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Letter from a Birmingham City Jail
Martin Luther King Jr.’s Lonely Descent
by
Christopher Heren
A Term Paper
Presented to Professor Simpson
Luther Seminary
As a Requirement in
Course ST 3433
St. Paul, Minnesota
2010
But let justice roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream!
~Amos 5:24
Martin Luther King Jr., like other civil rights leaders in the 1960s, was not
unfamiliar with jail cells and injustice from police officers and civil officials. However,
unlike many of these other leaders, King had a way with words from the jail cell, and
indeed, one such stay in a jail cell in April of 1963 led to King’s penning one of the most
famous of civil rights writings. The “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” has been one of the
most reproduced writings of King.1
In this letter, King reveals his personal feelings and
theological convictions. The letter was hardly picked up by anyone, but its implications
and force can be felt today by all of society, but especially the church who follows the
faith of King.
The setup for this letter is nothing short of amazing. The non-violent direct action
of King was a wild success in Montgomery during the bus boycotts, but now, those who
kept the status quo of segregation and racial oppression were beginning to learn methods
to deal with King’s non-violent direct action and effectively crush his movement. In
Albany, New York (1961-1962), the officials played a game of “rope-a-dope” in the
spirit of Muhammad Ali where the force being moved against simply lies back and takes
the hits without doing anything in retaliation. Unlike King’s non-violent direct action,
Albany showcased simply non-action from the officials. This effectively stopped the
movement against injustice there, as no form of progress could be made with a group that
1
Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington (New York: Harper
One, 1991), 302.
1
2
did nothing. But just as the oppressive forces would learn from King, he and his
movement would learn from them.
In Birmingham, another strategy was taken up by King, which was much better
planned. There were planned buying boycotts, mass training in non-violent direct action
in the face of emotional and physical violence, and the preparation of large mass
marches, many of which involved prayer and song. This movement began with selective
buying campaigns, and thus a form of boycotting, around the season of Easter, seen to be
the second largest money making holiday after Christmas. It was the hope of the
protesters that the merchants would be won over by the pain in the pocket book. On top
of this buying campaign, several planned sit-ins and other movements of civil
disobedience in food or service industries were done, leading to several arrests. It was
not until the larger marches began however, that a major response was given by the local
authorities. This followed very closely to the events leading to the “reelection” of “Bull”
Connor.2
In response to this “Birmingham Campaign,” Bull Connor used his political and
police clout to use public non-violent direct action against the marches led by King and
others of the SCLC. While King in his letter mentions the control of police, the general
public of the nation was made aware of physically extreme acts by the police in
Birmingham, such as turning fire hoses and dogs on high school students. It was this
public opinion with regard to Bull Connor’s activities that would eventually lead to both
the March on Washington and the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
The arrests in Birmingham filled jails and prisons, but it took some time for King
to submit to arrest. Both King and Ralph Abernathy submitted to arrest, but King was
2
Ibid, 534.
3
separated from Abernathy and placed in solitary confinement. This arrest occurred on
April 12, 1963, roughly one week after the beginning of the campaign.3
King describes
the event in this way, “as we neared the downtown area, Bull Connor ordered his men to
arrest us. Ralph and I were hauled off by two muscular policemen, clutching the backs of
our shirts in handfuls…In jail Ralph and I were separated from everyone else, and later
from each other.”4
After being placed in solitary confinement, King was left with nothing but what
his lawyer brought to him in order to write the letter. His letter was an open letter to
eight clergy (7 Christian and 1 Jewish) who were considered “white liberals,” but had
written against King’s marches in Birmingham calling him an “outside agitator” and an
instigator of ill-timed action which they perceived as being too swift and desiring change
too quickly. They counseled him to use legal lines to affect the change that oppressed
blacks wanted to see. King could not take this sitting down. His letter was a direct
frontal assault on what he felt to be the failure of “white moderates” whose actions of
“inaction” led to the propagation of the “myth of time.” He would in this letter declare
that the worst enemy of the civil rights movement were white moderates who did
nothing.
Before looking at the letter, it should be noted the felling of King at this time. He
was unable to keep track of what was going on with the campaign, and he had been
separated from his friends as well as anything to do other than pray and think. It was like
3
The Martin Luther King Jr. Research and Education Institute, Martin Luther King Jr. and the
Global Freedom Struggle, “Letter From Birmingham Jail (1963),” http://mlk-
kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/encyclopedia/enc_letter_from_birmingham_jail_1963
(accessed 23 March, 2010).
4
Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington, (New York: Harper
One, 1991), 544.
4
letting someone stew in their own juices, letting worry and despair overtake them. King
of course felt this despair in what could be considered a type of descent into Hell. The
way Martin Luther describes the despair of Jonah is very apropos in King’s situation.
“And down there the earth ‘has closed its bars on him forever,’ that is, he cannot but
think that he must remain down there forever and will never get out again. Like a person
confined to a dungeon or prison, with doors and windows barred, so also a person
sinking into the ocean’s depth is doomed to remain there”5
(emphasis mine).
King who is left alone in his cell, and as he will mention in his letter, feels both
abandoned by those who should have power over the oppressive system in Birmingham
(President Kennedy) as well as betrayed by those whom he counted as brothers both in
the church and in society (the clergy). One should keep this mindset of King’s at the
forefront of a look at this letter, generated by a despair that is almost palpable, and a
feeling of depression and loneliness that would turn the most pious Christian into a cynic.
The letter opens and closes with a self-identification of King as a Christian to
fellow clergymen. He wants to emphasize both their shared professions as ministers of
the gospel, but also (and primarily) to have solidarity as brothers in Christ. To these
Christian brothers King hopes to draw both feelings of regret and repentance for their
words regarding the Birmingham movement, and also to light a fire under them so that
they and their other white Christian/Jewish leaders and laity would be galvanized to
demand desegregation according to the moral commands and laws of God.
Because of his audience’s education and background, he liberally quotes from
several important yet diverse sources. He references most often Jesus, Paul, “the eighth
5
Martin Luther, LW 19, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan, (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1974), 78.
5
century prophets” (we can safely assume he means Amos), and Socrates. In these he
hopes to both lay out his vision of morality, and also to get at a common and shared
intellectual and religious tradition. He quotes from and uses such diverse sources as
Thomas Aquinas6
and Paul Tillich. King however shows his love for all of these sources
regardless of denomination or even religion. In his mind, he really and truly uses their
contribution to human thought and gives an almost “catholic” understanding of such
aspects of Christian faith as the nature of creation and time, morality and the state, and
finally eschatology and the responsibility of human persons.
Before he jumps into the meat of the letter however, he begins to set the stage for
his view of anthropology by defending against the charge that he is an “outside agitator”
who simply came to Birmingham to “start something.” In point of fact, he claims to have
been invited by a local affiliate of the SCLC, which he is the president of. He uses this
fact though to point out, and begin to explain, his view concerning the mutual
interdependence of humanity as a whole. He claims that humanity is dependent on each
other, and in “speculative” language describes humanity as a “network of mutuality”
when it comes to the relationships between persons. He further distinguishes what he
calls the “garment of destiny” which humanity is supposed to be working for. He follows
the view that time is neutral, and can be used either for good or for ill. As a result, while
recognizing the temporal relatedness of persons, he also emphasizes the future destiny
that can be achieved if humanity works for it. He believes wholeheartedly that God does
not use time to force a change or a future of His choice alone. Rather, God desires to
work with humanity in their freedom and so make humanity “co-creators” with Him.
6
At one time my Roman Catholic philosophy professor exclaimed his amazement and respect for
a twentieth century black Baptist preacher to use a medieval Latin scholastic theologian. His point was
how ecumenical a theologian King was.
6
As a result of his view of human interdependence and the cosmic destiny, King
can declare that, “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”7
For King, who
quotes Tillich as saying “sin is separation,”8
this separation is made “existentially
palpable” by the practice and defense of segregation. Such a system that allows for
segregation cannot be present for the building up of the network of humanity, nor can it
lead to the ultimate destiny of humanity. King is consistent in his views of creation and
anthropology. If God is willing to allow humanity to be co-creators with Him, this shows
a relationship where neither forces the other, but a relationship of mutual love is in play.
Therefore, segregation, which dehumanizes people, is what prevents the whole web of
humanity to co-create with God. Such segregation therefore is sin.
Following this discussion of creation and humanity’s destiny, is a discussion for
those white clergymen and lay church goers who defend the system of the status quo by
asking King why he breaks laws and incites others to do so as well if he respects the law.
In this vein as well, King is consistent, and brings to bear his understanding of God as
creator who desires humanity specifically to be willing co-creator. God has built
humanity with the ability to see God’s moral law through creation, and thus comes the
Natural Law aspect of King. If humanity is a network of mutually dependent persons,
then it stands to reason that King saw the very fiber of creation in the same way. Nature
itself has these networked relationships, both natural and also moral. King therefore
declares that humanity must serve God over men when men go against God, and that to
follow an unjust law is to follow man.
7
Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington, (New York: Harper
One, 1991), 290.
8
Ibid, 294.
7
What makes a law just or unjust? Whether or not human codes of law correspond
and coincide with the moral law of God. What is considered by King to be related to
God’s moral law are those which build up the personhood of humanity. Any law that
does not do this is not in accordance with the moral law of God with its garment of
destiny, and is thus unjust. This is further elucidated by King would believes that
American democracy and the ideals of the Enlightenment as they have been understood
in the West, are an almost sacred gift of God. Thus a law is also immoral and unjust
when a minority is forced to follow a law by the majority which the majority themselves
don’t follow (legalized hypocrisy), but a law is also unjust if the minority had no say in
the formation of the law. This is not just a statement regarding the right of blacks and
minorities to vote, but is also a statement regarding the sovereignty of the person as it
interacts with the network of humanity working towards its destiny that God has planned
for them.
In keeping with the nature of his views on non-violent direct action, as well as his
proactive and postmillennial view of eschatology, he describes four steps involved in a
move on a community. This is done for several reasons, not the least of which is King’s
defense of non-violent direct action being the only viable option left in order to get the
anti-segregation change moving. He defends the tension caused by his non-violent direct
action, pointing out that this tension is a way to cure the deeper problem, while to worry
about “tension” as a problem is to worry about a symptom of a deeper problem.
His four steps are simple. First comes the gathering of information to see if a
community harbors injustice. Second comes negotiation with those who are able to make
a change to the factors allowing for segregation and injustice. Third comes the self-
8
purification of those who are about to pursue non-violent direct action.9
Fourth of course,
is the action. King uses these four steps as well to defend the buildup of tension. Seeing
negotiation as preferable by far to non-violent direct action, King argues that non-violent
direct action is the last resort, and is ultimately geared towards allowing for
negotiations.10
His treatment of how tension creates movement where none would exist
otherwise is a clear indication of his consistent use of his view of creation, where God
does not force time to have a positive movement without human action as co-creator.
This “myth of time” is tied to a view that God will do everything, and this is something
King cannot allow, especially in the mindset of the “white liberal” Christians who most
likely accept a generally vague postmillennial eschatology.
Within this very dense letter that focuses and applies his theology to legal and
social evils, he takes his “opponents” with him, often placing them on the other side of
the oppression. It is no surprise that he used Christian treatment under Communism or
Jewish treatment under Hitler. His method was not to confront his opponents with active
language and rhetoric, but turn the language around on them, bringing them into his own
narrative with reminders from their own experience. He learns how to play the prophet
Nathan well.
In the end of course, King was released from prison by a generous donation of
funds, and the movement in Birmingham was ultimately a national success. King’s
feelings most likely mirror, once again, the words of Martin Luther regarding Jonah’s
9
A critique (though not a negative one) can be raised against King’s four steps. Step three seems
to be more of a general backdrop alongside non-violent direct action and its methods. It should proceed, be
contemporaneous with, and follow all the other steps.
10
Ibid, 290.
9
despair, “now the situation is improving. Different thoughts come to mind. Faith again
raises its head and strives to win the victory. The despondent thoughts abate.”11
King’s experiences in the Birmingham jail, and his thoughts in the letter, point to
the weakness of humanity. He clearly expresses in the event his disapproval and feelings
of betrayal by the “white” church.12
His feelings and his actions under pressure and
persecution should serve the church today in several ways. This feeling of betrayal and
loneliness in the face of suffering and oppression is no less than the feelings of Jesus in
the midst of His Passion. King knew very well from this experience the way of the cross,
leading to his mature existential theology of human destiny and mutual interdependence.
The theology of the cross that had been a part of his life since youth was magnified as he
sat in prison pursuing a vision of justice that the Gospel preaches. Like Jesus, King
provides an example of how we are to face this suffering. King, as he mentions in the
letter, prayed long for several reasons, not least of which was that there was nothing else
to do. This is an equivalent statement to Jesus’ “my God, my God,” where God is still
trusted in, even in the midst of darkness that threatens to snuff out one’s existence.
On a more positive side, King provides the church today with a method for
determining the justice of certain laws, and his passion and willingness to suffer and
sacrifice for justice, giving himself up for others, is a lesson to how we as Christians are
called to love our neighbor as ourself, and ultimately called to give up our life if need be
for them.13
The call for justice, even if simply the practice of justice in the social realm,
11
Martin Luther, LW 19, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan, (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1974), 79.
12
Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington, (New York: Harper
One, 1991), 298-301.
13
John 15:13.
10
is a call to service for others, putting the well-being of the “other” over even ourselves.
The church that is comfortable is often unable to deal with suffering if need be, and this is
a point which almost leads King to reject all forms of established religion.14
We as
members of this church need to be always vigilant against this tendency for failure, as
well as have faith in God, even in the midst of human failures.
King’s letter and example should show us that even those who follow Christ will
be subject to trials and temptations. This is something that should be expected, and in
such a time as this trial comes, we look to God for deliverance from affliction, and
continue to seek the cause of justice for the oppressed, recognizing them as human just as
we are. For the church, our interconnectedness and destiny are fully in Christ according
to King, for even barring his doubts about organized religion, he believed that the church
would be the hope for the world.15
14
Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington, (New York: Harper
One, 1991), 300.
15
Ibid.

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Ethics 2 Paper

  • 1. Letter from a Birmingham City Jail Martin Luther King Jr.’s Lonely Descent by Christopher Heren A Term Paper Presented to Professor Simpson Luther Seminary As a Requirement in Course ST 3433 St. Paul, Minnesota 2010
  • 2. But let justice roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream! ~Amos 5:24 Martin Luther King Jr., like other civil rights leaders in the 1960s, was not unfamiliar with jail cells and injustice from police officers and civil officials. However, unlike many of these other leaders, King had a way with words from the jail cell, and indeed, one such stay in a jail cell in April of 1963 led to King’s penning one of the most famous of civil rights writings. The “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” has been one of the most reproduced writings of King.1 In this letter, King reveals his personal feelings and theological convictions. The letter was hardly picked up by anyone, but its implications and force can be felt today by all of society, but especially the church who follows the faith of King. The setup for this letter is nothing short of amazing. The non-violent direct action of King was a wild success in Montgomery during the bus boycotts, but now, those who kept the status quo of segregation and racial oppression were beginning to learn methods to deal with King’s non-violent direct action and effectively crush his movement. In Albany, New York (1961-1962), the officials played a game of “rope-a-dope” in the spirit of Muhammad Ali where the force being moved against simply lies back and takes the hits without doing anything in retaliation. Unlike King’s non-violent direct action, Albany showcased simply non-action from the officials. This effectively stopped the movement against injustice there, as no form of progress could be made with a group that 1 Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington (New York: Harper One, 1991), 302. 1
  • 3. 2 did nothing. But just as the oppressive forces would learn from King, he and his movement would learn from them. In Birmingham, another strategy was taken up by King, which was much better planned. There were planned buying boycotts, mass training in non-violent direct action in the face of emotional and physical violence, and the preparation of large mass marches, many of which involved prayer and song. This movement began with selective buying campaigns, and thus a form of boycotting, around the season of Easter, seen to be the second largest money making holiday after Christmas. It was the hope of the protesters that the merchants would be won over by the pain in the pocket book. On top of this buying campaign, several planned sit-ins and other movements of civil disobedience in food or service industries were done, leading to several arrests. It was not until the larger marches began however, that a major response was given by the local authorities. This followed very closely to the events leading to the “reelection” of “Bull” Connor.2 In response to this “Birmingham Campaign,” Bull Connor used his political and police clout to use public non-violent direct action against the marches led by King and others of the SCLC. While King in his letter mentions the control of police, the general public of the nation was made aware of physically extreme acts by the police in Birmingham, such as turning fire hoses and dogs on high school students. It was this public opinion with regard to Bull Connor’s activities that would eventually lead to both the March on Washington and the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The arrests in Birmingham filled jails and prisons, but it took some time for King to submit to arrest. Both King and Ralph Abernathy submitted to arrest, but King was 2 Ibid, 534.
  • 4. 3 separated from Abernathy and placed in solitary confinement. This arrest occurred on April 12, 1963, roughly one week after the beginning of the campaign.3 King describes the event in this way, “as we neared the downtown area, Bull Connor ordered his men to arrest us. Ralph and I were hauled off by two muscular policemen, clutching the backs of our shirts in handfuls…In jail Ralph and I were separated from everyone else, and later from each other.”4 After being placed in solitary confinement, King was left with nothing but what his lawyer brought to him in order to write the letter. His letter was an open letter to eight clergy (7 Christian and 1 Jewish) who were considered “white liberals,” but had written against King’s marches in Birmingham calling him an “outside agitator” and an instigator of ill-timed action which they perceived as being too swift and desiring change too quickly. They counseled him to use legal lines to affect the change that oppressed blacks wanted to see. King could not take this sitting down. His letter was a direct frontal assault on what he felt to be the failure of “white moderates” whose actions of “inaction” led to the propagation of the “myth of time.” He would in this letter declare that the worst enemy of the civil rights movement were white moderates who did nothing. Before looking at the letter, it should be noted the felling of King at this time. He was unable to keep track of what was going on with the campaign, and he had been separated from his friends as well as anything to do other than pray and think. It was like 3 The Martin Luther King Jr. Research and Education Institute, Martin Luther King Jr. and the Global Freedom Struggle, “Letter From Birmingham Jail (1963),” http://mlk- kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/encyclopedia/enc_letter_from_birmingham_jail_1963 (accessed 23 March, 2010). 4 Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington, (New York: Harper One, 1991), 544.
  • 5. 4 letting someone stew in their own juices, letting worry and despair overtake them. King of course felt this despair in what could be considered a type of descent into Hell. The way Martin Luther describes the despair of Jonah is very apropos in King’s situation. “And down there the earth ‘has closed its bars on him forever,’ that is, he cannot but think that he must remain down there forever and will never get out again. Like a person confined to a dungeon or prison, with doors and windows barred, so also a person sinking into the ocean’s depth is doomed to remain there”5 (emphasis mine). King who is left alone in his cell, and as he will mention in his letter, feels both abandoned by those who should have power over the oppressive system in Birmingham (President Kennedy) as well as betrayed by those whom he counted as brothers both in the church and in society (the clergy). One should keep this mindset of King’s at the forefront of a look at this letter, generated by a despair that is almost palpable, and a feeling of depression and loneliness that would turn the most pious Christian into a cynic. The letter opens and closes with a self-identification of King as a Christian to fellow clergymen. He wants to emphasize both their shared professions as ministers of the gospel, but also (and primarily) to have solidarity as brothers in Christ. To these Christian brothers King hopes to draw both feelings of regret and repentance for their words regarding the Birmingham movement, and also to light a fire under them so that they and their other white Christian/Jewish leaders and laity would be galvanized to demand desegregation according to the moral commands and laws of God. Because of his audience’s education and background, he liberally quotes from several important yet diverse sources. He references most often Jesus, Paul, “the eighth 5 Martin Luther, LW 19, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan, (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1974), 78.
  • 6. 5 century prophets” (we can safely assume he means Amos), and Socrates. In these he hopes to both lay out his vision of morality, and also to get at a common and shared intellectual and religious tradition. He quotes from and uses such diverse sources as Thomas Aquinas6 and Paul Tillich. King however shows his love for all of these sources regardless of denomination or even religion. In his mind, he really and truly uses their contribution to human thought and gives an almost “catholic” understanding of such aspects of Christian faith as the nature of creation and time, morality and the state, and finally eschatology and the responsibility of human persons. Before he jumps into the meat of the letter however, he begins to set the stage for his view of anthropology by defending against the charge that he is an “outside agitator” who simply came to Birmingham to “start something.” In point of fact, he claims to have been invited by a local affiliate of the SCLC, which he is the president of. He uses this fact though to point out, and begin to explain, his view concerning the mutual interdependence of humanity as a whole. He claims that humanity is dependent on each other, and in “speculative” language describes humanity as a “network of mutuality” when it comes to the relationships between persons. He further distinguishes what he calls the “garment of destiny” which humanity is supposed to be working for. He follows the view that time is neutral, and can be used either for good or for ill. As a result, while recognizing the temporal relatedness of persons, he also emphasizes the future destiny that can be achieved if humanity works for it. He believes wholeheartedly that God does not use time to force a change or a future of His choice alone. Rather, God desires to work with humanity in their freedom and so make humanity “co-creators” with Him. 6 At one time my Roman Catholic philosophy professor exclaimed his amazement and respect for a twentieth century black Baptist preacher to use a medieval Latin scholastic theologian. His point was how ecumenical a theologian King was.
  • 7. 6 As a result of his view of human interdependence and the cosmic destiny, King can declare that, “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”7 For King, who quotes Tillich as saying “sin is separation,”8 this separation is made “existentially palpable” by the practice and defense of segregation. Such a system that allows for segregation cannot be present for the building up of the network of humanity, nor can it lead to the ultimate destiny of humanity. King is consistent in his views of creation and anthropology. If God is willing to allow humanity to be co-creators with Him, this shows a relationship where neither forces the other, but a relationship of mutual love is in play. Therefore, segregation, which dehumanizes people, is what prevents the whole web of humanity to co-create with God. Such segregation therefore is sin. Following this discussion of creation and humanity’s destiny, is a discussion for those white clergymen and lay church goers who defend the system of the status quo by asking King why he breaks laws and incites others to do so as well if he respects the law. In this vein as well, King is consistent, and brings to bear his understanding of God as creator who desires humanity specifically to be willing co-creator. God has built humanity with the ability to see God’s moral law through creation, and thus comes the Natural Law aspect of King. If humanity is a network of mutually dependent persons, then it stands to reason that King saw the very fiber of creation in the same way. Nature itself has these networked relationships, both natural and also moral. King therefore declares that humanity must serve God over men when men go against God, and that to follow an unjust law is to follow man. 7 Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington, (New York: Harper One, 1991), 290. 8 Ibid, 294.
  • 8. 7 What makes a law just or unjust? Whether or not human codes of law correspond and coincide with the moral law of God. What is considered by King to be related to God’s moral law are those which build up the personhood of humanity. Any law that does not do this is not in accordance with the moral law of God with its garment of destiny, and is thus unjust. This is further elucidated by King would believes that American democracy and the ideals of the Enlightenment as they have been understood in the West, are an almost sacred gift of God. Thus a law is also immoral and unjust when a minority is forced to follow a law by the majority which the majority themselves don’t follow (legalized hypocrisy), but a law is also unjust if the minority had no say in the formation of the law. This is not just a statement regarding the right of blacks and minorities to vote, but is also a statement regarding the sovereignty of the person as it interacts with the network of humanity working towards its destiny that God has planned for them. In keeping with the nature of his views on non-violent direct action, as well as his proactive and postmillennial view of eschatology, he describes four steps involved in a move on a community. This is done for several reasons, not the least of which is King’s defense of non-violent direct action being the only viable option left in order to get the anti-segregation change moving. He defends the tension caused by his non-violent direct action, pointing out that this tension is a way to cure the deeper problem, while to worry about “tension” as a problem is to worry about a symptom of a deeper problem. His four steps are simple. First comes the gathering of information to see if a community harbors injustice. Second comes negotiation with those who are able to make a change to the factors allowing for segregation and injustice. Third comes the self-
  • 9. 8 purification of those who are about to pursue non-violent direct action.9 Fourth of course, is the action. King uses these four steps as well to defend the buildup of tension. Seeing negotiation as preferable by far to non-violent direct action, King argues that non-violent direct action is the last resort, and is ultimately geared towards allowing for negotiations.10 His treatment of how tension creates movement where none would exist otherwise is a clear indication of his consistent use of his view of creation, where God does not force time to have a positive movement without human action as co-creator. This “myth of time” is tied to a view that God will do everything, and this is something King cannot allow, especially in the mindset of the “white liberal” Christians who most likely accept a generally vague postmillennial eschatology. Within this very dense letter that focuses and applies his theology to legal and social evils, he takes his “opponents” with him, often placing them on the other side of the oppression. It is no surprise that he used Christian treatment under Communism or Jewish treatment under Hitler. His method was not to confront his opponents with active language and rhetoric, but turn the language around on them, bringing them into his own narrative with reminders from their own experience. He learns how to play the prophet Nathan well. In the end of course, King was released from prison by a generous donation of funds, and the movement in Birmingham was ultimately a national success. King’s feelings most likely mirror, once again, the words of Martin Luther regarding Jonah’s 9 A critique (though not a negative one) can be raised against King’s four steps. Step three seems to be more of a general backdrop alongside non-violent direct action and its methods. It should proceed, be contemporaneous with, and follow all the other steps. 10 Ibid, 290.
  • 10. 9 despair, “now the situation is improving. Different thoughts come to mind. Faith again raises its head and strives to win the victory. The despondent thoughts abate.”11 King’s experiences in the Birmingham jail, and his thoughts in the letter, point to the weakness of humanity. He clearly expresses in the event his disapproval and feelings of betrayal by the “white” church.12 His feelings and his actions under pressure and persecution should serve the church today in several ways. This feeling of betrayal and loneliness in the face of suffering and oppression is no less than the feelings of Jesus in the midst of His Passion. King knew very well from this experience the way of the cross, leading to his mature existential theology of human destiny and mutual interdependence. The theology of the cross that had been a part of his life since youth was magnified as he sat in prison pursuing a vision of justice that the Gospel preaches. Like Jesus, King provides an example of how we are to face this suffering. King, as he mentions in the letter, prayed long for several reasons, not least of which was that there was nothing else to do. This is an equivalent statement to Jesus’ “my God, my God,” where God is still trusted in, even in the midst of darkness that threatens to snuff out one’s existence. On a more positive side, King provides the church today with a method for determining the justice of certain laws, and his passion and willingness to suffer and sacrifice for justice, giving himself up for others, is a lesson to how we as Christians are called to love our neighbor as ourself, and ultimately called to give up our life if need be for them.13 The call for justice, even if simply the practice of justice in the social realm, 11 Martin Luther, LW 19, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan, (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1974), 79. 12 Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington, (New York: Harper One, 1991), 298-301. 13 John 15:13.
  • 11. 10 is a call to service for others, putting the well-being of the “other” over even ourselves. The church that is comfortable is often unable to deal with suffering if need be, and this is a point which almost leads King to reject all forms of established religion.14 We as members of this church need to be always vigilant against this tendency for failure, as well as have faith in God, even in the midst of human failures. King’s letter and example should show us that even those who follow Christ will be subject to trials and temptations. This is something that should be expected, and in such a time as this trial comes, we look to God for deliverance from affliction, and continue to seek the cause of justice for the oppressed, recognizing them as human just as we are. For the church, our interconnectedness and destiny are fully in Christ according to King, for even barring his doubts about organized religion, he believed that the church would be the hope for the world.15 14 Martin Luther King Jr., A Testament of Hope, ed. James M. Washington, (New York: Harper One, 1991), 300. 15 Ibid.