Q#1:Muslim rulers made concerted efforts to create harmony and environment of understanding with their Hindu subjects. Elaborate in detail. Muslim rulers in the Indian subcontinent adopted strategic and humanitarian policies to foster harmony with their Hindu subjects, particularly through administrative inclusion, economic relief, and cultural synthesis. These efforts transformed the region into a model of religious pluralism during various historical periods. Administrative and Political Inclusion A hallmark of harmonizing efforts was the appointment of Hindus to the highest echelons of government. Emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605) revolutionized governance by incorporating the Hindu Rajput elite into the Mughal nobility as partners in the empire. High-ranking officials included Raja Todar Mal as Finance Minister and Raja Man Singh as a top military commander. Earlier, in 15th-century Kashmir, Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin (r. 1420–1470)—revered as "Bud Shah" (the Great King)—similarly appointed Hindus as ministers, judges, and diplomats. Even the founder of the Mughal Empire, Babur, emphasized the importance of winning the loyalty of the Hindu majority to ensure stability. Abolition of Discriminatory Practices Financial and religious burdens were systematically reduced to foster goodwill. Akbar famously abolished the jizya (tax on non-Muslims) in 1564 and the pilgrimage tax in 1563, signalling that his Hindu subjects were equal citizens rather than a secondary class. Before him, Zain-ul-Abidin had also abolished jizya and the cremation tax, while inviting back Hindu Brahmins who had fled during previous restrictive reigns. To further respect Hindu sentiments, several rulers, including Babur and Zain-ul-Abidin, implemented bans on cow slaughter. Institutionalized Interfaith Dialogue Muslim rulers actively promoted intellectual understanding between faiths. Akbar established the Ibadat Khana (House of Worship) in 1575, inviting Hindu, Jain, Parsi, and Christian scholars to debate spiritual truths. This search for common ground culminated in his philosophy of Sulh-i-Kul (Universal Peace), which mandated tolerance and balance as state policies. In Bengal, Sultans like Alauddin Husain Shah (r. 1493–1519) were also noted for their patronizing of Hindu scholars and their sympathetic attitude toward non-Muslim subjects. Cultural and Social Integration Rulers bridged the cultural gap by commissioning the translation of sacred Hindu texts. Under Akbar, the Mahabharata and Ramayana were translated into Persian, aimed at educating the Muslim elite and reducing religious tension. Zain-ul-Abidin similarly patronized the translation of the Mahabharata and the Kashmiri history Rajatarangini. Socially, the creation of matrimonial alliances with Hindu Rajput families allowed princesses to practice their faith within the royal court, leading to the celebration of Hindu festivals like Holi and Diwali by the emperors themselves. This fusion of traditions birthed the Gan

1. Q#1:Muslim rulers made concerted efforts to create
harmony and environment of understanding with their
Hindu subjects. Elaborate in detail.
Muslim rulers in the Indian subcontinent adopted
strategic and humanitarian policies to foster harmony
with their Hindu subjects, particularly through
administrative inclusion, economic relief, and cultural
synthesis. These efforts transformed the region into a
model of religious pluralism during various historical
periods.
Administrative and Political Inclusion

2. A hallmark of harmonizing efforts was the
appointment of Hindus to the highest echelons of
government. Emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605)
revolutionized governance by incorporating the
Hindu Rajput elite into the Mughal nobility as
partners in the empire. High-ranking officials
included Raja Todar Mal as Finance Minister and
Raja Man Singh as a top military commander.
Earlier, in 15th-century Kashmir, Sultan Zain-ul-
Abidin (r. 1420–1470)—revered as "Bud Shah" (the
Great King)—similarly appointed Hindus as
ministers, judges, and diplomats. Even the founder of
the Mughal Empire, Babur, emphasized the
importance of winning the loyalty of the Hindu
majority to ensure stability.
Abolition of Discriminatory Practices
Financial and religious burdens were systematically
reduced to foster goodwill. Akbar famously abolished

3. the jizya (tax on non-Muslims) in 1564 and the
pilgrimage tax in 1563, signalling that his Hindu
subjects were equal citizens rather than a secondary
class. Before him, Zain-ul-Abidin had also abolished
jizya and the cremation tax, while inviting back Hindu
Brahmins who had fled during previous restrictive
reigns. To further respect Hindu sentiments, several
rulers, including Babur and Zain-ul-Abidin,
implemented bans on cow slaughter.
Institutionalized Interfaith Dialogue
Muslim rulers actively promoted intellectual
understanding between faiths. Akbar established the
Ibadat Khana (House of Worship) in 1575, inviting
Hindu, Jain, Parsi, and Christian scholars to debate
spiritual truths. This search for common ground
culminated in his philosophy of Sulh-i-Kul (Universal
Peace), which mandated tolerance and balance as
state policies. In Bengal, Sultans like Alauddin

4. Husain Shah (r. 1493–1519) were also noted for their
patronizing of Hindu scholars and their sympathetic
attitude toward non-Muslim subjects.
Cultural and Social Integration
Rulers bridged the cultural gap by commissioning the
translation of sacred Hindu texts. Under Akbar, the
Mahabharata and Ramayana were translated into
Persian, aimed at educating the Muslim elite and
reducing religious tension. Zain-ul-Abidin similarly
patronized the translation of the Mahabharata and
the Kashmiri history Rajatarangini.
Socially, the creation of matrimonial alliances with
Hindu Rajput families allowed princesses to practice
their faith within the royal court, leading to the
celebration of Hindu festivals like Holi and Diwali by
the emperors themselves. This fusion of traditions
birthed the Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb, a composite
culture that influenced everything from language—

5. giving rise to Urdu as a blend of Persian, Arabic, and
Hindi—to architecture, music, and cuisine.
Philanthropy and Legal Respect
Religious freedom was extended to the right of self-
governance. Akbar and Zain-ul-Abidin allowed
Hindus to follow their personal laws based on the
Dharmashastras and granted land and funds for the
construction and maintenance of temples. Rulers also
distributed charities and rewards to their subjects
regardless of religion, viewing the welfare of the
masses (ra'iyyat parwari) as a divine responsibility of
the monarch.
‫نمبر‬ ‫سوال‬
1
‫ک‬ ‫رعایا‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫اپنی‬ ‫ن‬ ‫حکمرانوں‬ ‫مسلم‬ :
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫کرن‬ ‫پیدا‬ ‫ماحول‬ ‫کا‬ ‫یم‬ ‫تف‬ ‫و‬ ‫ام‬ ‫اف‬ ‫اور‬ ‫نگی‬ ‫آ‬ ‫م‬ ‫ساتھ‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫کریں‬ ‫بیان‬ ‫س‬ ‫تفصیل‬ ‫کیں‬ ‫کوششیں‬ ‫ٹھوس‬ ‫کی‬
‫۔‬ ‫ے‬ ‫۔‬
‫ندو‬ ‫اپنی‬ ‫ن‬ ‫حکمرانوں‬ ‫مسلم‬ ‫میں‬ ‫ند‬ ‫و‬ ‫پاک‬ ‫برصغیر‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫تزویراتی‬ ‫لی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫دین‬ ‫فروغ‬ ‫کو‬ ‫نگی‬ ‫آ‬ ‫م‬ ‫ساتھ‬ ‫ک‬ ‫رعایا‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫خاص‬ ،‫اپنائیں‬ ‫پالیسیاں‬ ‫دوست‬ ‫انسان‬ ‫اور‬

6. ‫ترکیب‬ ‫ثقافتی‬ ‫اور‬ ‫ریلیف‬ ‫معاشی‬ ،‫شمولیت‬ ‫انتظامی‬
‫ک‬ ‫ادوار‬ ‫تاریخی‬ ‫مختلف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫کوششوں‬ ‫ان‬ ‫ذریع‬ ‫ک‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے۔‬ ‫ے‬
‫تبدیل‬ ‫میں‬ ‫نمون‬ ‫ک‬ ‫تکثیریت‬ ‫بی‬ ‫مذ‬ ‫کو‬ ‫خط‬ ‫دوران‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫کیا‬
‫۔‬
‫شمولیت‬ ‫سیاسی‬ ‫اور‬ ‫انتظامی‬
‫حکومت‬ ‫نشان‬ ‫خاص‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫کا‬ ‫کوششوں‬ ‫کی‬ ‫نگی‬ ‫آ‬ ‫م‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫اکبر‬ ‫نشا‬ ‫ش‬ ‫تھا‬ ‫تقرر‬ ‫کا‬ ‫ندوؤں‬ ‫پر‬ ‫دوں‬ ‫ع‬ ٰ‫اعلی‬ ‫ک‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
(r. 1556-1605) ‫ک‬ ‫داروں‬ ‫شراکت‬ ‫میں‬ ‫سلطنت‬ ‫ن‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫کو‬ ‫اشرافی‬ ‫راجپوت‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫میں‬ ‫اشرافی‬ ‫مغل‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫د‬ ‫ع‬ ٰ‫اعلی‬ ‫کیا‬ ‫برپا‬ ‫انقالب‬ ‫میں‬ ‫حکمرانی‬ ‫کرک‬ ‫شامل‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫۔‬ ‫ے‬
‫مان‬ ‫راج‬ ‫اور‬ ‫خزان‬ ‫وزیر‬ ‫مل‬ ‫ٹوڈر‬ ‫راج‬ ‫میں‬ ‫داروں‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
، ‫ل‬ ‫پ‬ ‫س‬ ‫اس‬ ‫تھ‬ ‫کمانڈر‬ ‫فوجی‬ ٰ‫اعلی‬ ‫سنگھ‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے۔‬
15
‫ویں‬
‫العابدین‬ ‫زین‬ ‫سلطان‬ ،‫میں‬ ‫کشمیر‬ ‫ک‬ ‫صدی‬
‫ے‬ (r. 1420-
1470) - ،‫تھا‬ ‫جاتا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ک‬ ) ‫بادشا‬ ‫(عظیم‬ " ‫شا‬ ‫"بڈ‬ ‫جس‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫مقرر‬ ‫کار‬ ‫سفارت‬ ‫اور‬ ‫جج‬ ،‫وزیر‬ ‫کو‬ ‫ندوؤں‬ ‫طرح‬ ‫اسی‬
‫ہ‬
‫بھی‬ ‫ن‬ ‫بابر‬ ‫بانی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫سلطنت‬ ‫مغل‬ ‫ک‬ ‫تک‬ ‫اں‬ ‫ی‬ ‫کیا‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫۔‬
‫کی‬ ‫اکثریت‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫لی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫بنان‬ ‫یقینی‬ ‫کو‬ ‫استحکام‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫دیا‬ ‫زور‬ ‫پر‬ ‫میت‬ ‫ا‬ ‫کی‬ ‫جیتن‬ ‫وفاداری‬
‫۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬

7. ‫خاتم‬ ‫کا‬ ‫عمل‬ ‫طرز‬ ‫امتیازی‬
‫ہ‬
‫بی‬ ‫مذ‬ ‫اور‬ ‫مالی‬ ‫لی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫دین‬ ‫فروغ‬ ‫کو‬ ‫سگالی‬ ‫خیر‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫ور‬ ‫مش‬ ‫ن‬ ‫اکبر‬ ‫گیا‬ ‫کیا‬ ‫کم‬ ‫س‬ ‫طریق‬ ‫منظم‬ ‫کو‬ ‫بوجھ‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫۔‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫پر‬ ‫طور‬
1564
)‫ٹیکس‬ ‫پر‬ ‫مسلموں‬ ‫(غیر‬ ‫جزی‬ ‫میں‬
‫ہ‬
‫اور‬
1563
‫ی‬ ‫س‬ ‫جس‬ ،‫دیا‬ ‫کر‬ ‫ختم‬ ‫کو‬ ‫ٹیکس‬ ‫حج‬ ‫میں‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫ک‬ ‫طبق‬ ‫ثانوی‬ ‫رعایا‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫کی‬ ‫اس‬ ‫ک‬ ‫ملتا‬ ‫اشار‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫العابدین‬ ‫زین‬ ، ‫ل‬ ‫پ‬ ‫س‬ ‫اس‬ ‫یں‬ ‫ری‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ک‬ ‫برابر‬ ‫بجائ‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫کر‬ ‫ختم‬ ‫بھی‬ ‫کو‬ ‫ٹیکس‬ ‫ک‬ ‫رسومات‬ ‫آخری‬ ‫اور‬ ‫جزی‬ ‫ن‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫جو‬ ‫تھا‬ ‫بالیا‬ ‫واپس‬ ‫کو‬ ‫منوں‬ ‫بر‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫ان‬ ‫اور‬ ،‫تھا‬ ‫دیا‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫جذبات‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫تھ‬ ‫گئ‬ ‫بھاگ‬ ‫میں‬ ‫دور‬ ‫ک‬ ‫پابندیوں‬ ‫گزشت‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے۔‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫العابدین‬ ‫زین‬ ‫اور‬ ‫بابر‬ ، ‫لی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫کرن‬ ‫احترام‬ ‫مزید‬ ‫کا‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫نافذ‬ ‫پابندی‬ ‫پر‬ ‫ذبیح‬ ‫ک‬ ‫گائ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫حکمرانوں‬ ‫کئی‬ ‫سمیت‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫کی‬
‫۔‬
‫مکالم‬ ‫ب‬ ‫المذا‬ ‫بین‬ ‫جاتی‬ ‫ادار‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫درمیان‬ ‫ک‬ ‫عقائد‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫فعال‬ ‫ن‬ ‫حکمرانوں‬ ‫مسلم‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫ن‬ ‫اکبر‬ ‫دیا‬ ‫فروغ‬ ‫کو‬ ‫یم‬ ‫تف‬ ‫و‬ ‫ام‬ ‫اف‬ ‫فکری‬
‫ے‬ ‫۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
1575
‫میں‬
،‫ندو‬ ‫ن‬ ‫جس‬ ،‫کیا‬ ‫قائم‬ ) ‫خان‬ ‫(عبادت‬ ‫خان‬ ‫عبادت‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫سچائیوں‬ ‫روحانی‬ ‫کو‬ ‫علماء‬ ‫عیسائی‬ ‫اور‬ ،‫پارسی‬ ،‫جین‬

8. ‫تالش‬ ‫کی‬ ‫زمین‬ ‫مشترک‬ ‫دی‬ ‫دعوت‬ ‫کی‬ ‫کرن‬ ‫بحث‬ ‫پر‬
‫ہ‬ ‫۔‬ ‫ے‬
،‫وئی‬ ‫منتج‬ ‫پر‬ )‫امن‬ ‫(عالمی‬ ‫کل‬ ‫سل‬ ‫فلسف‬ ‫ک‬ ‫اس‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫اور‬ ‫رواداری‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ک‬ ‫پالیسیوں‬ ‫ریاستی‬ ‫ن‬ ‫جس‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫عالؤالدین‬ ،‫میں‬ ‫بنگال‬ ‫دیا‬ ‫قرار‬ ‫الزمی‬ ‫کو‬ ‫توازن‬
‫۔‬
( ‫شا‬ ‫حسین‬
‫ہ‬
1493
-
1519
‫ندو‬ ‫بھی‬ ‫سالطین‬ ‫جیس‬ )
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫ان‬ ‫ساتھ‬ ‫ک‬ ‫رعایا‬ ‫مسلم‬ ‫غیر‬ ‫اور‬ ‫سرپرستی‬ ‫کی‬ ‫علماء‬
‫ے‬
‫تھ‬ ‫ور‬ ‫مش‬ ‫لی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫روی‬ ‫مدردان‬ ‫ک‬
‫ے۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫انضمام‬ ‫سماجی‬ ‫اور‬ ‫ثقافتی‬
‫ذریع‬ ‫ک‬ ‫ترجم‬ ‫ک‬ ‫متون‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫مقدس‬ ‫ن‬ ‫حکمرانوں‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫اور‬ ‫ابھارت‬ ‫م‬ ،‫میں‬ ‫دور‬ ‫ک‬ ‫اکبر‬ ‫کیا‬ ‫پر‬ ‫کو‬ ‫خال‬ ‫ثقافتی‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫۔‬
‫مقصد‬ ‫کا‬ ‫جس‬ ،‫گیا‬ ‫کیا‬ ‫ترجم‬ ‫میں‬ ‫فارسی‬ ‫کا‬ ‫رامائن‬
‫ہ‬
‫کو‬ ‫کشیدگی‬ ‫بی‬ ‫مذ‬ ‫اور‬ ‫دینا‬ ‫تعلیم‬ ‫کو‬ ‫اشرافی‬ ‫مسلم‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫اور‬ ‫ابھارت‬ ‫م‬ ‫طرح‬ ‫اسی‬ ‫ن‬ ‫العابدین‬ ‫زین‬ ‫تھا‬ ‫کرنا‬ ‫کم‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫۔‬
‫سرپرستی‬ ‫کی‬ ‫ترجم‬ ‫ک‬ ‫راجترنگینی‬ ‫تاریخ‬ ‫کشمیری‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫کی‬
‫۔‬
‫ساتھ‬ ‫ک‬ ‫خاندانوں‬ ‫راجپوت‬ ‫ندو‬ ،‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫سماجی‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫تعلقات‬ ‫ازدواجی‬
‫ی‬ ‫شا‬ ‫کو‬ ‫زادیوں‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ن‬ ‫تخلیق‬ ‫کی‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
،‫دی‬ ‫اجازت‬ ‫کی‬ ‫کرن‬ ‫عمل‬ ‫پر‬ ‫عقید‬ ‫اپن‬ ‫میں‬ ‫دربار‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬

9. ‫دیوالی‬ ‫اور‬ ‫ولی‬ ‫ن‬ ‫وں‬ ‫بادشا‬ ‫خود‬ ‫س‬ ‫وج‬ ‫کی‬ ‫جس‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫گنگا‬ ‫ن‬ ‫امتزاج‬ ‫اس‬ ‫ک‬ ‫روایات‬ ‫منائ‬ ‫وار‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫جیس‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫ثقافت‬ ‫جامع‬ ‫ایسی‬ ‫ایک‬ ،‫دیا‬ ‫جنم‬ ‫کو‬ ‫زیب‬ ‫ت‬ ‫جمونی‬
‫ہ‬
‫اور‬ ‫عربی‬ ،‫فارسی‬ ‫کو‬ ‫اردو‬ ‫کر‬ ‫ل‬ ‫س‬ ‫زبان‬ ‫ن‬ ‫جس‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫اور‬ ‫موسیقی‬ ،‫تعمیر‬ ‫فن‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ک‬ ‫امتزاج‬ ‫ک‬ ‫ندی‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫کیا‬ ‫متاثر‬ ‫کو‬ ‫چیز‬ ‫ر‬ ‫تک‬ ‫کھانوں‬
‫۔‬ ‫ہ‬
‫احترام‬ ‫قانونی‬ ‫اور‬ ‫دوستی‬ ‫انسان‬
‫گیا‬ ‫بڑھایا‬ ‫تک‬ ‫حق‬ ‫ک‬ ‫حکمرانی‬ ‫خود‬ ‫کو‬ ‫آزادی‬ ‫بی‬ ‫مذ‬
‫۔‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫شاستروں‬ ‫دھرم‬ ‫کو‬ ‫ندوؤں‬ ‫ن‬ ‫العابدین‬ ‫زین‬ ‫اور‬ ‫اکبر‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫اجازت‬ ‫کی‬ ‫کرن‬ ‫عمل‬ ‫پر‬ ‫قوانین‬ ‫ذاتی‬ ‫اپن‬ ‫پر‬ ‫بنیاد‬ ‫کی‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫زمین‬ ‫لی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫بھال‬ ‫دیکھ‬ ‫اور‬ ‫تعمیر‬ ‫کی‬ ‫مندروں‬ ‫اور‬ ‫دی‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫قطع‬ ‫س‬ ‫ب‬ ‫مذ‬ ‫بھی‬ ‫ن‬ ‫حکمرانوں‬ ‫دی‬ ‫فنڈز‬ ‫اور‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے۔‬
‫کو‬ )‫پروری‬ ‫(رعیت‬ ‫بود‬ ‫ب‬ ‫و‬ ‫فالح‬ ‫کی‬ ‫عوام‬ ، ‫نظر‬
‫ہ‬
‫میں‬ ‫رعایا‬ ‫اپنی‬ ‫کر‬ ‫سمجھ‬ ‫داری‬ ‫ذم‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ال‬ ‫کی‬ ‫بادشا‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫کی‬ ‫تقسیم‬ ‫انعامات‬ ‫اور‬ ‫خیرات‬
‫ے‬
Q#2.Why did the Quaid-e- Azam demand the division
of Indian Sub-Continent and the establishment of an
independent Muslim state

10. academic and historical analysis continues to define
Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s demand for
Pakistan as a sophisticated, multi-dimensional
framework. This perspective argues that the division
of the subcontinent was not a singular reaction to
religious friction, but a strategic culmination of four
distinct imperatives.
1. Ideological Rationale: The Two-Nation Theory
The cornerstone of Jinnah's demand was the Two-
Nation Theory, which posited that Hindus and
Muslims were two distinct nations by every definition
of international law.
Civilizational Divergence: Jinnah argued that the
differences were not merely religious but
civilizational. He famously noted in 1940 that Hindus
and Muslims belong to two different religious
philosophies, social customs, and literary traditions.

11. Contradictory Heroism: He highlighted that the
heroes of one were often the foes of the other, and
their inspirations were derived from different
historical sources.
Islam as a Code of Life: Jinnah viewed Islam not just
as a religious doctrine but as a "realistic code of
conduct" encompassing law, jurisprudence, and
social order, which was fundamentally opposed to the
Hindu social structure.
2. Political Safeguards and Majoritarianism
Jinnah’s transition from an "Ambassador of Hindu-
Muslim Unity" to the advocate for Pakistan was
driven by the failure of constitutional negotiations.
Constitutional Failures: The rejection of his Fourteen
Points (1929) and the Nehru Report’s insistence on a
strong central government with a Hindu majority
signaled that Muslims would be a perpetual,
marginalized minority in a united India.

12. Experience of Congress Rule (1937–1939): The
exclusionary policies of the Congress provincial
ministries, such as the Wardha Scheme of education
and the promotion of Bande Mataram, convinced the
Muslim League that their cultural and political
identity was under immediate threat from "Hindu
Raj".
3. Socio-Cultural and Linguistic Identity
Preservation of Culture: Jinnah believed a separate
state was essential to protect Muslim culture,
architecture, and art from being submerged into the
majority culture.
Language Dispute: The Urdu-Hindi controversy
(dating back to 1867) served as a persistent symbol of
cultural conflict. Muslims viewed Urdu as an integral
part of their national heritage, which they feared
would be replaced by Hindi in a united India.
4. Economic Imperatives

13. Jinnah sought to secure the economic future of
Muslims, who were largely underrepresented in civil
services and industry compared to the Hindu
majority.
Equitable Distribution: He envisioned an independent
state that could implement an Islamic economic
system focused on social justice, fair deals for
farmers, and the removal of gross inequalities.
Economic Autonomy: Partition was seen as a means
to liberate Muslim-majority regions from the
economic dominance of the centralized merchant and
landowning classes of the Hindu majority.
5. Conclusion: The Right to Self-Determination
The demand was formally crystallized in the Lahore
Resolution (1940), asserting that any future
constitutional plan must be based on the demarcation
of geographically contiguous Muslim-majority units
into "Independent States". For Jinnah, Pakistan was

14. to be a "laboratory" where Muslims could experiment
with Islamic principles of social justice, equality, and
democratic governance while ensuring the rights of
all citizens regardless of creed.
‫نمبر‬ ‫سوال‬
2
‫کی‬ ‫ند‬ ‫و‬ ‫پاک‬ ‫برصغیر‬ ‫ن‬ ‫قائداعظم‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫۔‬
‫مطالب‬ ‫کا‬ ‫قیام‬ ‫ک‬ ‫ریاست‬ ‫مسلم‬ ‫آزاد‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫اور‬ ‫تقسیم‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫کیا؟‬ ‫کیوں‬
‫ایک‬ ‫مطالب‬ ‫کا‬ ‫پاکستان‬ ‫کا‬ ‫جناح‬ ‫علی‬ ‫محمد‬ ‫قائداعظم‬
‫ہ‬
‫نقط‬ ‫ی‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ک‬ ‫ورک‬ ‫فریم‬ ‫تی‬ ‫ج‬ ‫کثیر‬ ،‫نفیس‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫۔‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫تصادم‬ ‫بی‬ ‫مذ‬ ‫تقسیم‬ ‫کی‬ ‫برصغیر‬ ‫ک‬ ‫دیتا‬ ‫دلیل‬ ‫نظر‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہے‬
‫تقاضوں‬ ‫الگ‬ ‫الگ‬ ‫چار‬ ‫بلک‬ ‫تھا‬ ‫یں‬ ‫ن‬ ‫عمل‬ ‫رد‬ ‫واحد‬ ‫کا‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫تھا‬ ‫خاتم‬ ‫سٹریٹجک‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫کا‬
‫ہ‬
‫۔‬
‫اور‬ ‫ثقافتی‬ ،‫سماجی‬ ،‫سیاسی‬ ،‫نظریاتی‬ ‫میں‬ ‫جس‬
‫یں‬ ‫شامل‬ ‫ضروریات‬ ‫اقتصادی‬
‫۔‬ ‫ہ‬
- ‫نظری‬ ‫قومی‬ ‫دو‬ :‫استدالل‬ ‫نظریاتی‬
‫ہ‬
1
،‫تھا‬ ‫نظری‬ ‫قومی‬ ‫دو‬ ‫بنیاد‬ ‫سنگ‬ ‫کا‬ ‫مطالب‬ ‫ک‬ ‫جناح‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫ر‬ ‫کی‬ ‫قانون‬ ‫االقوامی‬ ‫بین‬ ‫ک‬ ‫کیا‬ ‫ثابت‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ن‬ ‫جس‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬

15. ‫الگ‬ ‫الگ‬ ‫دو‬ ‫مسلمان‬ ‫اور‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫مطابق‬ ‫ک‬ ‫تعریف‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫یں‬ ‫قومیں‬
‫۔‬ ‫ہ‬
‫محض‬ ‫اختالفات‬ ‫ک‬ ‫دی‬ ‫دلیل‬ ‫ن‬ ‫جناح‬ :‫اختالف‬ ‫ذیبی‬ ‫ت‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ور‬ ‫مش‬ ‫ن‬ ‫وں‬ ‫ان‬ ‫تھ‬ ‫ذیبی‬ ‫ت‬ ‫بلک‬ ‫یں‬ ‫ن‬ ‫بی‬ ‫مذ‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
1940
‫مختلف‬ ‫دو‬ ‫مسلمان‬ ‫اور‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫ک‬ ‫کیا‬ ‫نوٹ‬ ‫میں‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫ادبی‬ ‫اور‬ ‫رواج‬ ‫و‬ ‫رسم‬ ‫سماجی‬ ،‫فلسفوں‬ ‫بی‬ ‫مذ‬
‫ہ‬
‫یں‬ ‫رکھت‬ ‫تعلق‬ ‫س‬ ‫روایات‬
‫۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
:‫ازم‬ ‫یرو‬ ‫متضاد‬
‫ہ‬
‫ک‬ ‫ڈالی‬ ‫روشنی‬ ‫پر‬ ‫بات‬ ‫اس‬ ‫ن‬ ‫اس‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫ان‬ ‫اور‬ ،‫یں‬ ‫وت‬ ‫دشمن‬ ‫ک‬ ‫دوسر‬ ‫اکثر‬ ‫یرو‬ ‫ک‬ ‫ایک‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫تھ‬ ‫گئ‬ ‫کی‬ ‫اخذ‬ ‫س‬ ‫ذرائع‬ ‫تاریخی‬ ‫مختلف‬ ‫ام‬ ‫ال‬ ‫ک‬
‫ے۔‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫اسالم‬ ‫ن‬ ‫جناح‬ :‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ک‬ ‫حیات‬ ‫ضابط‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫کو‬ ‫اسالم‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫دیکھا‬ ‫یں‬ ‫ن‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ک‬ ‫نظری‬ ‫بی‬ ‫مذ‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫صرف‬ ‫کو‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ک‬ "‫اخالق‬ ‫ضابط‬ ‫پسندان‬ ‫"حقیقت‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫بلک‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫شامل‬ ‫نظام‬ ‫سماجی‬ ‫اور‬ ‫فق‬ ،‫قانون‬ ‫میں‬ ‫جس‬ ‫دیکھا‬
‫ہ‬
‫خالف‬ ‫ک‬ ‫ڈھانچ‬ ‫سماجی‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫بنیادی‬ ‫جو‬ ،‫تھا‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫تھا‬
‫۔‬
- ‫پسندی‬ ‫اکثریت‬ ‫اور‬ ‫تحفظات‬ ‫سیاسی‬
2

16. ‫ک‬ ‫پاکستان‬ ‫س‬ "‫سفیر‬ ‫ک‬ ‫اتحاد‬ ‫مسلم‬ ‫ندو‬ " ‫کی‬ ‫جناح‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫وج‬ ‫کی‬ ‫ناکامی‬ ‫کی‬ ‫مذاکرات‬ ‫آئینی‬ ‫تبدیلی‬ ‫میں‬ ‫وکیل‬
‫ہ‬
‫وئی‬ ‫س‬
‫۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
:‫ناکامیاں‬ ‫آئینی‬
( ‫نکات‬ ‫چود‬ ‫ک‬ ‫ان‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
1929
‫مسترد‬ ‫کو‬ )
‫مرکزی‬ ‫مضبوط‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫ساتھ‬ ‫ک‬ ‫اکثریت‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫اور‬ ‫کرنا‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫اشار‬ ‫کا‬ ‫بات‬ ‫اس‬ ‫اصرار‬ ‫کا‬ ‫رپورٹ‬ ‫رو‬ ‫ن‬ ‫پر‬ ‫حکومت‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
،‫دائمی‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫میں‬ ‫ندوستان‬ ‫متحد‬ ‫مسلمان‬ ‫ک‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہے‬
‫گ‬ ‫وں‬ ‫اقلیت‬ ‫پسماند‬
‫ے۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
( ‫تجرب‬ ‫کا‬ ‫حکمرانی‬ ‫کی‬ ‫کانگریس‬
‫ہ‬
1937
-
1939
)
:
،‫پالیسیوں‬ ‫خارجی‬ ‫کی‬ ‫وزارتوں‬ ‫صوبائی‬ ‫کی‬ ‫کانگریس‬
،‫فروغ‬ ‫کا‬ ‫ماترم‬ ‫بند‬ ‫اور‬ ‫اسکیم‬ ‫وردھا‬ ‫کی‬ ‫تعلیم‬ ‫جیس‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫کی‬ ‫ان‬ ‫ک‬ ‫کیا‬ ‫قائل‬ ‫پر‬ ‫بات‬ ‫اس‬ ‫کو‬ ‫لیگ‬ ‫مسلم‬ ‫ن‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫فوری‬ ‫س‬ "‫راج‬ ‫ندو‬ " ‫کو‬ ‫شناخت‬ ‫سیاسی‬ ‫اور‬ ‫ثقافتی‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫الحق‬ ‫خطر‬
‫ہے۔‬ ‫ہ‬
- ‫شناخت‬ ‫لسانی‬ ‫اور‬ ‫ثقافتی‬ ‫سماجی‬
3
:‫تحفظ‬ ‫کا‬ ‫ثقافت‬
،‫ثقافت‬ ‫مسلم‬ ‫ک‬ ‫تھا‬ ‫خیال‬ ‫کا‬ ‫جناح‬
‫ہ‬
‫س‬ ‫ڈوبن‬ ‫میں‬ ‫ثقافت‬ ‫اکثریتی‬ ‫کو‬ ‫آرٹ‬ ‫اور‬ ‫تعمیر‬ ‫فن‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫ضروری‬ ‫ریاست‬ ‫علیحد‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫لی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫بچان‬
‫ہے۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬

17. ‫تنازع‬ ‫ندی‬ -‫اردو‬ : ‫تنازع‬ ‫کا‬ ‫زبان‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
(
1867
‫ثقافتی‬ )‫کا‬
‫کرتا‬ ‫کام‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ک‬ ‫عالمت‬ ‫مستقل‬ ‫کی‬ ‫تنازع‬
‫ہے۔‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫حص‬ ‫الزمی‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫کا‬ ‫ورث‬ ‫قومی‬ ‫اپن‬ ‫کو‬ ‫اردو‬ ‫مسلمان‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫متحد‬ ‫ک‬ ‫تھا‬ ‫خدش‬ ‫یں‬ ‫ان‬ ‫کا‬ ‫جس‬ ، ‫تھ‬ ‫سمجھت‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫گی‬ ‫جائ‬ ‫لی‬ ‫ل‬ ‫جگ‬ ‫کی‬ ‫ندی‬ ‫میں‬ ‫ندوستان‬
‫۔‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
- ‫ضروریات‬ ‫اقتصادی‬
4
‫محفوظ‬ ‫کو‬ ‫مستقبل‬ ‫معاشی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫مسلمانوں‬ ‫ن‬ ‫جناح‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫مقابل‬ ‫ک‬ ‫اکثریت‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫کی‬ ‫جن‬ ،‫کی‬ ‫کوشش‬ ‫کی‬ ‫بنان‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬
‫نمائندگی‬ ‫تک‬ ‫حد‬ ‫بڑی‬ ‫میں‬ ‫صنعت‬ ‫اور‬ ‫سروسز‬ ‫سول‬
‫تھی‬ ‫کم‬
‫۔‬
‫تقسیم‬ ‫مساوی‬
‫کیا‬ ‫تصور‬ ‫کا‬ ‫ریاست‬ ‫آزاد‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫ن‬ ‫اس‬ :
‫ے‬
، ‫سود‬ ‫منصفان‬ ‫لی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫کسانوں‬ ،‫انصاف‬ ‫سماجی‬ ‫جو‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫مرکوز‬ ‫پر‬ ‫خاتم‬ ‫ک‬ ‫مساوات‬ ‫عدم‬ ‫مجموعی‬ ‫اور‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫سک‬ ‫کر‬ ‫نافذ‬ ‫کو‬ ‫نظام‬ ‫معاشی‬ ‫اسالمی‬
‫ے۔‬
:‫خودمختاری‬ ‫اقتصادی‬
‫اکثریتی‬ ‫مسلم‬ ‫کو‬ ‫تقسیم‬
‫اور‬ ‫تاجروں‬ ‫مرکزی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫اکثریت‬ ‫ندو‬ ‫کو‬ ‫عالقوں‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬
‫ک‬ ‫کرن‬ ‫آزاد‬ ‫س‬ ‫تسلط‬ ‫معاشی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫طبقوں‬ ‫زمیندار‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫تھا‬ ‫جاتا‬ ‫دیکھا‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫ک‬ ‫ذریع‬
‫۔‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬

18. . - ‫حق‬ ‫کا‬ ‫ارادیت‬ ‫خود‬ : ‫نتیج‬
‫ہ‬
5
( ‫قرارداد‬ ‫کی‬ ‫ور‬ ‫ال‬
‫ہ‬
1940
‫کو‬ ‫مطالب‬ ‫اس‬ ‫میں‬ )
‫ے‬
‫اس‬ ‫میں‬ ‫جس‬ ،‫تھا‬ ‫گیا‬ ‫کیا‬ ‫کرسٹاالئز‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫باضابط‬
‫ہ‬
‫آئینی‬ ‫بھی‬ ‫کوئی‬ ‫کا‬ ‫مستقبل‬ ‫ک‬ ‫تھا‬ ‫گیا‬ ‫دیا‬ ‫زور‬ ‫پر‬ ‫بات‬
‫ہ‬
‫اکثریتی‬ ‫مسلم‬ ‫ملحق‬ ‫پر‬ ‫طور‬ ‫جغرافیائی‬ ‫منصوب‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫مبنی‬ ‫پر‬ ‫کرن‬ ‫تقسیم‬ ‫میں‬ "‫ریاستوں‬ ‫"آزاد‬ ‫کو‬ ‫اکائیوں‬
‫ے‬
‫تھا‬ ‫بننا‬ "‫"لیبارٹری‬ ‫ایک‬ ‫پاکستان‬ ‫لی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫جناح‬ ‫ی‬ ‫چا‬ ‫ونا‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے۔‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫وری‬ ‫جم‬ ‫اور‬ ‫مساوات‬ ،‫انصاف‬ ‫سماجی‬ ‫مسلمان‬ ‫اں‬ ‫ج‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ہ‬
‫کر‬ ‫تجرب‬ ‫ساتھ‬ ‫ک‬ ‫اصولوں‬ ‫اسالمی‬ ‫ک‬ ‫حکمرانی‬ ‫طرز‬
‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫ک‬ ‫ریوں‬ ‫ش‬ ‫تمام‬ ‫نظر‬ ‫قطع‬ ‫س‬ ‫ب‬ ‫مذ‬ ‫اور‬ ‫تھ‬ ‫سکت‬
‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ہ‬ ‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫تھ‬ ‫سکت‬ ‫بنا‬ ‫یقینی‬ ‫کو‬ ‫حقوق‬
‫ے‬ ‫ے‬
‫۔‬