Women in Indian Industry and Struggle Life of women

1. OUR INDIA
Women in Industry
06-01-2015
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M.Karikalan,
karikalan@y7mail.com

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The French philosopher Ren´e Descartes
famously declared, “I think, therefore I am.”

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Girls at
School in
Madras
India,by
R.Venkiah
Bros, c
1930
Source:
The New
Cambridge
History of
India IV.2
Women in
Mother
India-
Geraldine
Forbes

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Wedding portriot,
Shahayram Basu(Age
20) and his Bride Ranu
(Age 8),1907
Source: The New
Cambridge History
of India IV.2
Women in Mother
India-
Geraldine Forbes

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In training to join
Gandhiji: Bhrat
Scouts,Allahabad
,1929
Source: The
New
Cambridge
History of India
IV.2
Women in
Mother India-
Geraldine
Forbes

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Source: The New Cambridge History of India IV.2 Women in Mother India-Geraldine
Forbes
Missionaries in India

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Source: The New Cambridge History of India IV.2 Women in Mother India-Geraldine
Forbes
Education to Daughter is Father’s Religious Duty

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………. For the British cotton industry had begun to suffer from indian competition.
Indian yarn exports exceeded imports from the early 1880's, and a few years later
British exports of cheap cottons started to decline.
Almost to destroy an infant industry in India……………….. The Factory Act of 1891
raised the minimum age for the employment of children from 7 to 9 years and
reduced their working time from 9 to 7 hours, limited the hours of employment of
women to 11 hours a day, insisted on proper intervals for food and rest during the
day and provided for at least four holidays in every month for both women and
children. This did not satisfy opinion in Britain where employment of children and
women was restricted to 10 hours during the day. The Dundee Chamber of
Commerce, for example, falsely complained that as a result of the want of adequate
inspection by officials in India, machinery was worked for 22 hours by women and
for 15 hours by children………………….. Much of the work in the mines was done on
the family system, the wife and children helping the father; explosions and
accidents were relatively unknown; and a needlessly stringent Act might smother a
promising national industry.
India in British rule
Source: CAMBRIDGE SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES
BRITISH POLICY IN INDIA 1858-1905, CAMBRIDGE SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES by S.GOPAL

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Rural labourers quite often took children to the field. Universally in the cotton
and jute mills in the nineteenth century, especially the jute mills, women took
infants into the factory. Inside such a jute mill near Calcutta, infants
can be found lying on sacking, in bobbin boxes and other unsuitable places,
exposed to the noise and danger of moving machinery and a dustladen
atmosphere, and no year passes without a certain number of serious
and minor accidents, and sometimes even deaths, among such children.
(India, 1928–31:65)
India in British rule.....
(Source: Rethinking Economic Change in
India, Labour and livelihood,Tirthankar Roy-
Routledge)

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The principal difficulty in classification of women workers was that women often took
part both in the occupation of the adult men of their families and in the wage labour
unconnected with what the men did. Where the former work occupied them to a greater
extent, the difficulty arose as to whether they should be treated as primarily dependents
or primarily workers. While there was diversification at this level, in wage work, there
was a great deal of gender segmentation. Some work only women did, some work only
men. And women entered mainly those jobs that hired only women. There was hardly a
hint of competition in historical sources. To the contrary, there were many references to a
great deal of compatibility between men and women in respect of their mode of entry
into
the same work-site. In the cotton mills, women worked usually in the mills where their
husbands worked. In the mines, ‘they of course work with or near the male members’
(India, 1921a: 170–1).
why women were prone to leaving industry

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why women were prone to leaving industry......
Hand-spinning of cotton, basket weaving, grain processing by hand and stone cutting were
some of the traditional manual processes in which women far outnumbered men. Of the
more modern sectors, metal processing, chemicals or machinery manufacture and printing
presses rarely hired women. Mines hired many women, not in extraction but as headload
carriers. Cotton mills hired women as reelers and winders in the spinning department. In
cotton gins, women fed cotton into the gin. As that task required a large number of workers,
nearly half the workers in a gin were often women. In hand-loom factories, women
performed yarn processing tasks again as they did at home. In bid rolling, women alone
were employed. There was also near-monopoly of women in certain activities allied to the
processing or use of minerals. Quarries of hard rock, for example, employed women as
small stone breakers. Pottery, brick and tile factories, and cement factories hired women
too. If there were changes and shifts within these spheres, we cannot capture them for
want of sufficient research. However, we do know that in the spinning department of the
cotton and jute mills women tended to be replaced by men after the 1922 Factories Act.

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In several cases from comparative history, the percentage of women in manufacturing
work and the female labour-force participation rates seem to be correlated. Both are
relatively low in India, both high in East Asia.
(Source: Rethinking Economic Change in India, Labour and livelihood,Tirthankar Roy-Routledge)

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Another large example in the gender-independence scenario is hand-spinning. This
example has occupied, not unjustly, an overwhelming part of the discourse on women’s
work in industry. However, a great deal of this discourse is impressionistic. The first thing
we need to note about hand-spinning is that it was quintessentially women’s work: very
small pay, very labour-intensive and usage of the most unemployable of the rural
workforce. Such labour was easily a prey to mechanization because it was much too
labour-intensive to be economical for the weaver, and because the income-loss was
negligible for the community as soon as an alternative became available. The peak
period of the decline of hand-spinning was not well-served by documentation, official or
other. However, spinning was faintly remembered at the end of the century. Based on
these reports, we know that spinning labour came from across the social spectrum.
Women of Brahman households took part as much as poor widows such as the ones
described in the matka example above. As one respondent remembered the routine:
‘Females in every household would get up early in the morning and sit in small parties of
five or six and go on spinning’ (Slater, 1918:66). The mention of caste is significant, for
team-work was not likely to form in too mixed a company.
(Source: page 11 to 18 .Rethinking Economic Change in India, Labour and
livelihood,Tirthankar Roy-Routledge)

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Bengal's own factories and mills became major consumers of raw jute. By the early
twentieth century, more than half of the 9 million bales of raw jute produced were
processed, spun, woven and manufactured into bags in Bengal.9 By the 1930s there were
more than
100 factories within 25 miles north and south of Calcutta.
The factory production of jute and its importance as packaging for the world's expanding
commodity trade brought it into prominence in the nineteenth century. Jute had, however,
been known in Bengal for many centuries. Two castes, the Kapalis and the Jogis, grew,
spun and wove jute. As in many other low-paid and low-status jobs Hindu widows of even
the higher castes were allowed to engage in this poorly rewarded occupation. The coarse
yarn was used for cordage and for making paper........ From 1795 Bengal began to export
raw jute and jute cloth, mainly to south-east Asia.Around this time manufacturers ........ in
1835 when they applied whale oil to sufficiently strengthen and soften the fibre. Mechanical
spinning started and power weaving followed immediately. The real impetus for the growth
of the industry came with the outbreak of the Crimean War when the supply of Russian
hemp became uncertain. Jute was now substituted for hemp. The shift required no
significant replacement of existing machinery and with a little additional investment the
packaging industry in Dundee continued to prosper. Scottish jute mills also derived an
enormous cost advantage from the easy and almost exclusive access to colonised
Bengal's raw jute. The hessian and the gunny sack were to hold the field for the next
hundred years.
Lessons from Bengal

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The migration of labour to the jute mill belt of Bengal and, particularly, its implications for
the employment of women. The Bengali women in the mills - primarily widows and
deserted or
deserting wives - were quickly overwhelmed by the migrant men. Bihar and UP women
did not come to the mills in large enough numbers to preserve the gender composition of
the workforce. There was a greater proportion of women among those who came from
northern Andhra Pradesh than among those who came from Bihar and UP, but in
absolute terms the Andhra women were a small minority. The women who did migrate to
the city, alone or with their families, did so when rural resources were exhausted. They
rarely retained a rural base to protect them against the uncertainties of the urban labour
market. Consequently, their labour was less desirable from the mill owners‘ point of view.
Lessons from Bengal

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Mill managers also deployed notions of domesticity according to their labour requirements.
Thus, when they wished to employ women they emphasized the importance of their contribution
to the household budget; when they wished to reduce labour, they found it easier to retrench
women, rather than men, on the grounds that women's earnings were `supplementary' and
that their primary task lay in housewifery and childcare. In general, managers advanced these
arguments to explain women's lower wages and the poorer conditions provided for them in the
mills. During the crisis of the 1930s, mill owners formulated concrete policies to increase
their direct control over women's activities and to systematically replace women by men. Together,
these various policies led to women's marginalisation in the industry.
The gendering of the workforce affected social and cultural attitudes to women's work and
negatively affected the status of urban women. The poor conditions of women's work and the
lower wages they were paid affirmed the ideology of domesticity and seclusion and further
devalued women's contribution towards family sustenance.
The child-bearing and rearing practices of poor women received enormous public attention in the
1920s and 1930s. The state and the mill owners, prodded by the International Labour Organisation,
discovered the `problem' of the woman factory worker's `motherhood'.
Lessons from Bengal

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Women workers themselves rarely perceived a stark opposition between wage
work and their family roles. Their family responsibilities usually included and
overlapped with their role as workers. An elitist definition of womanhood, which
celebrated the exclusively domestic, never applied to these women. However,
such elitist perceptions did also accord primacy to poor women's family roles
and they affected, through state and entrepreneurial policies, poor women's
position in the
workplace. Working women had to negotiate and contest these perceptions
and they had to resist both class and sexual oppression. As a result, their
protest gained a remarkably militant edge. They became reputed for their
militancy in strikes and in violent confrontation with managers and the police.
Their participation in strikes, however, often derived from criteria of self-worth
and notions of honour that were not part of the organised structure of elite-led
trade union politics.
Source : 19 to 22 page in ppt.-Women and Labour in Late Colonial India-The
Bengal Jute Industry by Samita Sen, Cambridge University Press 1999
Lessons from Bengal

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The Japanese mills drove out the cotton mills of Bombay from the China market
within a few years in the 1890s. They had an advantage, as the Bombay mill-owners
noted, with a sense of despair because they could not hope to match that particular
advantage. This was low-wage female labour. Young unmarried women from
farming families moved to cotton-spinning mills in Japan. Cotton mills elsewhere in
the world employed farm girls too.Their wages were very low, though in order to
employ them the mills needed to create special systems such as all-women
dormitories. They were employed only for a few years, and the pay covered little
more than subsistence. And yet, through this transfer of population, ‘the industries in
Japan secured cheap labor, the farmers secured some cash income, the girls
secured dowries—and the contracts were completed by the age then regarded as
appropriate for marriage’ (Taeuber, 1958:115–16).
While the Japanese employer created conditions enabling women’s entry into the
factory, the Indian mill-owner was stubbornly indifferent to the most elementary
enabling conditions. Most women workers were married with small children. Until
the late-1920s most mills did not have child-care facilities, and yet had begun to
prohibit entry of small children into the space where their mothers worked. The
women were left at the mercy of
Driving the employments

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the sardars (the contractors-cum-foremen) for breaks from the shop-floor, or
dependent
on older children, and were compelled to use what tree-shade they could find outside
the
mill to nurse small children. There were many other, less glaring, cases of neglect
and
indifference. Not surprisingly, the presence of women in the mills began to decline
quickly after the 1922 Factories Act. No less powerful barrier than employer
indifference
were the social and cultural attitudes of the workers themselves. A group of women
complained before the Royal Commission on Labour that ‘the chastity of the female
employee working in the factory is always in danger’ (India, 1928–31:65). On the
point
of patriarchal prejudices, Indian trade unions were partners and collaborators of the
mill owners.
One mill union, for example, stoutly resisted ‘the scandalous system of men and
women working jointly on the same machine’, which an innovative South Indian mill
tried to implement in the 1920s. Many other unions shared the sentiment.

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The sardar was typically a labour supervisor ± and there were three or
more sardars in every department of a mill. The line sardars, supervising a
small group of workers were under a head sardar. The sardars were
always men. The jute mills, in not pursuing a strict horizontal segregation
of genders on the shopfloor, rigidified the vertical segregation of women
into the lower echelons of jute mill work. Since men could and often did
work in the departments where women also worked, and since male
workers would not be amenable to supervision by women, there were no
women sardars in jute mills. In contrast, in the cotton mills where women
had their own departments, they were headed by women supervisors.
Source: Women and Labour in Late Colonial India-The Bengal Jute Industry by
Samita Sen, Cambridge University Press 1999

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This difference between Japan and India had probably more to do with economics
than prejudice. The critical question is: why did the Indian employer not want to spend
more on welfare or accept the cost of special legislation, considering that women
usually received smaller wages than men for the same work? Underlying the
difference between them in the status of women inside the factory, there was a
calculation of how valuable or indispensable the women workers were. Both societies
were patriarchal and neither
allowed women freedom to work or live as they wished. The crucial difference, I
believe, was in the fact that the women workers in the Japanese mills were
unmarried. Being unmarried and young, they were more suited to training than
married women might have been. The Indian women workers were married and thus
seen as not reliable material to be trained and put to the skilled tasks. Women were
part of the core workforce in Japan, whereas the Indian women workers were usually
a marginal part of the factory. The Japanese women worked the ring spindle while the
Indian ones were set to unskilled tasks. The Japanese women were part of the steady
workforce, at least for a few years until they were married, the Indian women were
casual workers. If culture does enter this story of marginalization of women, it enters
via marriage norms, and not via employers’ biases.
India Vs Japan

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The second objection to ‘barriers to entry’ is that government regulation did not
touch more than a small fraction of the workforce in the developing countries.
Using South Asia as an illustration, between 1911 and 1961, more than one-and-
a-half million women notionally exited manufacturing in this region.In the mills
covered by the Factory Act, Disputes Act and other regulations, the extent of the
notional decline was only a few thousands. The real sites of the decline were
small factories and workshops that employed wage-labour, showed a strong
preference for male labour, but were not
subjected to any regulation worth the name. The gender-bias of mill-owners or the
legal safeguards do not really matter, in a quantitative sense, to explaining why
women’s presence in manufacturing fell in India. To explain why we find few
women working in these units, we need to consider the hypothesis that perhaps
women could not seek these jobs. We consider supply of labour again, in the form
of what I call barriers to exit from the family.
India Vs Japan.....

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Numerous reports point to a deep-rooted and universal feeling of uneasiness
and
unwillingness on the part of the Indian woman to work in a factory alongside
men. How do we account for such a feeling?
Married women faced a singular barrier to exit the household: children,
especially
young children and infants. Even in the presence of adequate institutional
safeguards at the factory site, it was not easy to go round this barrier, for the
traditional society would not easily accept these institutions to be adequate
substitutes for maternal care. A consideration such as this would tend to bias
married women’s work towards household industry, part-time or casual work
rather than permanent contractual work, and bias it towards agriculture and
services, rather than manufacturing. For, manufacturing by contrast with farming,
would require steadier commitment and possibly staying away from children for
longer periods during the day.
Barriers to exit: marriage

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How wide or narrow was the window of opportunity during early stages of
industrialization? It was relatively wide in Japan, about 4–5 years—the maximum
length an unmarried girl would spend in a spinning mill at the turn of the century. On
the other side, the window was probably a negative range in South Asia. The mean
age at marriage in South Asia has been historically the lowest in the world and rose
rather slowly in the twentieth century. The mean age at marriage for women in India
was thirteen in the
decade 1891–1901, and sixteen in the decade 1951–61. The age was lowest by far by
any contemporary standard. In 1920, the mean age for women in Japan was twenty-
three. In Europe, the age was twenty-five or more even at the beginning of
industrialization. In neighbouring Burma and Ceylon, the average age for women in
the first decade of the twentieth century was 18–20. The mean age did not necessarily
increase in the long run in regions where it was high to begin with. However, if it fell, it
fell marginally.
Barriers to exit: marriage
(Source: page 26to 29 .Rethinking Economic Change in India, Labour and
livelihood,Tirthankar Roy-Routledge)

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Indian employment............Despite the fact that the highest levels of protection were
provided to the import-competing industries that were most capital-, technology-, and
skilled labor–intensive, India experienced a considerable widening of the skill wage gap.
Trade in manufacturing benefited skilled men and trade in services benefited skilled
women. Overall, the male-female wage gap narrowed for high school and college
graduates.
Cadot and Nasir (2001) report that the monthly wage for an unskilled textiles industry
machine operator is less than one-third of the equivalent wage in Mauritius, around half
that in China, and only about 60 percent of the average wage in India. Although labor
productivity is apparently much lower in Madagascar than in Mauritius or China (and
equal to that in India), unit production costs are among the lowest in the world and lower
than in the other three countries.
(Source: Globalization, Wages, and the Quality of Jobs- FIVE COUNTRY STUDIES -Raymond Robertson, Drusilla Brown, Gaëlle
Pierre, and María Laura ,Sanchez-Puerta- www.worldbank.org)

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India provides a good example of the way in which export orientation changes labour
management practices so that they raise productivity and product quality. Beginning in the
mid-1980s, India’s automobile industry grew rapidly and attracted significant FDI flows. As a
consequence of domestic-content requirements, local components producers were
required to significantly increase quality and productivity. Okada (2004) reports that firms
responded by hiring more educated and qualified workers for production and managerial
positions. Firms also emphasized cognitive skills and behavioural traits in recruitment and
increased formal training in quality control and line management.
(Source: Globalization, Wages, and the Quality of Jobs- FIVE COUNTRY STUDIES,Raymond Robertson, Drusilla Brown,
Gaëlle Pierre, and María Laura ,Sanchez-Puerta-www.worldbank.org)

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Conclusio
n
The remarkable spiral between ‘information’ and ‘knowledge’ Cohn depicted in the
first citation above could leave the information theorist at a loss. Modern technical
usage
of both these terms keeps these two concepts strictly distinct, defines these differently,
and in such a way as to be able to understand their interconnection. The classical
communication theory, for example, defines information not with respect to its
functions
but to a state of uncertainty, information is reduction in uncertainty. The theory also
implies that the one who possesses or controls information does not have full control
over
its communication to others because of the ‘noise’ that necessarily enters all
communication channels. Knowledge differs from information in a number of ways, by
an element of intentionality for example, or by the fact that knowledge is constructed
through a process of recognition of information to be correct or useful (Lehrer, 2000).
….. Colonialism had to create an information base on the people of India before it
could
filter it into knowledge about colonial subjects.

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First, systems of governance operate at different levels, principally, administration and
ideology, and the fit between the two is not necessarily very close, as one might imagine
from reading Cohn or the subaltern studies treatment of colonial sources. Administration
in a colonial society took on a life and dynamics of its own. Indeed, some of the most
valuable descriptions of life and livelihood of the poor in colonial India arose out of the
autonomous uncoordinated research by officials whose connection with governance
went no further than using the government press to publish their findings. A great deal
of the work done for the census, the craft monographs, the caste surveys and the village
studies belonged in such research efforts without plausible political roots.

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In the cotton mills, women’s work inside the factory depended on a support system
outside to look after young children and bring them to their mothers at certain times
and places. Not all mothers could access or create such a system. And those that
could needed to have large families. For, older siblings played a crucial role in this
scheme.
My second hypothesis is that men, being in control of capital and marketing and
having undergone more rigorous training, faced greater opportunity cost of outright
exit from manufacturing than did women. They persisted with industry much more, if
necessary, leaving the family and resettling in a different town. Women as merchants
were probably not unknown, but the rare instances in which we see them involved
odd personalities and odd domestic circumstances.

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My third hypothesis is that it is precisely these constraints that made it more difficult for
certain products to survive commercialization. The outcome of distinctively women’s
labour such as waste silk yarn, carpets, embroidery, or a sari meant for display of its
maker might be distinctive and might have potential market, but these products were
not backed by a strong commercial organization. When a market did grow for such
products, only in rare instances did women artisans supply that market. In carpets, they
were almost wholly displaced, in sari and embroidery partially displaced. Commercial
organization
evolved in some of these cases to utilize the particular craft skills that only women
could
supply, but usually, involved men in trade and women in production.
The distinction between gender-integration and gender-independence matters in this
context. When a product moved from the household to the factory, we are talking about
a gender-integrated scenario weakening. The decline in women’s work in such a case
implicated (a) technological change that made the factory a superior organization, and
(b) differential gender endowments in production skills that made men better able to
join the factory. When a product earlier made by women, but not by the whole
household, began to be made in a factory or by men, we are talking about a gender-
independent scenario
breaking up. That kind of change implicated not differential skill-endowment, but
differential endowment of capital. Women might be able to make that item better than
men, but could they market it? Not usually, unless there were certain institutional

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IDEALS AND REALITIES
India’s secular, democratic constitution is formulated on the principle of social justice for all.
Its laws give women equal rights to property (1956) and prohibit dowry (1984), child labor
(1987), and female feticide (1984), and its press is vigilant and relatively free. Indian women
made notable strides in literacy by 2001 (53.7%) from the abysmal 7.30 percent at the end
of colonial rule. This is especially significant as the population tripled, thus raising the
number of literate women from 11.7 million (1951) to 255 million (2001).Other achievements
include the appreciable drop in the fertility rate (1990: 4 children per woman; 2007: 2.7), as
women wait longer to marry and to have children. Women of the expanding middle class
have garnered high professional honors at home and abroad, although these benefits have
not yet accrued fully to the lowest-caste and tribal women. A growing number contest and
win elections to village councils (panchayats), provincial councils, and Parliament, while
dissident women challenge corrupt officials and multinational corporations to change the
power structure. Despite poverty and patriarchal traditions, women juggle family duties and
work to be their own agents. They care for children and seniors at home, while bringing in
an income as farmers, herders, weavers, craftswomen, teachers, doctors, scientists,
pharmacists, lawyers, judges, administrators, bankers, businesswomen, nurses, soldiers,
policewomen, computer technicians, tailors, artists, performers, shop assistants, and
construction labourers.

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I do not have specific bias for women engineers. I do agree that they are more
competent, intelligent, possess more integrity, and are more efficient than men
engineers, but they are helpless. In spite of their full willingness to perform
their duty perfectly they are not able to meet with the requirement of the organization
in which they are employed due to family responsibilities like their responsibilities towards
their children, in-laws, parents, and other social obligations towards family, illness, etc. In
Indian culture men expect everything from women.
Source:Parikh and Sukhatme, “Women in the Engineering Profession in India,
Everything from Women

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Achieving gender equality is therefore not just women’s concern—it
deeply concerns men.
-Bina Agarwal, economist
Equal Opportunity ?

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start and implementation of new welfare policy

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Source: Women in Asia , Editor: Louise Edwards (Australian Catholic
University)
(Japanese Women Activities)
For Reference

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Sexual
Harassment
India Risk Survey
2014http://www.ficci.com/Sedocument/20276/report-India-Risk-Survey-2014.pdf

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Crime has been graded as the fourth risk in India. The increase in crime rate in India is
a
cause of worry for the Indian economy. Crime against women has seen a rise in the
last
one year. India remains as one of the violence prone nations with violent crimes
registering a 65 per cent increase. Foreign respondents to the survey have also
recognised the increasing percentage of crime as one of the major dampeners that
inhibit prospects of business in India. The fall in tourist traffic in India can also be
attributed to the rise in the level of crime in the country.

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gender diversity

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Another important thing that the corporate world is working on is maintaining gender
diversity. Even today the number of women employees across industries is very low. To
achieve this balance, a constant supply of employable female candidates is needed. It is
important to know if the source or the reservoir has enough females to help balance the
number of women employees in corporate. When the scores of the test takers were
analyzed based on Gender It was found that the quality of female candidates is better
than the males. As per the data collected, out of the female test takers about 42% are
employable; however this number for male test takers is a bit low around 30%. With
such quality of female talent pool available the companies have a great opportunity in
hand to improve the gender ratio in their organisations. To facilitate this process further,
along with the “Employability” status of The data and the analysis in the above pages
capture a comprehensive picture of the Skill Landscape of India. The information
captured does indicate a challenging way ahead, but it also brings with it opportunities to
come up with innovative solutions. Respective Governments and Institutes with active
support from the Employers; would need to come up with strategies to improve this
situation. Doors are also open for individual agencies and consultants to come up with
inventive solutions to improve the skill levels; that can help both the corporate and
academia.
The detailed analysis of the skill supply side provided in this section can be used as the
base to chart out the future course of action to implement an efficient Supply
Chain of Talent. https://wheebox.com/logo/FullVersion.pd
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https://wheebox.com/logo/FullVersion.pdf

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Some acts which have special provisions to safeguard women and their
interests are:
•The Employees State Insurance Act, 1948
•The Plantation Labour Act, 1951
•The Family Courts Act, 1954
•The Special Marriage Act, 1954
•The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955
•The Hindu Succession Act, 1956 with amendment in 2005
•Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956
•The Maternity Benefit Act, 1961 (Amended in 1995)
•Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961
•The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971
•The Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act, 1976
•The Equal Remuneration Act, 1976
•The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006
•The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1983
•The Factories (Amendment) Act, 1986
•Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act, 1986
•Commission of Sati (Prevention) Act, 1987
•The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005

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In January 1992, the Government set-up this statutory body with a specific
mandate to study and monitor all matters relating to the constitutional and legal
safeguards provided for women, review the existing legislation to suggest
amendments wherever necessary, etc.
• Reservation for Women in Local Self -Government
The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Acts passed in 1992 by Parliament ensure
one-third of the total seats for women in all elected offices in local bodies whether in
rural areas or urban areas.
• The National Plan of Action for the Girl Child (1991-2000)
The plan of Action is to ensure survival, protection and development of the girl
child with the ultimate objective of building up a better future for the girl child.
(iv) National Policy for the Empowerment of Women, 2001
The Department of Women & Child Development in the Ministry of Human
Resource Development has prepared a “National Policy for the Empowerment of
Women” in the year 2001. The goal of this policy is to bring about the advancement,
development and empowerment of women.
http://mospi.nic.in/Mospi_New/upload/women_
man_p_2010/Rights.doc

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70% of women committee To be Recommendation:
Compulsory project work about women's positions in home,
in local area, school district levels, in state, in National at
higher secondary first year, College in first year with in front
of committee 70% of women members
Recommendatio
n

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