertising since
1990. She is a consultant in Cross Cultural Communications and
advises
both companies and advertising agencies on international
branding and
advertising. She is visiting professor to various universities in
Europe. Her
books Global Marketing and Advertising (third edition 2010)
and Consumer
Behctvior and Culture {Z^QA, second edition to be published in
2011), both
published by Sage Publications, are used at universities
worldwide. Her
website: www.mariekedemooij.com
Geert Hofstede is Professor Emeritus at the University of
Maastricht.
He holds an MSc in mechanical engineering and a PhD in social
psychol-
ogy. He had a varied career both in business and in academia,
retiring as
a professor of organizational anthropology and international
management
109
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1)
from the University of Maastricht, the Netherlands, in 1993.
Since the
publication of his book CtJture's Consequences (1980, new
edition 2001) he
has heen a pioneer of comparative intercultural research; his
ideas are used
worldwide. A student-level book Cultures and Organizatiotis:
Software of the
Mind {99, new edition 2005 with Gen Jan Hofstede) has so far
appeared
in 15 European and 3 Asian languages. Geert Hofstede was
listed in the
Wall Street Journal of May 2008 among the Top 20 most
influential busi-
ness thinkers. He holds honorar>' doctorates from seven
European univer-
sities, and is a Fellow of the Academy of Management and the
Academy
of International Business in the USA. His website:
www,geerthofstede.nl
Address correspondence to: Marieke de Mooij, Westerenban 44,
NL-4328 HE Burgh-Haamstede, the Netherlands.
Email: [email protected]!
110
Copyright of International Journal of Advertising is the
property of World Advertising Research Center Limited
and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or
posted to a listserv without the copyright
holder's express written permission. However, users may print,
download, or email articles for individual use.
MBA 6601, International Business
Unit I Assignment Template
Part 1: Pick three individual countries, one in the Middle East,
one in Asia, and one in Europe. Apply Hofstede’s
characteristics to each one, and state if the characteristic is low,
medium, or high in each country. Also, explain why you think
each country deserves that description.
Characteristics
[Middle East]
[Asia]
[Europe]
Power Distance
Uncertainty Avoidance
Individualism/Collectivism
Masculinity/Femininity
Long-term/Short-term Orientation
Part 2: Given your descriptions, explain which country is most
like the United States and which country is most unlike the
United States.
Answer:
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  • 1. Read the Job Choice Scenario. Write a 400 word paper answering the following questions: · What are the advantages and disadvantages for each job listed in the scenario? · Which job would you choose in this scenario? Why? Format your paper consistent with APA guidelines. Job Choice Scenario Review the following scenario and identify the advantages and disadvantages that exist for each job opportunity. Use your analysis to write your “Choosing the Right Job” paper, due in Week Five. Mary can hardly believe it! Graduation day has finally arrived. This is the day she has been waiting on, for four long years. Now, her hard work and dedication have paid off. Not only is she graduating with her college degree, she has received two job offers. What else could a person ask for? This is a dream come true. As soon as she’s finished celebrating, she knows she must sit down and weight out her options and decide which job to accept. Following are her options: · Job offer number one is an opportunity to work as a Psychological Associate at a small family owned rehab center. The organization is small with a total employee base of 20 people. Everyone is friendly and on a first name basis with President and owner. The owner is conscientious and works hard to mentor each employee. The company has been in existence for 15 years and has added five new employees during
  • 2. the past year as it continues to grow. They offer a competitive salary of $45,000 with raises promised once a year with periodic bonuses. The job also offers health and dental insurance along with two weeks paid vacation. · The second job is with a large, well-known insurance company as a Patient Liaison. In total the company employs approximately 300 employees. The job pays $40,000 and includes annual raises for good performance. The benefits package includes company paid insurance and tuition reimbursement. Employees receive one week vacation the first year and three weeks’ vacation thereafter. In addition, the job offers 401K with an employer matching contribution. Which job offers the best start for Mary? The Hofstede model Applications to global branding and advertising strategy and research Marieke de Mooij and Geert Hofstede Recent years have seen inereasing interest in the consequences of culture for global mar- keting and advertising. Many recent studies point at the necessity of adapting branding and advertising strategies to the culture of the eonsumer. In order to understand cultural differences, several models have been developed of which the Hofstede model is the most used. This article describes elements of this model that are most relevant to brand-
  • 3. ing and advertising, and reviews studies that have used the model for aspcxts of inter- national branding and for advertising research. It provides some cautious remarks about applying the model. Suggestions for more cross-cultural research are added. Introduction T h e study of culture for understanding global advertising results from the global-local dilemma: whether to standardise advertising for efficiency reasons or to adapt to local habits and consumer motives to be effective. Only recently have studies included performance criteria and several have demonstrated that an adaptation strategy is more effective (Dow 2005; Calantone etal. 2006; Okazaki etal. 2006; Wong & Merrilees 2007). As a result, understanding culture will be viewed as increasingly important. In the past decades, various models have emerged of which the Hofstede model has been applied most to global marketing and advertising.' Geert Hofstede's dimensional model of national culture has been applied to vari- ous areas of global branding and advertising, and the underlying theories of consumer behaviour. T h e model has been used to explain differences ' When we use the term global marketing and advertising, we refer to advertising worldwide, not to
  • 4. standardised advertising Intemational Journal of Advertising, 29(1), pp. 85-110 © 2010 Advertising .Association Published by Ware, www.warc.com D O I : 10.2501/S0265(Ï487(»9201()4X 8 5 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1) of the concepts of self, personality and identity, which in turn explain variations in branding strategy and communications. Another area is infor- mation processing, including differences in perception and categorisation that influence interpersonal and mass communication, and the working of advertising. This anide summarises various elements of consumer behaviour that affect global branding and advertising strategy, and that have been explained by the Hofstede model. Referring to several issues from Taylor's (2005, 2007) research agenda, we not only cover advertising research, but also questions concerning global brand image, brand equity, advertising and consumer behaviour theories in cross-cultural contexts. We have pulled a number of topics of this article together in Figure 1. First of all, we view cultural values as an integrated part of the consumer's
  • 5. self, not as an environmental factor. For developing effective advertising the consumer must be central. Cultural values define the self and person- ality of consumers. Next we distinguish mental processes and social proc- esses. Mental processes are mostly internal processes, how people think, learn, perceive, categorise and process information. Social processes are about how we relate to other people, including motivation and emotions. Both processes affect interpersonal and mass communication, which in turn affect advertising appeals and advertising style. All elements must Figure 1: Global advertising research - understanding cultural values of consumers Information processing Categorisation Absfract-concrete 1 Consumer The self Personality Identity, Image Cultural values Advertising style Brand positioning
  • 6. Advertising strategy Advertising appeal Communication and culture, purpose of advertising How advertising works across cultures Cross-cultural advertising research 86 THE HOFSTEDE MODEL be taken into account when researching how advertising works across cultures. Cultural models help to analyse culture's consequences for the self and personality, mental and social processes, and how these influence global advertising strategy. Cultural models applied to advertising research Cultural models defme patterns of basic problems that have consequences for the functioning of groups and individuals, e.g. (a) relation to authority; (b) the conception of self, including ego identity; and (c) primary dilem- mas of conflict and dealing with them (Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck 1961; Inkeles 1997). These basic problems can be recognised in the Hofstede model (Hofstede 2001; Hofstede & Hofstede 2005), and have
  • 7. been found in other studies, such as those by Trompenaars (1993), Schwartz (1994; Schwartz & Bilsky 1987), and the recent GLOBE study (House etal. 2004). Although these models find similar basic value differences, they are different with respect to the number of countries measured, the level of analysis (individual versus culture level), the dimension structure (one-poled or two-poled categorisations), the number of dimensions, the subjects (Schwartz - teachers and students; GLOBE - middle managers; Hofstede - all levels of employees in a company), and conceptual and methodological differences (e.g. measuring what ou^t versus measuring what is). These differences in research design can cause different results when applying dimensional models to international branding and advertis- ing. In particular the differences resulting from asking for the desired or the desirable influence research results. T h e desirable is how people think the world ought to be, the desired is what people want for themselves. Statements about the desired, although closer to actual behaviour, do not necessarily correspond to the way people really behave when they have to choose (Hofstede & Hofstede 2005). Advertising tends to appeal to the
  • 8. desired, as the desirable is too far from reality. Dimensional models based on questions asking for the desirable may be less useful for measuring dif- ferences in consumer attitudes, motives and advertising appeals. A most important area of research would be to analyse and compare the working of the various models in this respect. A reason for the widespread adoption of Hofstede's classiflcation of cul- ture lies in the large number of countries measured and the simplicity of 87 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010. 29(1) his dimensions, which are straightforward and appealing to both academic researchers and business people. Comparison of different models for the purpose of measuring cultural distance for international marketing strat- egy shows that the more recent cultural frameworks provide only limited advancements compared with Hofstede's original work (Magnusson et aL 2008). None of the cultural models was developed for analysing consumer behaviour. When using them, the manifestations of culture that
  • 9. are rel- evant for consumer behaviour have to be selected and interpreted. Too often, cross-country research begins with a research instrument without consideration of the underlying conceptual framework (Douglas & Craig 2006), and research method focuses almost exclusively on sophisticated statistical analyses (Schwarz 2003). There is a variety of manifestarions of the Hofstede dimensions to consider before setting hypotheses. T h e next section describes the manifestations of the five Hofstede dimensions that are most relevant to branding and advertising. These elements are based on findings from cross-cultural psychology and meta-analysis of consumer behaviour data (De Mooij 2004, 2010). The Hofstede dimensional model of national culture T h e Hofstede model (Hofstede 2001; Hofstede & Hofstede 2005) dis- ringuishes cultures according to five dimensions: power distance, indi- vidualism/collectivism, masculinity/femininity, uncertainty avoidance, and Iong-/short-term orientation. T h e model provides scales from 0 to 100 for 76 countries for each dimension, and each country has a position on each scale or index, relative to other countries. T h e power distance dimension can be defined as 'the extent to
  • 10. which less powerful members of a society accept and expect that power is dis- tributed unequally'. In large power distance cultures, ever>'one has his or her rightful place in a social hierarchy. The rightful place concept is impor- tant for understanding the role of global brands. In large power distance cultures, one's social status must be clear so that others can show proper respect. Global brands serve that purpose. Luxury articles, some alcoholic beverages and fashion items typically appeal to social status needs. Individualism/collectivism can be defined as 'people looking after themselves and their immediate family only, versus people belonging to 88 THE HOFSTEDE MODEL in-groups that look after them in exchange for loyalty*. In individualis- tic cultures, one's identity is in the person. People are *r- conscious and self-actualisation is important. Individualistic cultures are universal is tic, assuming their values are valid for the whole world. They also are low-con- text communication cultures with explicit verbal
  • 11. communication. In col- lectivistic cultures, people are * we'-conscious. Their identity is based on the social system to which they belong, and avoiding loss of face is impor- tant. Collectivistic cultures are high-context communication cultures, with an indirect style of communication. In the sales process in individualistic cultures, parties want to get to the point fast, whereas in collectivistic cul- tures it is necessary to first build a relationship and trust between parties. This difference is reflected in the different roles of advertising: persuasion versus creating trusL T h e masculinity/femininity dimension can be defined as follows: 'The dominant values in a masculine society are achievement and success; the dominant values in a feminine society are caring for others and quality' of life.' In masculine societies, performance and achievement are important; and achievement must be demonstrated, so status brands or products such as jewellery are important to show one's success (De Mooij & Hofstede 2002; De Mooij 2010). An important aspect of this dimension is role dif- ferentiation: small in feminine societies, large in masculine societies. In masculine cultures, household work is less shared between husband and wife than in feminine cultures. Men also do more household
  • 12. shopping in the feminine cultures. Data from Eurostat (2002) show that low masculin- itŷ explains 52% of variance of the proportion of men who spend time on shopping activities. Uncertainty avoidance can be defined as 'the extent to which people feel threatened by uncertainty and ambiguity and try to avoid these situ- ations'. In cultures of strong uncertainty avoidance, there is a need for rules and formality to structure life. This translates into the search for truth and a belief in experts. People of high uncertainty avoidance are less open to change and innovation than people of low uncertainty avoid- ance cultures. This explains differences in the adoption of innovations (Yaveroglu & Donthu 2002; Yeniurt & Townsend 2003; Tellis et ai 2003). Whereas high uncertainty avoidance cultures have a passive attitude to health by focusing on purity in food and drink and using more medica- tion, low uncertainty avoidance cultures have a more active attitude to 89 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1)
  • 13. health by focusing on fitness and sports (De Mooij & Hofstede 2002; D e Mooij 2010). Long- versus short-term orientation is 'the extent to which a society exhibits a pragmatic future-orientated perspective rather than a conven- tional historic or short-term point of view'. Values included in long-term orientation are perseverance, ordering relationships by status, thrift, and having a sense of shame. The opposite is short-term orientation, which includes personal steadiness and stability, and respect for tradition. Focus is on pursuit of happiness rather than on pursuit of peace of mind. Long- term orientation implies investment in the future. An example is the relationship between LTO and broadband penetration (De Mooij 2010). Broadband asks for large investments by business or governments. The concepts of self and personality - implications for global branding and advertising T h e concepts of self, personality, identity and image that are applied to branding strategy are derived from an individualistic worldview. A host of knowledge from cross-cultural psychology is now available that helps understand the basic differences between the concepts of self and person-
  • 14. ality in different cultures. The concept of self T h e concepts of self and personality, as developed in the individualistic Western world, include the person -¿LS an autonomous entity with ^ d'isúncúvG set of attributes, qualities or processes. The configuration of these internal attributes or processes causes behaviour. People's attributes and processes should be expressed consistently in behaviour across situations. Behaviour that changes with the situation is viewed as hypocritical or pathological. In the collectivistic model the self cannot be separated from others and the surrounding social context, so the self is an interdependetit entity that is part of an encompassing social relationship. Individual behaviour is situational; it varies from one situation to another and from one time to another (Markus & Kitayama 1991). The very first words of little children in China are people-related, whereas children in the United States start talking about objects (Tardiff ¿•/'¿7/. 2008). In Japan, feeling good is more 90
  • 15. THE HOFSTEDE MODEL associated with interpersonal situations such as feeling friendly, whereas in the United States feeling good is more frequently associated with interpersonal distance, such as feeling superior or proud. In the United Kingdom feelings of happiness are positively related to a sense of inde- pendence, whereas in Greece good feelings are negatively related to a sense of independence (Nezlek et al 2008). How the self of young people develops is not the same either. In indi- vidualistic cultures, a youth has to develop an identity' that enables him or her to function independently in a variety of social groups apart from the family. Failure to do so can cause an identity crisis. In eollectivistic cultures, youth development is based on encouragement of dependency needs in complex familial hierarchical relationships, and the group ideal is being like others, not being different (Triandis 1995). Next to individualism, masculinity explains variation of the self-concept. Whereas in feminine cultures modesty and relations are important char- acteristics, in masculine cultures self-enhancement leads to self- esteem. A relationship orientation, including family values, not only is specific to
  • 16. eollectivistic cultures but also is found in individualistic cultures that are also feminine (Watkins^/tf/. 1998). Personality Personality generally is defined as unique and cross- situationally consist- ent and is usually described in terms of traits such as autonomy or socia- bility. In eollectivistic cultures, people's ideal characteristics vary by social role, and behaviour is influenced by contextual factors (Church 2006). Easterners believe in the continuous shaping of personahty traits by situ- ational influences (Norenzayané/¿//. 2002). T h e Western habit of describing oneself and others in terms of abstract characteristics has led to the development of characterisation systems of personal traits. ^Fhe most used set of personality traits is the Five-Factor Model, also called *Big Five' (McCrae 2002). Although these five factors are found in many different cultures, they vary in weight across cultures and these variations relate to Hofstede's cultural dimensions (Hofstede & McCrae 2004). Although research using the same set of questions has resulted in similar five-faetor structures across cultures, this doesn't imply that these are the only existing conceptions of personhood; it merely
  • 17. 91 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1) shows that a set of English-language questions, when translated, results in similar five-dimensional structures (Schmitt et al. 2007). There may be other conceptions of personality that are not found. The different factors also vary as to different facets (Cheung ¿/i?/. 2008). Personality research in East Asia suggests a 'Big Six' structure, including a factor 'dependence on others' (Hofstede 2007). T h e practice of attaching personalities to brands is typical of individual- istic cultures. Several studies have found brand personality factors that are culture specific (e.g. Aaker et al. 2001). For example, in the United States *Ruggedness in Japan and Spain 'Peacefulness', and a specific Spanish dimension, labelled Tassion'. A study of Korean brand personalities (Sung & Tinkham 2005) of well-known global brands like Nike, Sony, Levi's, Adidas, Volkswagen and BMW found two specific Korean brand personali- ties, labelled 'Passive Likeableness' and 'Ascendancy'. Consumers across cultures attribute different brand
  • 18. personalities to one and the same global brand. T h e Red Bull brand has been marketed with a consistent brand identity, but consumers attribute different personalities to the brand (Foscht et al. 2008). A commercial cross-cultural brand value study (Crocus 2004, in De Mooij 2010) found that a brand characteristic like 'friendly' is most attributed to strong global brands in high uncertainty avoidance and low power distance cultures. 'Prestigious' is a characteristic attributed to global brands in high power distance cultures, and 'trust- worthy' is most attributed to strong brands in high uncertainty avoidance cultures. In cultures of the configuration low power distance and low uncertainty avoidance, people attributed 'innovative' and 'different' to these brands. So consumers project their own personality preferences on to global brands. T h e companies that own global brands want to be con- sistent in their messages worldwide, but consumers attribute personalities to such brands that fit their own cultural values, not the values of the pro- ducer of the brand. More research is needed to find whether consumers link brand personaUties to brands and, if they do so, consumers' personal- ity preferences across cultures. T h e need for consistency also is at the basis of preferences for
  • 19. stand- ardisation strategies of US multinationals. It drives the wish of compa- nies to build uniform brand images (Duncan & Ramaprasad 1995) and academic focus on standardisation instead of adaptation. Taylor (2002) mentions a preoccupation with questions of whether campaigns should be 92 THE HOFSTEDE MODEL Standardised to the detriment of seeking answers for pragmatic execution across markets. Consistency needs drive several research assumptions and questions, such as the assumption that a uniform brand image plays a key role in building global brands, and questions about the role of standardised advertising in building a uniform brand image (Taylor 2005, 2007). Another consequence of consistency need is the relationship atritude- behaviour. Individualists want consistency between their attitudes, feel- ings and behaviours. As a result, under certain conditions, the behaviour of consumers can be predicted from their attitudes towards products, services and brands, and a purchase prediction is derived from a positive
  • 20. atritude. In collectivistic cultures, however, there is not a consistent relationship between attitude and future behaviour. It may even be a reverse relation- ship: behaviour (product usage) comes first and defines attitude (Chang & Chieng 2006). This implies that measurement of attitude towards the advertisement (A^̂ ) for measuring advertising effectiveness will not work the same way in collectivistic cultures as it does in individualistic cultures. T h e most widely known model that measures the relationship betveen attitude and behaviour is the Fishbein behavioural intentions model, in which a normative or social component refers to social pressures on behav- iour such as expectations of others. What in Western terms is called 'social pressure' (Lee & Green 1991) has relatively weak influence on individu- alists, who will refer to their own personal attitudes as having infiuenced their buying decisions. This is different in collectivistic cultures where the norm is to live up to the standards of one's position, to save 'face'. The social norm component of the Fishbein model doesn't capture 'face'. Face motivates collectivists to act in accordance with one's social position. ¡f one acts contrary to expectations of one's social position, 'a shadow is
  • 21. cast over one's moral integrity' (Malhotra & McCort 2001). Social processes: motivation and emotion Assumed universal emotions and consumer motives are fundamental to standardisation issues, but both motives and emotions are culture-bound. Understanding the variations in what motivates people is important for positioning brands and for developing advertising appeals in different markets. Many motives are category-bound, such as status motives for luxury brands, but the strength of such motives will vary across cultures 93 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING. 2010, 29(1} (De Mooij 2004, 2010). More research should be done to find different categor>' motives and the relationship with culture. Emotion psychologists have argued that emotions are universal. An argument in favour of universal basic emotions is that most languages possess limited sets of central emotion-labelling words, such as anger, fear, sadness and joy. However, display and recognition of facial expres- sions, intensity and meaning of emotions vary and are culturally
  • 22. defined. Emotions arc, for example, more subdued in high power distance and col- lectivistic cultures (Kagitçibasi 1997). East Asian coUectivists try to display only positive emotions and tend to control negative emotions. Probably this is the reason why, in emotion-recognition studies, Chinese people are less able to identify expressions of fear and disgust (Wang et aL 2006). A comparison of emotion expression across 32 countries showed a significant correlation with individualism for overall emotion expressivity and in par- ticular expressing happiness and surprise (Matsumoto et al. 2008). People also weigh facial cues differently. When interpreting the emotions of oth- ers, the Japanese focus more on the eyes, whereas Americans focus on the mouth. This difference may explain why emoticons differ between Japan and the United States (Yuki et al. 2007). Researchers using emoti- cons - assumed to be more neutral than the faces of real people - should be aware of these differences. As the same expressions may have different meanings in different cultures, this should be an important research area for international advertising researchers. Mental processes and the implications for branding and communication
  • 23. How people see, their worldview, how they think, how language struc- tures their thinking, how they learn and how people communicate are mental or cognitive processes. We discuss cross-cultural studies of three such processes: abstract versus concrete thinking, categorisation and infor- mation processing. Abstract versus concrete thinking Whereas in individualistic cultures brands are made by adding values or abstract personality traits to products, members of collectivistic cultures 94 THE HOFSTEDE MODEL are more interested in concrete product features than in abstract brands because they are less used to conceptual thinking. For members of col- lectivistic cultures where context and situation are important, the brand concept is too abstract to be discussed the way members of individualis- tic cultures do. T h e Reader's Digest Trusted Brands survey in 2002 asked people in 18 different countries in Europe about the probability of buy- ing unknown brands. The responses 'extremely/quite likely to
  • 24. consider buying a brand which I've heard of but haven't tried before' correlated significantly with individualism {r= 0.82***).' Instead of adding abstract personal characteristics to the product, in collectivistic cultures the brand is linked to concrete persons, in Japan called talents (Praet 2001 ). Whereas American companies have developed product brands with unique char- acteristics, Japanese companies have generally emphasised the corporate brand. In essence, this means inspiring trust among consumers in a com- pany and so persuading them to buy its products. As a result, Japanese and Korean companies, in their television advertisements, display corpo- rate identity logos more frequently than do US and German companies (Souiden^/ö/. 2006). T h e unfamiliarity with abstract brand associations leads to variation when measuring brand equity of global brands across cultures. An impor- tant element of brand equity is consumer equity, which is measured in part by brand associations. Many of these associations are abstract. In this respect. Western measurement systems are not adequate to measure global brand equity. Hsieh (2004) demonstrated that the brand value calculated based on brand associations for 19 car brands in 16
  • 25. countries varied significantly. In Europe, the average brand value ofthe 19 brands was higher than in the Asian countries. These differences appear to corre- late with individualism ( r = 0.68***). Other studies confirm that different cuhural conditions lead consumers to different brand evaluations (Koçak etal.Zmi). ^ For corrclaiion analysis, [he Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient is used. Correlation analysis is one-tailed. Significance levels are indicated by *p < 0.05. "fl < 0.01 and *'*p < 0.005. Regression analysis is stepwise. T h e coefficient uf determination or R' is the indicator ofthe percentage of variance explained. 95 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010. 29(1) Categorisation How people categorise other people and objects varies with individu- alism-collectivism. Collectivists tend to pay attention to relationships between objects, whereas individualists categorise objects according to rules and properties (Choi elal 1997). Chinese children will group items together that share a relationship, whereas Canadian children
  • 26. will group items together that share a category (Unsworth eral 2005). Such fmdings explain variation of acceptance of brand extensions. American consumers view a brand extension of a different product category as not fitting with the parent brand. However, collectivists view the parent brand in terms of the overall reputation of or trust in the company. So they perceive a higher degree of brand extension fit also for extensions in product categories far from those associated with the parent brand than individualists would (Monga & Roedder 2007). Information processing How people acquire information varies with individualism- collectivism and power distance. In coilectivistic and/or high powder distance cultures, people will acquire information more via implicit, interpersonal commu- nication and base their buying decisions more on feelings and trust in the company, whereas in individualistic cultures of low power distance, people will actively acquire information via the media and friends to prepare for purchases. Frequent social interaction causes an automatic flow of com- munication between people, who as a result acquire knowledge uncon- sciously (De Mooij 2010). Cho elal (1999) state that, in China,
  • 27. consumers rely on word-of-mouth communication because of the high contact rate among group members. A 2002 consumer survey by Eurobarometer (14 countries) asked people to what degree they view themselves as well- informed consumers. T h e answers 'well-informed' correlate with low power distance, low uncertainty avoidance, and individualism; individual- ism alone explains 61% of variance. 96 THE HOFSTEDE MODEL Culture and communication If we want to understand how advertising works across cultures, we'll first have to learn how communication works. One of the clearest distinctions is between high-context and low-context communication of collectivistic and individualistic cultures. Whereas in individualistic cultures commu- nication is more or less synonymous with information, in collectivistic cultures communication varies with roles and relationships, with con- cern for belonging and occupying one's proper place (Singelis & Brown 1995; Miyahara 2004). Different interpersonal communication
  • 28. styles are reflected in advertising styles across cultures. Related to this distinction are people's expectations of the role, purpose and effect of communica- tion. Is advertising persuasive by nature, or can it have another role in the sales process.'' How advertising works There is not one universal model of how advertising works. One of the first scholars to demonstrate this was Gordon Miracle (1987). In individualistic cultures, advertising must persuade, whereas in collectivistic cultures, the purpose is to build relationships and trust between seller and buyer. Japanese advertising focuses on inducing positive feelings rather than providing information. The different purposes are reflected in the dif- ference in timing and frequency of verbal or visual mention of the brand name in television commercials (Miracle etal. 1992). In a typical Japanese television commercial, the first identification of a brand, company name, or product occurs later than in a typical US television commercial. In Chinese commercials, brand acknowledgement appears later than in US commercials (Zhou etal. 2005). Western models of how advertising works presuppose that
  • 29. consumers want to be informed, gather information actively and want to solve prob- lems. This is the model for individualistic and low power distance cultures. The focus on information is reflected in the Resnik and Stern (Stern & Resnik 1991) typology, in which the criterion for considering an advertise- ment informative is whether the informational cues are relevant enough to assist a typical buyer in making an intelligent choice among alternatives. Next to the fact that in some cultures people do not consciously search for 97 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1) information, what is relevant information to members of one culture may not be relevant to members of another culture. Models also follow the assumption that the advertising concept is what classical rhetoricians call an 'argument from consequence'. Information is an instrument to persuasion. Petty and Cacioppo's (1986) elaboration likelihood model (ELM) distinguishes a central route and a peripheral route of persuasion. In the theory, the peripheral route generally includes
  • 30. visual cues like the package, pictures or the context of the message. This theory is embedded in Western advenising practice, which uses pictures as illustration of words. Various studies have been conducted to find the influence of pictures, in both the central route and the peripheral route. Experiments conducted by Aaker and Maheswaran (1997) suggest that the dual process model works across cultures but evaluation differences exist between individualistic and collectivistic cultures. Advertising appeals and style Content analysis based studies have revealed culture-specific appeals in advertising that can be explained by the Hofstede dimensions (e.g. Albers 1994; Zandpour et al. 1994). In collectivistic cultures such as China and Korea, appeals focusing on in-group benefits, harmony and family are more effective, whereas in individualistic cultures like the United States, advertising that appeals to individual benefits and preferences, personal success and independence is more effective (Han & Shavitt 1994). T h e use of celebrities in advertising is related to collectivism, where the func- tion of a celebrity is to give a face to the brand in a world of brands with similar product attributes (Praet 2001).
  • 31. Current research cjuestions (Taylor 2005, 2007) are about the effective- ness of various execudonal techniques and which elements of advertising to standardise and when. These questions assume that consumers proc- ess various elements of advertisements separately. Consumers, however, observe the whole picture. Disringuishing what one says from how one says it may not be the way to understand how advertising works across cultures. Often the communication style is decisive for consumers' acceptance of advertising. For example, the direct style of individualistic cultures may be offensive to members of collectivistic cultures. Various advertising researchers have studied differences in style such as the direct 98 THE HOFSTEDE MODEL versus indirect styles used in individualistic and collectivistic cultures (e.g. Cutler et al. 1997; Cho et al. 1999). As the right advertising style may be more influential to success than executional aspects of advertising, more research is needed to understand adertising styles across cultures. This also applies to communications on the internet.
  • 32. Advertising research across cultures: points of attention A review of cross-cultural advertising research by Okazaki and Mueller (2007) shows that most cross-cultural advertising research topics were cultural values and the most used research methods were content analysis and survey. Content analysis has been criticised for providing description without prescription (Samiee & Jeong 1994). We have two arguments against discarding the method. T h e first is that comparative content analysis does provide insight in cross-cultural advertising practice that also points at what works best in a country. If in a country certain appeals and communication styles are more common than in others, these style elements are used because they are effective (McQuarrie & Phillips 2008). When the values of consumers are congruent with the values reflected in advertising, the link to liking the ad, the brand or the company increases, and advertising will be more effective (Polegato & Bjerke 2006). Consumers are more positively dis- posed towards local advertisements and find them more interesting and less irritating (Pae et al. 2002). This is also relevant to website design. People perform information-seeking tasks faster when using
  • 33. web con- tent created by designers from their own culture (Faiola & Matei 2005). Cultural adaptation not only enhances ease of use of the website but also leads to more favourable attitudes towards the website, which in turn affects the intention to buy (Singh et al. 2006). A second argument for the use of content analysis is for measuring the degree of standardisation of advertising. The usual method is surveys among managers o f - mostly - US multinationals. However, the univer- salistic values of US managers may make them give the desirable answer in the direction of standardisation. Observation of actual practice by con- tent analysis demonstrates what companies do in reality and may as well uncover important advertising appeals and styles for other cultures than the home culture. 99 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1) A problem of cross-cultural content analysis is the organisation and logistics of a large-scale cross-country study. In particular when using cul- tural variables like the Hofstede dimensions, comparison should
  • 34. be across more than two countries. Unfortunately most studies compare the United States with one other country (Chang et al. 2007), whereas for proper cross-cultural research preferably at least five countries must be compared. Unfortunately, few multiple-country studies have been conducted. Another point of attention is the use of scales or constructs developed in a North American or European context for the study of another. Examples from advertising research are the application of the Resnik and Stern cod- ing scheme (Al-Olayan & Karande 2000; Mindy & McNeal 2001), the informational-transformational distinction (Cutler /̂tf/. 2000) and Pollay's advertising appeals (Albers-Miller & Gelb 1996), all developed in the United States to analyse advertising in other countries. Such constructs may not uncover important items of other cultures. Next to comparing cultures something can be learned from national studies of how advertising works in other countries than the United States, conducted among non-US subjects. This is not facilitated by the way some authors report their findings. An example is a study by Ang and Lim (2006), whose affiliations are with universities in Singapore and Australia,
  • 35. Their paper on the influence of metaphors on perceptions and attitudes is very relevant for understanding how advertising works, but they do not mention the national culture of their respondents, as if their findings are universal. This limits the viability of the conclusions. Another example is a statement like 'Many advertisers standardise general strategy while modifying executions' (Taylor 2005). Are these American advertisers, or also from other countries? This is important information as managers of US firms are more inclined to standardise advertising and to create a uniform brand image than, for example, Japanese managers (Taylor & Okazaki 2006). T h e degree to which marketing managers customise brand image varies with individualism and uncertainty avoidance (Roth 1995). Any study dealing with information processing, how advertising works, attitudes towards advertising and advertising practice should mention the cultural background of research subjects, because the national culture of respondents may influence the results. 100 THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
  • 36. Applying the Hofstede model to research for global branding and advertising In cross-cultural research we have noted an advance of methodological techniques but less conceptual analysis of cultural dimensions when for- mulating hypotheses. Some research questions ask for better understand- ing of how dimensional models work. Examples are the question as to which cultural dimensions are especially relevant to advertising, and the suggestion that cross-cultural studies that examine the impact of culture should actually measure how the individual respondents stand on the cul- tural dimension investigated (Taylor 2005, 2007). Measuring individual respondents on scales of cultural dimensions In comparative cross-cultural research, the properties of individuals as observed within a country are aggregated and then treated as culture-level variables. These variables can be used to explain variation of phenomena (other aggregate data) at country level (e.g. differences in ownership of computers between countries). T h e aggregated data represent a mix of different people because a society consists of a variety of people. So culture is not one king-size personality that can be used for measuring individu-
  • 37. als. Patterns of associations observed at the culture level (also called the ecological level) can be different from patterns at the individual level. For example, Schwartz (1994, p. 104) has shown that patterns of associations with 'freedom' are different at the individual and at the cultural (national) level. Within countries, individuals who score high on the importance of 'freedom' also tend to score high on the importance of 'independence of thought and actions'. But if the scores for all individuals in each nation are averaged, the nations where on average 'freedom' is scored as more impor- tant than in other nations are not those scoring higher on the importance of ^independence', but those scoring higher on 'protecting the welfare of others'. The individual associations are based on psychological logic, the national associations on the cultural logic of societies composed of differ- ent, interacting individuals. Measuring individual respondents on scales based on aggregate data is an ecological fallacy. 101 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING. 2010, 29(1) Cultural dimensions relevant to advertising
  • 38. Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey (1988) have best described the influence of the various dimensions of culture on verbal and non-verbal communica- tion styles, which are reflected in advertising styles. T h e three dimensions that explain variance of communication styles are power distance, individ- ualism/collectivism and uncertainty avoidance. For appeals and motives reflected in advertising, generally the product category defines the most relevant dimensions (De Mooij 2003, 2004, 2010). T h e dimensions that are relevant for a product category can be discovered only by correlating the data with the GNI/capita and country scores of all five dimensions. Setting hypotheses Sometimes researchers challenge the predictive value of the Hofstede model because their hypotheses were not supported, instead of challeng- ing the formulation of the hypotheses. Several aspects of the Hofstede dimensions must be considered when formulating hypotheses: (1) Some manifestations of each dimension are more work-related, whereas others can be applied to consumer behaviour and advertising; (2) often it is a configuration of dimensions that explains variation; (3) value paradoxes have to be taken into account. It is not easy to recognise values
  • 39. in advertis- ing as advertising appeals may reflect both the desired and the desirable (De Mooij 2010). Other problems are; (4) misunderstanding the content of a dimension, and (5) the effect of the researchers' cultural roots when selecting and interpreting manifestations of the values of the dimensions. Some examples are as follows. • Power distance is about the relationship between bosses and subordi- nates, but it is also about everyone having his or her rightful place in society versus equality. The latter explains the need for luxury brands as status symbols in high power distance cultures. • An important value of masculine cultures is achievement. When com- bined with individualism, success can be shown, less so when combined with collectivism. Innovativeness and the wish for change are low in high uncertainty avoidance cultures, but combined with high power distance, appeals like modernity and innovation provide status. High 102 THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
  • 40. scores on masculinity and power distance explain status needs. In high power distance cultures, status brands demonstrate one's role in a hier- archy. In masculine cultures, status brands demonstrate one's success. T h e configuration of high power distance and uncertainty avoidance explains the importance of personal appearance. T h e Japanese (high PDI/high UAI) judge people by clothes, which is not the case with the Chinese (high PDI/low UAI). Whereas, in Japan, the proper way things are done and one's social status provide face, for the Chinese face is related to one's economic capability (Suedo 2004). In content analysis of adverrising, the picture of a family is assumed to be a reflection of collecrivism, but paradoxically it can also be a reflec- rion of individualism where people are afraid that family values are disappearing. In collectivistic cultures advertisers may even feel a lesser need to depict families because the family is part of one's identity; it is not the desirable. Comparison of the number of people shown in advertisements is not a measure of individualism/collectivism. A better measure is measuring the directness of communication - for example, by comparing the use of personalised headlines. Uncertainty avoidance tends to be confused with risk avoidance
  • 41. (Roth 1995). The degree to which people insure themselves is not related to uncertainty avoidance. Instead, more life insurance policies are sold in individualistic cultures than in collectivistic cultures. In the former, should one die early, one cannot count on family to support one's dependants (Chui & Kwok 2008). Showing people in relation to others can be a reflection of collectivism, but also of the affiliarion needs of feminine cultures. Collectivism is not about subordinating oneself to the group. T h e lat- ter is the typical description from an individualistic view of the person. T h e group itself is one's identity. Power distance is about accepting làna expectingnc{:wàXx^ - it is a two-way street. Female nudit>' in advertising should not be confused with sex appeal, as researchers from masculine cultures may assume. There is no relationship with masculinity (Nelson & Paek 2008). 103 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1) Conclusion
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  • 62. Psychology, 43, pp. 303-311. Zandpour, K, Campos, V, Catalano, J., Chang, C , Cho, YD., Hoobyar, R.. Jiang, S.-E, Lin, M.-C, Madrid, S., Scheideler, H. & Osborn, S.T (1994) Global reach and local touch: achieving cultural fitness in TV advertising. Journal of Advertising Research, 34(5). Zhou, S., Zhou, P. & Xue, F. (2005) Visual differences in US and Chinese television commercials. Journal of Advertising., 34{ I ), pp. 111—119. About the authors Marieke de Mooij studied English literature at the Universit>' of Amsterdam and Textile Engineering in Enschede, the Netherlands. She received her PhD at the University of Navarre in Spain, at the department of eom- munication. She was advertising manager for an international company, account executive at an advertising agency, was a director at the
  • 63. Dutch institute for professional advertising education and director of education of the International Advertising Association. She has worked on the applica- tion of the Hofstede model to consumer behaviour and advertising since 1990. She is a consultant in Cross Cultural Communications and advises both companies and advertising agencies on international branding and advertising. She is visiting professor to various universities in Europe. Her books Global Marketing and Advertising (third edition 2010) and Consumer Behctvior and Culture {Z^QA, second edition to be published in 2011), both published by Sage Publications, are used at universities worldwide. Her website: www.mariekedemooij.com Geert Hofstede is Professor Emeritus at the University of Maastricht. He holds an MSc in mechanical engineering and a PhD in social psychol-
  • 64. ogy. He had a varied career both in business and in academia, retiring as a professor of organizational anthropology and international management 109 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1) from the University of Maastricht, the Netherlands, in 1993. Since the publication of his book CtJture's Consequences (1980, new edition 2001) he has heen a pioneer of comparative intercultural research; his ideas are used worldwide. A student-level book Cultures and Organizatiotis: Software of the Mind {99, new edition 2005 with Gen Jan Hofstede) has so far appeared in 15 European and 3 Asian languages. Geert Hofstede was listed in the Wall Street Journal of May 2008 among the Top 20 most influential busi-
  • 65. ness thinkers. He holds honorar>' doctorates from seven European univer- sities, and is a Fellow of the Academy of Management and the Academy of International Business in the USA. His website: www,geerthofstede.nl Address correspondence to: Marieke de Mooij, Westerenban 44, NL-4328 HE Burgh-Haamstede, the Netherlands. Email: [email protected]! 110 Copyright of International Journal of Advertising is the property of World Advertising Research Center Limited and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.
  • 66. MBA 6601, International Business Unit I Assignment Template Part 1: Pick three individual countries, one in the Middle East, one in Asia, and one in Europe. Apply Hofstede’s characteristics to each one, and state if the characteristic is low, medium, or high in each country. Also, explain why you think each country deserves that description. Characteristics [Middle East] [Asia] [Europe] Power Distance Uncertainty Avoidance
  • 67. Individualism/Collectivism Masculinity/Femininity Long-term/Short-term Orientation Part 2: Given your descriptions, explain which country is most like the United States and which country is most unlike the United States. Answer: