The Process for Holding the Consultation Regarding the Political Future of Catalonia - An Evaluation Report. Executive Summary
Source: GenCat
Date: 02.04.2015.
Legal Basis for a Referendum on the Political Future of CataloniaMiqui Mel
The document discusses five potential legal bases for holding a referendum or public consultation on Catalonia's political future:
1) A referendum-like consultation allowed under existing Catalan law, though Spain may challenge it
2) A referendum authorized and regulated by Spain under its constitution or new legislation
3) Spain transferring referendum powers to Catalonia under the constitution
4) Amending the Spanish constitution to explicitly allow such a referendum
5) Catalonia passing a law for a "public consultation" not defined as a referendum under Spanish law
The document analyzes the advantages and disadvantages of each option and emphasizes the importance of negotiations between Catalonia and Spain.
Cornellà de Llobregat Declaration- ANC RoadmapMiqui Mel
The Catalan National Assembly declares that after the November 9th mobilization in support of Catalan independence, and in light of the upcoming plebiscite elections, it wants to confirm the result of the November 9th vote and achieve a clear democratic mandate for the constitution of a new Catalan state. The Assembly proposes holding elections in February 2015 to form a new parliament and government that can begin establishing the structures of an independent Catalan state. It calls for unity among political and social forces to advance the independence process and ensure the elections are held.
The key findings from the section on households are:
1) Owner occupation remained the largest tenure in 2013-14, though for the first time the proportion who owned outright was larger than those with a mortgage.
2) The private rented sector continued to grow and was larger than the social rented sector, accounting for 19% of households.
3) Young households aged 25-34 were more likely to rent privately than own their own home, with almost half (48%) in private renting.
The document summarizes key findings from an Oxfam report on global wealth inequality. It finds that by 2016, the top 1% will own more wealth than the rest of the world combined. It also finds that 80 individuals now have the same amount of wealth as the bottom half of the world's population. Additionally, it reports that the financial and insurance sectors spent $550 million on lobbying in Washington and Brussels in 2013 to influence tax and budget policies.
2015 02 judicialization of catalonian language and identity politicsMiqui Mel
The document summarizes a judicial decision regarding Catalonia's status within Spain that has strained relations between the two governments. The Spanish Constitutional Court struck down parts of Catalonia's statute that referenced Catalonia as a "nation" and gave preferential status to the Catalan language. This decision fueled anti-Spanish sentiment in Catalonia and led Catalan leaders to hold a symbolic independence referendum in 2014, further exacerbating tensions over Catalonia's autonomy and identity within Spain. The ruling highlighted the tension between Spain's principle of national unity and recognition of regional autonomy in its constitution.
Legal Basis for a Referendum on the Political Future of CataloniaMiqui Mel
The document discusses five potential legal bases for holding a referendum or public consultation on Catalonia's political future:
1) A referendum-like consultation allowed under existing Catalan law, though Spain may challenge it
2) A referendum authorized and regulated by Spain under its constitution or new legislation
3) Spain transferring referendum powers to Catalonia under the constitution
4) Amending the Spanish constitution to explicitly allow such a referendum
5) Catalonia passing a law for a "public consultation" not defined as a referendum under Spanish law
The document analyzes the advantages and disadvantages of each option and emphasizes the importance of negotiations between Catalonia and Spain.
Cornellà de Llobregat Declaration- ANC RoadmapMiqui Mel
The Catalan National Assembly declares that after the November 9th mobilization in support of Catalan independence, and in light of the upcoming plebiscite elections, it wants to confirm the result of the November 9th vote and achieve a clear democratic mandate for the constitution of a new Catalan state. The Assembly proposes holding elections in February 2015 to form a new parliament and government that can begin establishing the structures of an independent Catalan state. It calls for unity among political and social forces to advance the independence process and ensure the elections are held.
The key findings from the section on households are:
1) Owner occupation remained the largest tenure in 2013-14, though for the first time the proportion who owned outright was larger than those with a mortgage.
2) The private rented sector continued to grow and was larger than the social rented sector, accounting for 19% of households.
3) Young households aged 25-34 were more likely to rent privately than own their own home, with almost half (48%) in private renting.
The document summarizes key findings from an Oxfam report on global wealth inequality. It finds that by 2016, the top 1% will own more wealth than the rest of the world combined. It also finds that 80 individuals now have the same amount of wealth as the bottom half of the world's population. Additionally, it reports that the financial and insurance sectors spent $550 million on lobbying in Washington and Brussels in 2013 to influence tax and budget policies.
2015 02 judicialization of catalonian language and identity politicsMiqui Mel
The document summarizes a judicial decision regarding Catalonia's status within Spain that has strained relations between the two governments. The Spanish Constitutional Court struck down parts of Catalonia's statute that referenced Catalonia as a "nation" and gave preferential status to the Catalan language. This decision fueled anti-Spanish sentiment in Catalonia and led Catalan leaders to hold a symbolic independence referendum in 2014, further exacerbating tensions over Catalonia's autonomy and identity within Spain. The ruling highlighted the tension between Spain's principle of national unity and recognition of regional autonomy in its constitution.
The Labour Party Manifesto 2015 - Britain Can Be BetterMiqui Mel
The document outlines Labour's plan to build a better future for Britain by creating an economy that works for working people. It argues the current Conservative government has failed working families and made economic problems worse. Labour will balance the budget every year through spending reductions outside of health, education, and international aid. It will also raise taxes on those earning over £150,000 and build a high-skill, high-wage economy. Labour's plan aims to improve living standards through policies like raising the minimum wage, banning zero-hour contracts, expanding childcare, building more homes, and investing in the NHS.
2015 01 22_briefing - family and dependents_mig_observatoryMiqui Mel
This document summarizes data on non-European family and dependent migration to the UK from various sources such as the Office for National Statistics and Home Office statistics. Some key points:
- Non-EU family migration has increased since the 1990s but at a slower rate than other migration categories. Asia remains the most common region of origin for non-EEA family migrants.
- Most non-EEA family migrants entering under unification rules are women. Over 90% of those entering as spouses or fiancés are already married.
- Tier 1 and Tier 2 migrants (high-skilled workers and investors) bring the most dependents per capita.
- Family migration peaked in
2014 12 19_migrants in the uk-overview_migration_obsrvatoryMiqui Mel
Between 1993 and 2013, the foreign-born population in the UK more than doubled from 3.8 million to 7.8 million. London has the greatest number of migrants, with over 2.8 million foreign-born people in 2013. The document provides an overview of migrants in the UK, including statistics on the increase in migrants over time, their geographic distribution within the country, and the top countries of origin.
This document contains statistics comparing Catalonia, Spain, and the European Union (EU-28) across several socioeconomic indicators for the years 2009-2014. Some key figures shown include:
- Catalonia's 2013 employment rate for ages 20-64 was 63.9% compared to 58.6% for Spain and 68.4% for the EU.
- Gross domestic expenditure on R&D relative to GDP in 2012 was 1.51% for Catalonia, 1.27% for Spain, and 2.01% for the EU.
- Greenhouse gas emissions in 2012 were at an index of 118.0 for Catalonia, 122.5 for Spain, and 82.1 for the EU based
The Perverse Incentives of Modern Management RemunerationMiqui Mel
Modern management remuneration practices that emphasize short-term incentives like bonuses and stock options have negatively impacted business investment and economic growth. This is because management focuses more on metrics that determine their pay in the short-term rather than long-term risks. Evidence shows that as management pay changed, business investment as a percentage of GDP and output declined sharply. Other potential explanations for low investment like economic conditions or financing costs have been ruled out. The system of modern management pay therefore likely needs reform to revive urgently needed business investment and productivity growth in the UK economy.
The document is a summary of the findings from the UK government's review of the balance of competences between the UK and the EU. Some of the key findings from the review include:
1) In none of the policy areas examined did a case emerge for transferring competences back from the EU to the UK.
2) The UK has already negotiated opt-outs in key areas like not using the euro and opting out of certain justice and home affairs policies.
3) The single market brings significant economic benefits to the UK, though some EU regulations are seen as burdensome. Maintaining access to the single market is important.
4) Free movement of people benefits the UK economy but has
Political Opinion Barometer Catalonia - 3rd Wave 2015Miqui Mel
This document provides the technical specifications and main results of the 3rd wave of 2015 of the Political Opinion Barometer survey conducted in Catalonia. It details the sample size of 2,000 interviews, methodology used, margins of error, and key findings. The main results show that 65% of respondents believe Catalonia has an insufficient level of autonomy, 41.1% believe it should be an independent state, and 46.7% want Catalonia to become an independent state.
El documento presenta las 7 candidaturas que se presentan a las elecciones municipales en Badalona. Enumera los nombres de los candidatos y suplentes de cada una de las candidaturas, incluyendo el Partido de los Socialistas de Cataluña, Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, Fem Badalona, Guanyem Badalona, Ciudadanos y el Partido Popular.
This document discusses the right to decide movement in Catalonia. It provides background on Catalonia's history of using participatory processes when referendums were not allowed, including collecting women's signatures in 1931. It describes how the right to decide became popular in Catalonia through large demonstrations in the 2000s and non-official referendums organized by civil society from 2007-2011. The document argues that the right to decide represents a new framework that crosses boundaries and allows people to express their political will about Catalonia's future, rather than being based on historical rights. It maintains the right to decide is distinct from self-determination under international law.
Why do Catalans want to hold a Referendum on their future?Miqui Mel
This note aims to explain why Catalans want to vote. However, a simple list of grievances would not capture the spirit of optimism, tolerance and modernization which is at the heart of the move to independence.
Source: Diplocat.
Date: 30.04.2013.
This document summarizes and discusses issues related to Catalan independence and democracy. It discusses:
1) The failure of the Spanish state to recognize Catalonia's distinct national identity and accommodate Catalan pluralism within Spain's political system, fueling support for independence.
2) The main arguments put forth by Catalan and Spanish actors regarding Catalan independence - Catalans argue for self-determination and cite injustices, while Spain argues it is unconstitutional and could harm Catalonia.
3) Recent events that have shifted Catalan demands from regionalism to secessionism, including the rejection of Catalan nation recognition in the new Statute and economic mistreatment by Spain.
4) The range
Estatuir Catalonia: The Process Towards IndependenceMiqui Mel
Estatuir Catalunya: The process towards Catalan independence. This document draws the guidelines towards the creation of a new European state.
Source: Estatuir Catalunya.
Date: October 2012.
The document discusses the 300th anniversary of the War of Spanish Succession ending in 1714 with Barcelona surrendering to Bourbon troops. It provides historical context of the period following 1714 when Catalonia lost ancient freedoms and political autonomy under centralizing Spanish rule. While Catalan identity and culture faced attacks, the 19th century Renaixença cultural revival movement helped sustain the Catalan nation. The document argues Catalonia still desires equal partnership in democratic Spain but recent events have changed citizens' relationship with the Spanish state due to issues like fiscal contributions not being fairly distributed. It maintains the will of the Catalan people is to vote on their future and they will hold a non-binding referendum on November 9th regarding Catal
After the 9-N: Time to Decide, Time to AddMiqui Mel
The President of Catalonia outlined a three stage process following the 9N referendum on independence:
1) Hold elections for a transpartisan candidacy to pursue independence, winning an absolute majority. This legislature would last 18 months to prepare Catalonia's independence.
2) The legislature would notify the international community of Catalonia's plea to become a state and negotiate its outcome, while preparing new state structures and a constitution.
3) Hold constituent elections and ratify independence via referendum, allowing citizens to definitively proclaim independence with full knowledge of the cause.
The Labour Party Manifesto 2015 - Britain Can Be BetterMiqui Mel
The document outlines Labour's plan to build a better future for Britain by creating an economy that works for working people. It argues the current Conservative government has failed working families and made economic problems worse. Labour will balance the budget every year through spending reductions outside of health, education, and international aid. It will also raise taxes on those earning over £150,000 and build a high-skill, high-wage economy. Labour's plan aims to improve living standards through policies like raising the minimum wage, banning zero-hour contracts, expanding childcare, building more homes, and investing in the NHS.
2015 01 22_briefing - family and dependents_mig_observatoryMiqui Mel
This document summarizes data on non-European family and dependent migration to the UK from various sources such as the Office for National Statistics and Home Office statistics. Some key points:
- Non-EU family migration has increased since the 1990s but at a slower rate than other migration categories. Asia remains the most common region of origin for non-EEA family migrants.
- Most non-EEA family migrants entering under unification rules are women. Over 90% of those entering as spouses or fiancés are already married.
- Tier 1 and Tier 2 migrants (high-skilled workers and investors) bring the most dependents per capita.
- Family migration peaked in
2014 12 19_migrants in the uk-overview_migration_obsrvatoryMiqui Mel
Between 1993 and 2013, the foreign-born population in the UK more than doubled from 3.8 million to 7.8 million. London has the greatest number of migrants, with over 2.8 million foreign-born people in 2013. The document provides an overview of migrants in the UK, including statistics on the increase in migrants over time, their geographic distribution within the country, and the top countries of origin.
This document contains statistics comparing Catalonia, Spain, and the European Union (EU-28) across several socioeconomic indicators for the years 2009-2014. Some key figures shown include:
- Catalonia's 2013 employment rate for ages 20-64 was 63.9% compared to 58.6% for Spain and 68.4% for the EU.
- Gross domestic expenditure on R&D relative to GDP in 2012 was 1.51% for Catalonia, 1.27% for Spain, and 2.01% for the EU.
- Greenhouse gas emissions in 2012 were at an index of 118.0 for Catalonia, 122.5 for Spain, and 82.1 for the EU based
The Perverse Incentives of Modern Management RemunerationMiqui Mel
Modern management remuneration practices that emphasize short-term incentives like bonuses and stock options have negatively impacted business investment and economic growth. This is because management focuses more on metrics that determine their pay in the short-term rather than long-term risks. Evidence shows that as management pay changed, business investment as a percentage of GDP and output declined sharply. Other potential explanations for low investment like economic conditions or financing costs have been ruled out. The system of modern management pay therefore likely needs reform to revive urgently needed business investment and productivity growth in the UK economy.
The document is a summary of the findings from the UK government's review of the balance of competences between the UK and the EU. Some of the key findings from the review include:
1) In none of the policy areas examined did a case emerge for transferring competences back from the EU to the UK.
2) The UK has already negotiated opt-outs in key areas like not using the euro and opting out of certain justice and home affairs policies.
3) The single market brings significant economic benefits to the UK, though some EU regulations are seen as burdensome. Maintaining access to the single market is important.
4) Free movement of people benefits the UK economy but has
Political Opinion Barometer Catalonia - 3rd Wave 2015Miqui Mel
This document provides the technical specifications and main results of the 3rd wave of 2015 of the Political Opinion Barometer survey conducted in Catalonia. It details the sample size of 2,000 interviews, methodology used, margins of error, and key findings. The main results show that 65% of respondents believe Catalonia has an insufficient level of autonomy, 41.1% believe it should be an independent state, and 46.7% want Catalonia to become an independent state.
El documento presenta las 7 candidaturas que se presentan a las elecciones municipales en Badalona. Enumera los nombres de los candidatos y suplentes de cada una de las candidaturas, incluyendo el Partido de los Socialistas de Cataluña, Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, Fem Badalona, Guanyem Badalona, Ciudadanos y el Partido Popular.
This document discusses the right to decide movement in Catalonia. It provides background on Catalonia's history of using participatory processes when referendums were not allowed, including collecting women's signatures in 1931. It describes how the right to decide became popular in Catalonia through large demonstrations in the 2000s and non-official referendums organized by civil society from 2007-2011. The document argues that the right to decide represents a new framework that crosses boundaries and allows people to express their political will about Catalonia's future, rather than being based on historical rights. It maintains the right to decide is distinct from self-determination under international law.
Why do Catalans want to hold a Referendum on their future?Miqui Mel
This note aims to explain why Catalans want to vote. However, a simple list of grievances would not capture the spirit of optimism, tolerance and modernization which is at the heart of the move to independence.
Source: Diplocat.
Date: 30.04.2013.
This document summarizes and discusses issues related to Catalan independence and democracy. It discusses:
1) The failure of the Spanish state to recognize Catalonia's distinct national identity and accommodate Catalan pluralism within Spain's political system, fueling support for independence.
2) The main arguments put forth by Catalan and Spanish actors regarding Catalan independence - Catalans argue for self-determination and cite injustices, while Spain argues it is unconstitutional and could harm Catalonia.
3) Recent events that have shifted Catalan demands from regionalism to secessionism, including the rejection of Catalan nation recognition in the new Statute and economic mistreatment by Spain.
4) The range
Estatuir Catalonia: The Process Towards IndependenceMiqui Mel
Estatuir Catalunya: The process towards Catalan independence. This document draws the guidelines towards the creation of a new European state.
Source: Estatuir Catalunya.
Date: October 2012.
The document discusses the 300th anniversary of the War of Spanish Succession ending in 1714 with Barcelona surrendering to Bourbon troops. It provides historical context of the period following 1714 when Catalonia lost ancient freedoms and political autonomy under centralizing Spanish rule. While Catalan identity and culture faced attacks, the 19th century Renaixença cultural revival movement helped sustain the Catalan nation. The document argues Catalonia still desires equal partnership in democratic Spain but recent events have changed citizens' relationship with the Spanish state due to issues like fiscal contributions not being fairly distributed. It maintains the will of the Catalan people is to vote on their future and they will hold a non-binding referendum on November 9th regarding Catal
After the 9-N: Time to Decide, Time to AddMiqui Mel
The President of Catalonia outlined a three stage process following the 9N referendum on independence:
1) Hold elections for a transpartisan candidacy to pursue independence, winning an absolute majority. This legislature would last 18 months to prepare Catalonia's independence.
2) The legislature would notify the international community of Catalonia's plea to become a state and negotiate its outcome, while preparing new state structures and a constitution.
3) Hold constituent elections and ratify independence via referendum, allowing citizens to definitively proclaim independence with full knowledge of the cause.
Tamara Álvarez & Ricardo J. Rodríguez - Consideraciones técnicas y de protecc...RootedCON
Tamara Álvarez & Ricardo J. Rodríguez - Consideraciones técnicas y de protección de datos en el referéndum catalán de independencia de 2017 [rooted2019]
Citizen complaint to the UN, the EP, the European Commission, the European C...Miqui Mel
Citizen complaint to the UN, the EP, the European Commission, the European Council, and the OSCE
Source: Catalan Civil society organisations and political parties
Date: 05.11.14.
Understanding the Catalan Conflict from a Spanish Constitutional PerspectiveAlbert Sanchez Graells
These are the slides of the talk I gave at the University of Bristol Law School in the context of the Bristol Law Conference lecture series. The content is update as of 30 October 2017.
The document discusses the challenges faced by the documentation department of TV3, a Catalan public television channel, in documenting and archiving the large volume of materials generated from the 4-month long live broadcast and journalistic coverage of the trial of Catalan independence leaders at the Spanish Supreme Court. The department established workflows and indexing systems to organize the live broadcasts, news programs, raw footage, social media posts, and other materials for archiving and future retrieval. Their efforts ensured comprehensive coverage and documentation of this historic legal event.
In modern legal systems, referendums allow citizens to participate directly in democracy.
one of the first theorists and supporters of the referendum was Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who considered direct democracy the only way to ensure the formation of the general will.
D+1 the legal and political foundations of the catalan stateAlbert Macià Vivó
The document outlines the process and legal justification for Catalonia becoming an independent state. It discusses:
- The process would require both political and operational actions to build social support, declare independence, and define the initial structure and functions of the new Catalan state.
- Historically, Catalonia was a sovereign entity under international law until 1716 when its sovereignty was illegally suppressed by Spain. Contemporary international law supports Catalonia's right to self-determination.
- Despite being dominated by Spain, Catalonia has contributed greatly to Spain's stability, especially economically and by defending democracy. Independence should restore Catalonia's sovereignty rather than be seen as seceding from Spain.
- An independent Catalan state would
Understanding the Catalan Conflict from a Spanish Constitutional PerspectiveAlbert Sanchez Graells
This is a draft presentation I am preparing for a lecture on the Catalan independentism challenge of September and October 2017, and how to assess it under the Spanish constitutional framework.
TC vs el Pla Estratègic d'Acció Exterior GenCat - FalloMiqui Mel
El Tribunal Constitucional español dictaminó sobre un recurso de inconstitucionalidad presentado por el Presidente del Gobierno contra la Ley del Parlamento de Cataluña 16/2014 sobre acción exterior y relaciones con la Unión Europea. El Tribunal declaró la inconstitucionalidad de varios artículos de dicha ley al considerar que invaden competencias exclusivas del Estado en materia de relaciones internacionales y de coordinación de la acción exterior.
TC vs el Pla Estratègic d'Acció Exterior GenCatMiqui Mel
EL PLENO DEL TC DECLARA INCONSTITUCIONAL PARTE DEL PLAN ESTRATÉGICO DE ACCIÓN EXTERIOR Y DE RELACIONES CON LA UNIÓN EUROPEA 2019-2020 APROBADO POR EL GOBIERNO DE CATALUÑA
Economic effects of a potential secession of Catalonia from Spain and paths f...Miqui Mel
Scenarios of Macro-economic Development for Catalonia on Horizon 2030: Economic effects of a potential secession of Catalonia from Spain and paths for integration with the EU
Source: CEPS & CIDOB
Date: July 2015.
Political Opinion Barometer - CEO (July 2015)Miqui Mel
This document provides technical specifications and main results from a political opinion barometer survey conducted in Catalonia, Spain. It details the survey methodology, including a sample size of 2,000 respondents stratified across Catalonia's four provinces. Key findings summarized include that over 50% of respondents feel Catalonia does not receive fair treatment from the Spanish government, and around 42-43% of respondents want Catalonia to become an independent state.
Here is Gabe Whitley's response to my defamation lawsuit for him calling me a rapist and perjurer in court documents.
You have to read it to believe it, but after you read it, you won't believe it. And I included eight examples of defamatory statements/
Essential Tools for Modern PR Business .pptxPragencyuk
Discover the essential tools and strategies for modern PR business success. Learn how to craft compelling news releases, leverage press release sites and news wires, stay updated with PR news, and integrate effective PR practices to enhance your brand's visibility and credibility. Elevate your PR efforts with our comprehensive guide.
Acolyte Episodes review (TV series) The Acolyte. Learn about the influence of the program on the Star Wars world, as well as new characters and story twists.
El Puerto de Algeciras continúa un año más como el más eficiente del continente europeo y vuelve a situarse en el “top ten” mundial, según el informe The Container Port Performance Index 2023 (CPPI), elaborado por el Banco Mundial y la consultora S&P Global.
El informe CPPI utiliza dos enfoques metodológicos diferentes para calcular la clasificación del índice: uno administrativo o técnico y otro estadístico, basado en análisis factorial (FA). Según los autores, esta dualidad pretende asegurar una clasificación que refleje con precisión el rendimiento real del puerto, a la vez que sea estadísticamente sólida. En esta edición del informe CPPI 2023, se han empleado los mismos enfoques metodológicos y se ha aplicado un método de agregación de clasificaciones para combinar los resultados de ambos enfoques y obtener una clasificación agregada.
An astonishing, first-of-its-kind, report by the NYT assessing damage in Ukraine. Even if the war ends tomorrow, in many places there will be nothing to go back to.
The Process for Holding the Consultation Regarding the Political Future of Catalonia - An Evaluatin Report
1. The process for holding the
consultation regarding the
political future of Catalonia:
an evaluation
Executive summary
Report
number 19
Barcelona,
2 April 2015
2.
3. The process for holding the
consultation regarding the
political future of Catalonia:
an evaluation
Executive summary
Report
number 19
Barcelona,
2 April 2015
6. Page 5
The process for holding the
consultation regarding the
political future of Catalonia:
an evaluation
Executive summary
The paper „The process for holding the consultation regarding the political future of
Catalonia: an evaluation‟ summarizes the steps taken over recent years by the Catalan
institutions to respond to on the strong demand emerging from large sectors of the
citizenship about the political future of Catalonia. This process is characterized by its
peaceful, democratic nature, in full respect of individual and minority rights, with a clear will to
seek dialogue and political agreement with the Spanish State and to follow all existing legal
paths under the current legal framework.
The Spanish state has refused so far to engage in any kind of political dialogue with the
Catalan authorities. It has blocked also all the legal mechanisms currently available to
organize a mutually agreed political consultation about the future status of Catalonia. This
has included the piling of criminal charges against the President and two members of the
Government of Catalonia.
Background
The Catalan Parliament, abolished in 1714, re-established in 1931 under the Spanish
Second Republic and suppressed by Franco‟s dictatorship, has passed as many as eight
resolutions calling for the right of self-determination since its restoration in 1980. Indeed, the
7. Page 6
“catalanist” political movement has always considered Catalonia as a nation, though this
nature was never explicitly recognized neither by the Spanish Constitution of 1978 nor by the
Catalan Autonomy bill (“Estatut”) of 1979.
In September 2005, the largely shared assessment that the “State of autonomies” did not
properly address the aspirations and needs of Catalonia lead to a proposal to reform the
“Estatut” endorsed by 89% of the members of the Catalan Parliament. Further discussions in
the Spanish Parliament lead to a substantially less ambitious draft, which was nevertheless
approved by the Catalan people in a referendum on 18 June 2006.
However, the new “Estatut” was challenged by the Spanish Partido Popular before the
Constitutional Court. It took four years to the Court, with several obscure episodes that
casted a shadow on its independence, to issue a negative ruling which frustrated all the
efforts of the previous five years. This episode marked a turning point and triggered massive
mobilisations by the Catalan civil society in favour of independence.
In 2010 a demonstration in Barcelona gathered one million people calling. A similar
demonstration on 11 September 2012 saw one-and-a-half million people on the streets of the
Catalan capital calling for “Catalonia, next State in Europe” (the total population of Catalonia
is 7.5 million people). Ever since, the number of demonstrators responding to the call by the
civil rights groups hasn‟t stopped increasing. The huge mobilizations have been
characterized by their civic, peaceful and inclusive nature.
Meanwhile, all attempts by the Catalan Government to engage into political dialogue with
Spanish government have systematically crashed against a wall of refusal. That was notably
the case when in September 2012 a last proposal for a fairer fiscal pact by the Catalan
Government was rejected by Mr Rajoy‟s Government though this was based on keeping
solidarity mechanisms in place for the financing of other Spanish regions.
That episode was the last drop that precipitated the call by President Artur Mas for early
elections on 25 November 2012 so as to form a new Parliament that would better reflect the
evolution of the Catalan political landscape and to obtain a renewed mandate, in particular on
the issue of exercising the “right to decide”. The newly established Parliament on 23 January
2013 approved a “declaration of sovereignty” with 85 votes in favour, 41 against and 2
abstentions, calling for “exercising the right to decide for the citizens of Catalonia to decide
8. Page 7
on their collective political future “. Only a few weeks later, on 13 March, the Parliament
called on the Catalan Government to “initiate a dialogue with the State‟s Government to
enable the organization of a consultation on the future of Catalonia”, with an ever bigger
majority (104 votes in favour). The Catalan Parliament has 135 members.
The way to the 9N consultation
The resolutions by the Catalan Parliament and the mass demonstrations were again
dismissed by the Spanish authorities and such proposed dialogue never saw the light.
Against this background, and following-up on the Parliament‟s mandate, on 12 December
2013 six political parties representing 64% of the seats in the Catalan Parliament, from the
whole political spectrum, agreed on a date and the questions of a referendum (9 November
2014). The Spanish Prime Minister criticized what he considered to be a “unilateral” decision
which made impossible any negotiation with the Catalan government („Generalitat de
Catalunya‟), while dismissing any use of the provisions in the Spanish Constitution which
would enable such a process.
It is worth noting that the Advisory Council on the National Transition, independent inter-
disciplinary group set-up to provide advice to the Catalan institutions on these issues, which
has made the “White Paper. The National Transition of Catalonia”, had previously identified
not less than five ways in which such consultation could be organized under the current legal
framework.
In the meantime, the civil society groups continued to mobilize an increasing number of
supporters: on 11 September 2013, a 400 kilometre-long human chain crossed the Catalan
territory from North to South, mobilizing around 1.6 million people.
A further attempt in early 2014 to request the delegation of the competence to organize a
consultative referendum (as foreseen by art. 150.2 of the Spanish Constitution SC) was
equally rejected by a large majority of the Spanish Parliament (8 April 2014). It is important to
recall that the proposed draft bill underlined the aim of the Catalan Government to seek an
agreement with the State as well on the holding a consultation as and the implementation of
its result. The draft also stressed that any decision on the political future of Catalonia should
9. Page 8
be based, as it was the case with similar cases (Québec and Scotland), on the EU
democratic principle (art. 1.1) and the possibility of consultative referenda (art. 92 SC).
The main argument used by the Spanish Government essentially consists in denying such
„right to decide‟ for the Catalan people only as this would be an issue that affects the Spanish
sovereignty and should therefore be for all Spanish citizens to decide upon.
However, the decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court on 25 March 2014 (ruling
42/2014), as discussed in detail in the extended version of this report, made it plausible to
conclude that, even though Catalonia was not sovereign to decide on its political future
unilaterally, its citizens could be consulted on this issue within the Spanish Constitutional
framework.
On the political aspects, Catalan President Artur Mas has often called the Spanish authorities
to follow the British example, and he repeatedly offered to engage into political talks,
signalling his readiness to even reopen the terms, the date and the question of the
referendum. Such offers were systematically dismissed.
The popular support has been a constant feature of the process. Again, on the National Day
of 11 September 2014, 1.8 million people took the streets of Barcelona. At that point in time,
more than 3000 entities had already joined the so-called „National Pact for the right to decide‟
and 920 municipalities out of a total 947 had passed resolutions in support of the holding of a
consultation.
As all attempts to engage into a negotiated solution had been blocked, the „Generalitat‟
resorted to the last legal tool at its disposal, a regional law on non-referendum type
consultations, as foreseen in art.122 of the „Estatut‟. This was approved by the Catalan
Parliament on 19 September 2014, with 106 votes in favour and 28 against. As a follow-up to
the approval of this law, the Catalan President two weeks later signed a decree calling a
“popular consultation of a non-referendum type on the political future of Catalonia” on 9
November. The questions submitted were the ones agreed earlier in December 2013 by six
political parties: “Do you want Catalonia to become a State? If yes, do you want this State to
be independent?”
Both the law and the decree were immediately challenged by the Spanish Government
before the Constitutional Court. The appeals were speedily received by the Court, with as a
10. Page 9
result the immediate suspension of the consultation. Later on, on 25 February 2015, the
Court issued negative rulings on both, confirming its increasingly restrictive interpretation of
the Constitution, and even of its own jurisprudence on these matters, fully accommodative
with the Spanish Government „line-to-take‟.
After intense political debates in Catalonia, on 13 October 2014 President Mas conceded it
was impossible to hold the consultation under the suspended law 10/2014 and the
subsequent decree 129/2014, but the next day he announced the holding of a „participative
process‟ on the same date, 9 November, mainly driven by the Catalan civil society, with the
logistical support of municipalities and the Generalitat. That resulted on the opening of 1250
polling stations with 6400 tables operated by volunteers.
Once again, the Spanish Government had previously challenged this new development
before the Constitutional Court with the aim of suspending all the operations, and threatened
the Catalan authorities with prosecution.
The 9N „participation process‟ and its
consequences
Despite these actions and threats, on 9 November more than 2.34 million Catalan citizens
participated in this consultation in a festive, peaceful atmosphere, with a huge attention by
national and 125 international media outlets, and in presence of teams of international
observers. Almost 1.9 million people voted “yes” (80.9%) to both questions, 235 000 voted
“yes/no” (10.1%), 105 000 voted “no” (4.5%) and the rest were blank or invalid ballots.
Again no incidents were registered and the role of the 40 000 volunteers was key to ensure a
smooth and transparent voting process. The only incident to be noticed was a massive wave
of cyber-attacks launched on that day against the Catalan Administration but that did not
affect significantly the normal functioning of the its Departments.
Once again and on the very same day, President Artur Mas reiterated in writing to the
Spanish Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, to reiterate his will to initiate a dialogue to agree on
the terms of a definitive, legally binding referendum. The answer was again negative. So the
11. Page 10
Catalan President, in accordance with other political forces in favour the right of self-
determination, announced the call for early elections to the Parliament of Catalonia the next
27 September, which will be discussed this issue as element central.
The Spanish Government reacted by filing criminal charges against the Catalan President,
the Vice-President and the Catalan Minister for Education. Following a serious clash between
the Catalan attorneys and the State‟s Attorney office, the charges were received on 21
November for their alleged responsibilities in the participative process of 9N. The charges
(disobedience, misuse of public funds) could eventually lead to suspension and
disqualification from public office and even to prison.