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ISSN 2277-0852; Volume 4, Issue 3, pp. 48-54; June, 2015
Online International Journal of Arts and Humanities
©2015 Online Research Journals
Research Article
Available Online at http://www.onlineresearchjournals.org/IJAH
Consolidating Cooperation under Regional
Integration: A Theoretical Approach to
Curbing Terrorism and Maintaining Peace and
Security among IGAD Member States
*G.I. Sheriff, I.I. Uke and J.W Adams
Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria.
Received 11 May, 2015 Accepted 11 June, 2015
The menace of terrorism which has been bedeviling some parts of Africa such as West Africa, East
Africa and North Africa is a great tragedy that attracts meaningful cooperation among nation-states in
fighting against terrorism and other trans-border crimes. The most dangerous of these terrorist
organizations in Africa are Alshabab in East Africa and Boko Haram in Nigeria. The paper discusses
some theoretical instruments of cooperation and interdependence in fighting terrorism and in the quest
for peaceful East Africa. The researchers adopted a descriptive research instrument during the data
collection process and found the need for members of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development
(IGAD) through consolidating their extra-effort towards strong cooperation and interdependence, peace
and security which can be restored all over the region so that Alshabab will be subdued. The
researchers conclude that, lack of commitment and rivalry or the pursuit of personal interest among
members of the organization will not produce fruitful outcome in the region. The researchers
recommend drastic cooperation among IGAD members as well as seeking the help of other
international regional organizations in fighting terrorism within the region, among other things.
Key words: Consolidating, cooperation, interdependence, terrorism, security, IGAD.
INTRODUCTION
The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development
(IGAD) is a regional integrating organization established
in 1996 by some countries in East Africa. The
organization was to fight against severe droughts and
other natural disasters which caused famine, ecological
degradation and economic hardship between 1974 and
1984 [1]. Six countries emerged in 1983 and 1984
namely Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and
Uganda to deal with issues of drought and development.
Eritrea became the seventh member of the organization
in 1993, which later led to expanding cooperation among
the member states. Other areas which the organization
*Corresponding Author‟s E-mail: sherfboy@yahoo.com;
Tel.: +234-7025823709.
seeks to explore include programs on social,
technological and scientific fields, harmonization of
policies regarding trade, customs, transport,
communications, agriculture and investment,
infrastructure, conflicts and insecurity and cooperation
among members [1]. Although conflict of any kind is not
healthy for the survival of any socio-economic formation,
it continues to occur in almost everywhere in the world
such as in Africa, Asia, Latin America, Europe and the
Caribbean. Modern states have been adopting different
ways to curtail the level of crises in the world. It was clear
how the First World War ended in an armistice, it was
also known how the Second World War ended with the
defeat of Germany and Japan. It is obvious that the
Vietnam War was an unfinished war or a war which the
United States did not win, but it stopped somewhere.
The global system or what can be called international
political and economic order has created different
rebellion and uprisings in the world. It has created tension
and resentment among states and people. The world
system has paved a room for the emergence of terrorism
and jihadism especially from the Middle East, Asia,
Eastern Europe, Europe and Africa. This was as a result
of American dominance or spread of its own civilization
which imposes the Americanization of the world or
emerges as a result of Unipolar order due to the collapse
of the Soviet Union. In the argument of Fukuyama [2], the
contemporary global system is an era of the end of
history, due to the global acceptance of American liberal
democratic values, which had defeated fascism, Nazism,
communism and all other ideologies in the world.
Fukuyama predicted that, those states and nations which
have not yet accepted these American values would be
characterized by ethno-religious conflicts, terrorism,
poverty and backwardness. Scholars like Huntington [3]
have provided a criticism to Fukuyama, showing that, this
is not an era of the end of history, because, the liberal
democratic values of the United States are facing
difficulty in what he (Huntington) describes as clash of
civilization. It is as a result of this clash of civilization that
many people emerge under extreme Islam to challenge
those American liberal democratic values. They resort
into violence in maintaining and preserving their belief
values against that of the West. A typical example of this
is the Taliban of Afghanistan who are still fighting for their
course, against American imposed values; another
example is the al-Qaida which sees American over
dominance as a great threat to the survival of Islam in the
world and tries to fight against what has been perceived
as American injustice and crusade against Islam and the
Muslim world.
Alshabab emerged from its former mainstream
organization (the Islamic court) a broke away from the
Islamic court due to the assertion made, that it was not
doing enough to achieve its major objective. The
Alshabab broke to consolidate their effort towards a total
Islamisation of some selected areas of Somalia, Djibouti,
punt land, Eastern Kenya and many more places to be
enveloped under Islamic Shariah. In Nigeria, the Boko
Haram menace is not an exception. The members of the
Boko Haram sect as well as their leaders uphold that
objective of Islamizing Nigeria and establishing a
complete Islamic rule under Shariah law. It was peaceful
in the early stage, but later became violent due to the
killing of their leader Muhammad Yusuf. This paper is to
provide some theoretical analogy on how members of
IGAD can consolidate their cooperation and
interdependence against terrorism in order to maintain
peace and fight against insecurity in their territories.
Theoretical Elucidation
Cooperation in international politics (especially in an area
of fighting terrorism) is said to take place when “actors
Sheriff et al. 49
adjust their behaviors to the actual or anticipated
preferences of others, through a process of policy
coordination” [4]. Policy coordination according to Helen
[5] implies that the policies of each state have been
adjusted to reduce their negative consequences for the
other states. This signifies that, Ethiopia and Eritrea have
to make a drastic adjustment, Eritrea and Djibouti have to
adjust in their relationship for proper cooperation to take
place and achieve the desired goal of peace and security
among IGAD member states. One of the adherents of
realist approach to the study of cooperation is Sterling [6]
who challenges the liberalist explanations for
international cooperation in the field of international
relations. He contends that despite numerous efforts and
the passage of time, our understanding of the
cooperative phenomenon remains woefully inadequate.
Sterling is also of the view that, the state is more
significant to the issues of cooperation than the market
[6]; he employed his instrument of analysis by combining
both realism and constructivism. In the argument of Healy
[7], there are some basic features of leadership among
IGAD states that substantiate the realist argument of
cooperation in East Africa. Some of these features are:
(a) The region‟s authoritarian political culture militates
against IGAD attempting to play a proactive or
autonomous role in peace and security
(b) IGAD leaders have not recognized the limitations of
the organization‟s remit or legal framework, often
adopting bold initiatives outside its mandate.
(c) Member states seek to direct IGAD activity in pursuit
of their own interests, thereby compromising its neutrality.
(d) The IGAD region lacks a clearly distinguishable lead
country; Ethiopia‟s recent efforts to secure this position
appear to have only exacerbated regional tensions. With
the above therefore, the realists believe that each
member of the organization has an interest and works
towards the achievement of that interest, which serves as
an impediment to peace and security in the region.
(e) The lack of proper institution to work and support
foreign troops is another realist submission. Besides
there are still no properly set up government institutions
that can give confidence to whichever donor would like to
help and sometimes even those in the government
themselves are not convinced that their government can
run properly. How else does one explain most of the MPs
operating from out of Somalia? How does the local
person then believe in his government? This is a driving
force which brings about perpetual crisis in the region
and instability continues in Somalia.
Most popular among the theories of cooperation is the
„power based‟ school. The Power-based theories of
cooperation explain the relevance of security and
rationality. The possession of power and the existence of
anarchy predominates global politics and the process of
cooperation. Power-based theories are predominantly
50 Online Int J Arts Human
static and positivist [8]. Three power-based theories of
international cooperation exist and these are: Hegemonic
Stability Theory, Power-based Research Programme and
Realist Theory.
The Hegemonic Stability Theory
Hegemony is a powerful agent who provides public
goods because it has the self-interest and the capacity to
supply them. In the argument of hegemonic theory, the
stronger one is exploited by the weaker one. Hegemony
can therefore survive by force or by legitimacy.
Hegemony is necessary to shoulder the costs of rule-
making and enforcement (second-order cooperation
dilemma). In the interplay, they make laws which others
may follow and respect. Olson [9] and Snidal [10] noted
that small groups can provide public goods by
cooperating and sharing costs, instead of relying on a
single hegemonic power. To this extent, it is glaring that
in the integration process under IGAD, Ethiopia and
Kenya or even Uganda, are powerful members of the
IGAD. Belonging to this regional integration, signifies
their total commitment to shoulder different responsibility,
such as sending troops in the period of conflict. We have
seen how Ethiopia has been holding peace talks between
the government of South Sudan and the rebel leaders.
We have also seen how Uganda unilaterally entered
South Sudan in support of the government, fighting the
rebels.
The Power Based Theory
According to the power-based theories, cooperation does
not result in mutual adjustment at all but instead requires
the less powerful to adjust to the more powerful. It is also
notable that, variation in power determines: (i) who gets
to play the game? (ii)What are the rules? (iii)What are the
payoffs? Therefore, the whole process of cooperation
favors the most powerful. This defines why and how
Ethiopia always takes the credit. Kenya is not also left
behind together with Uganda as the most powerful in the
cooperation of IGAD members. This also shows why
Eritrea, Somalia or Djibouti, which are weaker than the
former do not take charge of significant matters of peace
keeping, negotiation or even arbitration.
The question of reliability of assuming structural power
is translatable into bargaining power regarding outcomes
[8]. Realist theory of cooperation attempts to explain
cooperation, given states‟ overwhelming concern with
security, independence, and autonomy. For the school of
realism, autonomy and national security is the major
issue which does not relate to relative gains. The result is
"defensive positionalism," or reluctant cooperation,
wherein agents will cooperate only if they feel it is
absolutely necessary. Rationality, in this case, is
constrained by fear of destruction and the presence of
anarchy [8].
Cooperation from the realist perspective
For Realists, institutions are very vital in the process of
cooperation due to the nature of power they exert. This
explains why some members are not really committed to
sending their troops for peace keeping, even if they do,
they send below the number of personnel required of
them. Eritrea is afraid, Djibouti and partially Sudan; they
try to position themselves under international safety net,
to avoid over-dominance of other members as it relates
to their national security and survival. But what is
discernible is that, with power, cooperation is rare at best,
but without power it is impossible [5]. Different from the
argument of the realists, the liberal-institutionalists will
argue that, cooperation is unconditional. It is also
embracing the fact the realists have conditions to
cooperation even though neo-realists may accept
cooperation. But there is no condition given by the neo-
liberalists, for they believe cooperation will always avoid
war and bring economic development [11]. Still in the
argument of liberal-institutionalists, Joshua and Jon [12],
while making submission on Kantian liberalist views,
agreed that, states could form organizations and policies
to promote cooperation. States could create a responsive
parliament to watchdog the monarch. The relevance of
the liberalist analogy to the issues affecting IGAD is that,
it is an institution set to achieve some certain goals. By
coming together of the member states, certain tensions
will be eased, especially that between Ethiopia and
Eritrea, Eritrea and Djibouti. The cooperation will make
them achieve economic gains, promote peace and
provide check and balances. On the other hand,
however, constructivism explains the principle of idealism
in different manner. Some of these principles include
“goals, threats, fears and identities” [13].
The constructivists believe that, while forming any type
of cooperation, being it inter-continental, global, regional
or sub-regional, and the parties must look at identity,
goals, threats and fears. But the most important aspect of
members of IGAD is that there is identity similarity. This
may include history, political, economic, geographic,
religious and social or demographic identity. This
explains why Tanzania is not a member of the IGAD,
Rwanda-Burundi not members and other neighboring
states. Albeit even with the similar identity among
members, there is still the existence of fear and threat,
but members have been able to gradually subdue this
problem, which is still under control.
IGAD efforts towards peace building and security in
its region
Fighting the insurgents does not simply require more
troops but more than that. African Union Mission in
Somalia (AMISOM) which is the African Union (AU)
peace keeping force sanctioned by the United Nations
Security Council (UNSC) has only 6100 troops of the
approved 8,000 (now approved to 20,000 as from 15th
October, 2010). Apart from the above, almost all IGAD
Member States have been training Soldiers to help
AMISOM, but structural and logistic problems have not
made it easy. By this, things like salaries, uniforms and
equipments for the Transitional Federal Government
(TFG) trained soldiers were not enough, what transpired
was having a demoralized force, so vulnerable and which
also became available for hire by anyone who can pay
them [14]. Even when the soldiers return from the foreign
training, there is no systematic way of receiving them.
The EU launched a training mission for Somali security
forces in April 2010 in Uganda with initial trainees of
about 2,000 soldiers. The numbers combining AMISOM,
EU and the regionally trained soldiers should be enough
to create some semblance of admirable peace in
Somalia. This dream has continued to remain futile. It is a
known fact that there is an arms embargo on Somalia,
but arms still get there to fuel the war. The question that
has always remained unanswered is - where are they
coming from and who are the suppliers [14].
On Somalia, realizing the complex and dynamic nature
of the problem, IGAD decided to open an office
specifically dedicated to Somalia. This office deals
directly with the TFG in all aspects including ensuring the
TFG abides by what is in the Charter, setting up of
government institutions, the joint security forces and
ensuring the government is all inclusive. It also deals with
the donor community and international organizations in
assisting Somalia. They have signed a cooperation
agreement with the UN and AMISOM. It is the focal point
of all engagements directed at Somalia and also
participates in the International Contact Group meetings
on Somalia. One of the successes of the office can be
seen in its engagement with one of the rebel groups „the
Ahlu-Sunna Wal Jamaa‟ that accepted to cooperate with
the TFG to fight the insurgents. This agreement was
signed in March 2010 at the AU headquarters [14].
IGAD’s major commitment areas on peace and
security
IGADs major strategic directions broadly include; Conflict
prevention, management and resolution, in which early
warning and establishment of mediation structures are
the major focuses; enhancing security sector program
and other cross-cutting peace and security related
issues. As a matter of fact, those pillars have their
foundations already run in the organization and include
as mentioned above, the following [14]:
Early Warning: Although, we are not in a position to
cover all member countries, our Conflict Early Warning
Mechanism (CEWARN) has now reached the level where
other other Regional Economic Communities (RECs) can
also learn some experiences as it is the first to be
established as a regional early warning (EW) mechanism.
Sheriff et al. 51
Some of the achievements of the strategy period
covering 2007-2011 include operationalization of the
National early warning units, rapid response framework
has been developed and we have also established a
rapid response fund. Some new reporting areas have
been assessed for further interventions. IGAD is currently
planning to widen the interventions of CEWARN both in
terms of conflict issues and geographical coverage.
Enhancing Conflict Prevention Management and
Resolution (CPMR): Capacities in the region IGAD was
appointed as authorizing body for the implementation of
Enhancing Conflict (EC)-funded CPMR project in South
and Eastern Africa and currently leading consultations,
trainings and various other events aimed at promoting
CPMR capacities in the region. Simultaneously, we are in
the process of establishing the IGAD mediation support
unit
Counter terrorism, prevention and control: The IGAD
capacity building program against terrorism has been
operating since the year 2006 focusing on national
capacities and undertaking studies on regional security
issues for further regional approach on wider issues. As
part of the effort to enhance national capacities, the
program has supported Member States (MSs) to
formulate legislations on terrorism; trainings have been
provided to relevant institutions aimed at enhancing
judicial capacities and inter-departmental coordination. In
addition, reviews of various laws of MS with regard to
organized crimes, money laundering, corruption and
similar issues have been carried out in some countries
and processes are undergoing in the remaining countries.
Cross-cutting issues: In order to promote greater
participation in addressing underlying causes of conflicts
which are challenges for sustainable development, and
considering the role Civil Society Organizations/Non-
Governmental Organizations (CSOs/NGOs) can play in
their public spaces, the organization has successfully
established the IGAD CSO forum and a regional steering
committees. As part of the efforts in enhancing good
governance in the region, IGAD has also trained and
established pool of election observers in the region and
deployed an observer mission to the Sudan and during
the referendum in Kenya. It has also brought together
Women Parliamentarians in the region in view of
promoting women‟s role in peacemaking and peace
building efforts in the region.
Relationship with the African Union: Just to touch on
Africa Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), generally
all RECs are being considered as building blocks of the
African Union, and there is a Memorandum of
Understanding (MoU) between the AU and the RECs and
Regional Mechanism (RMs) that defines relations in
peace and security in general. Major objectives of the
52 Online Int J Arts Human
MoU include: Contribute to the full operationalization of
the APSA, ensure regular information exchange on the
activities of the parties to the MoU, and design ways by
which peace and security related activities can be jointly
implemented and be consistent with the principles of the
Peace and Security Council (PSC) protocol.
In order to enhance relationship and interactions between
the AU and IGAD, the IGAD-AU Liaison Office has
already been established and IGAD is waiting for the
same measure to be taken from the AU side. Although
IGAD does not have a military arm that directly goes with
one of the major elements of APSA i.e. the Africa Stand
by Force, but there is the Eastern Africa Standby Brigade
(EASBRIG) with which a strong relationship is underway.
IGAD’s major challenges and prospects
The inclusion of other regional organizations in the
identification and providing solutions to the problems of
IGAD‟s region has made some achievements. The
IGAD‟s partnership with EU has brought about the
formation of a great strategy on how to deal with the
issue of insecurity and terrorism in the region. The
partnership strategy responds to three underlying
assessments [15]:
a) There is a regional system of insecurity, conflicts in the
region cannot be tackled independently of each other – a
regional approach is needed;
b) Another problem with the region is poverty and
underdevelopment. Different strategies must be adopted
such as security, development projects and dialogue
among other things;
c) Deep-rooted problems cannot be solved through short
term measures – a long term approach is needed that
goes beyond quick responses to violent conflicts and
humanitarian disasters.
Apart from the above problems identified, the IGAD- EU
partnership has came up with the following strategies on
how to deal with the problems of insecurity, instability and
terrorism. The strategy was adopted as a long term
initiative looking at poverty as one of the major causes of
the problems. Priorities have been made and framework
adopted was that, infrastructure and food security needed
to be provided as well as the issue of energy be
addressed [15]. Transport, energy and water/food
security are the major itemized areas to develop for the
betterment of the region [16].
The need for consolidating cooperation by IGAD
One of the major reasons why IGAD must consolidate
cooperation among its own members and other
stakeholders is that, thousands have been killed as a
result of Alshabab insurgency, and the long term effect of
the war and insecurity. Despite the fact that IGAD has its
own troops on the ground, AMISOM is also on the ground
and the subsequent additional Ethiopian troops deployed,
why is it that the problem persists? Concrete cooperation
against the insurgency may provide a lasting solution to
the problem when Alshabab is permanently subdued
from the cities and forests of Somalia.
Terrorism in the horns of Africa is fast spreading and
stagnating economic activities within the region. This
trend has made the United States to consolidate its
efforts towards identifying and fighting terrorist
organizations all over the world. It was by February 28,
2008 that the United States Department of State
designated al-Shabab as a Foreign Terrorist Organization
in accordance with section 219 of the U.S. Immigration
and Nationality Act (INA) [17]. One major reason why
IGAD‟s members must fight terrorism is that, the group
transcends civilian and government buildings attack, but
committed to attacking African Union‟s forces meant for
peace keeping operation in Somalia. With the coming of
new year (January 31, 2009), Shiekh Sharif Ahmed was
elected president of the TGF. Opposing any negotiated
settlement with Ethiopia, Al-Shabaab “declared war on
him”. By February 22,2009, Al-Shabaab carried out a
suicide car bomb attack against an African Union military
base in Mogadishu, killing at least six Burundian peace
keepers. In May of the same year, Al-Shabaab, along
with allied group Hizbul Islam, launched a major offensive
in the city of Mogadishu to take over the city, leaving
hundreds killed and injured, and tens of thousands
displaced. The group made large gains, taking over most
of the capital [17]. With the above wave of terror, when
everybody is not spared from violent attacks, this group is
one major reason for cooperation among member states
of IGAD. Apart from the above, it was also reported that
Alshabab has continued to attack innocent souls and
peace keepers in the horn. It was recorded that by June
18, 2009, Al-Shabaab claimed the 2009 Beledweyne
bombing, which killed 35 people including Somali security
minister Omar Hashi Aden. By September 17, the group
claimed a second bombing of an AU base, which killed
17 peace keepers. The killing did not stop there, by
December 3, Alshabab was also behind the 2009 Hotel
Shamo bombing, which killed 24, including three
government ministers [17].
The spate of terrorism has spread to neighboring
countries with Somalia, where the terrorist group carried
murderous operations. Uganda for example was
attacked, when Al-Shabab claimed responsibility for the
kampala operation which killed 74 people. The worst
attack of the year was that of August 23–24 of 2010,
when Al Shabab launched some attacks in the Somali
capital Mogadishu that killed over 300. By December 20th
,
a merger was made through a process of cooperation
between Hizbul Islam and the Somali Islamic party. The
two merged with Al-Shabaab, retaining the name 'Al-
Shabaab' [17]. More than 1.46 million people have been
internally displaced by Alshabab in Somalia. About 80%
of the displaced are women and children. This apart,
Alshabab is hindering the displaced people from getting
aid. They even prevent people from moving out from their
areas of control. With these, consolidating cooperation is
imperative [18]. It is also discerning that 60% of the 3.7
million Somalis in need live in Alshabab controlled areas.
They do not allow people to move out. Only with the help
of AMISOM that some of the aid workers were helped by
the troops in reaching out to people in need [19]. It was
estimated that more than one million Somalis live in
neighboring Somalia, and about 90,000 Somali refugees
live in the world second largest refugee camp in eastern
Kenya-Dadaab since the 1991 civil war [20]. What about
the number of women and children raped and those yet
to be raped? There is surely need for consolidated
cooperation. This is also not unconnected with the
unestimated number of people, men, women and children
who died in Alshabab‟s outrage. It is believed that tens of
thousands have died inside and outside Somalia, as a
result of Alshabab‟s terrorist operations.
Consolidating cooperation against terrorists’ source
of fund and weaponry
The major area through which the IGAD and the
international community have to cooperate to make sure
that Alshabab becomes weakened economically is to
stop the terrorist organization from poaching. Elephant
Action League (EAL), which has dubbed ivory the "white
gold of jihad", said that elephant poaching and the
trafficking of ivory is fuelling conflict in Africa by helping
groups such as Al-Shabaab to mount ever more deadly
attacks. The illicit ivory trade fund is up to 40 per cent of
the cost of Al-Shabab's army of 5,000 people [16]. The
major strengthening factor on Al-Shabaab's funding is
expanding, especially with the attack on US embassy in
Kenya in 1998, which killed more than 200 people. The
group has warned that the slaughter, in which at least 67
people died, is just „the premiere of Act One‟ and
continues to demand that Kenya pull its troops out of
Somalia. Poaching of elephants is the major source of
funding, and it was estimated about 30,000 elephants
were slaughtered in Africa by the year 2013 alone, and
382 of them in Kenya. The poachers hack off most of the
elephant's head to get at the tusks [17]. Not since the
slaughter of the 1980s, this prompted the introduction of
an international ban on the commercial trade of ivory. In
less than 30 years, Kenya's elephant population has
plunged from 167,000 to only 35,000 [17].
Like any militia group, they (Al-Shabaab) are using
whatever they can to get easy money; the ivory trade is
just the same as the previous (blood) diamond crisis in
West Africa. The Janjaweed of Sudan and the Lord's
Resistance Army, which has killed more than 3,000 and
displaced thousands more in Central Africa, are both
heavily involved in poaching [17]. It was also recorded
Sheriff et al. 53
that, Alshabab was generating money before the African
troops entered Somalia, from duties and fees levied at
ports and airports as well as taxes from domestic
produce and contribution from individuals and public for
jihadist course. Prior to the intervention of African troops
to Somalia, it was estimated that Alshabab‟s annual
income was between $70 million and $100 million dollars,
which the group has lost now because the group was
pushed out of Mogadishu and Kismayo. One of the areas
through which Alshabab sources for fund is States‟
sponsorship such as Eritrea. It was discovered that
Eritrea supports Alshabab in order to counter its enemy
Ethiopia, which has also deployed troops to Somalia. But
Eritrea has denied all these allegations [21].
Conclusion and Recommendation
When members of IGAD will continue to show lack of
commitment to the process of proving solution to the
problems of the region, there will not be fruitful outcome:
violence may continue, terrorism and absence of peace
will persist. Rivalry among some of the members must be
curbed and members must forget about their past and
embrace one another for peace and for a better future of
the region. In order to deal with the issue of terrorism,
trans-border crime, insecurity and restore peace in IGAD
member states especially Somalia and Sudan, the
following areas are crucial:
There must be a consolidated cooperation against a
loose cooperation. IGAD members must forget about
their past history and face their current and future
political, economic and security challenges. They must
work together first to fight terrorism especially in Somalia.
As failure to fight terrorism in the region, the entire
members especially the most powerful members such as
Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda will continue to be targeted
by Alshabab. They must put more effort, more
commitment, more funds, and more troops than required
to fight Alshabab fighters.
Other regional organizations such as the Economic
Community of West African States Monitoring Group
(ECOMOG), Southern African Development Community
(SADC) and the AU, must contribute their own quota,
strongly, in seeing that peace is restored in the horn of
Africa and to destroy the strong hold of Boko Haram in
Nigeria. Failure to attain this level, may lead to the spread
of terrorism all over Africa. Book Haram for example
started in Nigeria, but it impact has touched Cameroon,
Chad and Niger republic. It may spread over again to
other neighboring states. Secondly, when Alshabab was
unleashed, it started in Somalia, but it is now operating in
Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda and many more places in the
horn. If the situation is not being curbed through a
consolidated cooperation, it may continue to spread even
down to central and southern Africa. The Maghreb will
54 Online Int J Arts Human
not be an exception.
The EU must go beyond its current performance and also
increase in its commitment towards peaceful, sustainable
and stable east Africa. This may include areas such as
weaponry, funding and training of troops from IGAD
member states.
The united states must not station its troops in the horn of
Africa, but more support must come from the US
government as it spearhead the global war on terror, it
should be more practical in both financial, logistic and
instrumental support to IGAD members.
The Chinese and Russians should also contribute their
own quota towards this course of action. The Arab
league, though faced with many crises, such as in Libya,
Syria, Palestine, terrorism in Yemen etc, Alshabab is also
a challenge to them as it is off-shoot of Alqaeda. When
this consolidated cooperation is made, the horn of Africa
will be a better place to live, to invest, to school and will
be a centre for global economic forum for its strategic and
geographical location.
References
[1] Sheriff GI. Lectures on International Economic Relations: From
Economic Nationalism, Internationalism and Structuralism. Richmoore
Press, Abuja. 2013.
[2] Fukuyama F. The End of History and the Last Man. New York,
Penguin. 1992.
[3] Huntington SP. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of
World Order. Simon & Schuster, New York, 1996.
[4] Charles L. The Intelligence of Democracy. Free Press, New York.
1965; P. 227.
[5] Helen M. International Theories of Cooperation among Nations:
Strengths and Weaknesses. World politics. Cambridge University
Press, 199; 44(3): 466-496.
[6] Sterling FJ. Theories of International Cooperation and the Primacy of
Anarchy. New York State University Press. 2002.
[7] Healy S. Peace Making in the Midst of War: An Assessment of
IGAD‟s Contribution to Regional Security. Working Paper No. 59, Crisis
States Research Centre, London. London School of Economics and
Political Science, 2009.
[8] Hasenclever A, Peter M, Volker R. Theories of International
Regimes. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 1997.
[9] Olson M. The Logic of Collective Action. Harvard University Press,
Cambridge. 1965.
[10] Snidal D. Limits of hegemonic Stability Theory. International Honor
of C.A.W. Manning, ed. Alan James (London, 1973), 1985; pp 85-115.
[11] Charles WK, Eugene RW. World Politics: Trend and
Transformation. Clark Baxton, ISBN: 0-534-57444-0, Belmont. 2004.
[12] Joshua SG, Jon CP. Principles of International Relations. Longman
Publishers. ISBN: 13:97-0-205-65266-2, New York. 2009
[13] Hopf T. The Promise of Constructivism in International Relations
Theory. Int Secur, 1998; 23(1): 171.
[14] Okubo Y. Peace and Security Situation in the IGAD Region. A
Paper Presented at the UN, New York, 18th October, 2010.
[15] EU (European Union). The EU Regional Political Partnership for
Peace, Security and Development in the Horn of Africa, Challenges for
IGAD and the EC. A Communiqué, 2009.
[16] The Telegraph. Somalian Al-Shabaab Group in New Attack Threat
to Britain. Telegraph, 2010.
[17] The Independent. Illegal Ivory Trade Funds Alshabab‟s Terrorist
Attack. Thursday, 26th June, 2011.
[18] Xinhua News. Somali, AU forces secure more southern towns from
rebels. 14 October 2012.
[19] Scully S. Alshabab Makes it Hard for Internally Displaced Somalis
to Access Aid. The Issues. August 18. 2011.
[20] Refugee International. Somalia: Indepth Reports. Washington DC,
RI. 2012.
[21] USA Today News. Ten Things to Know about Somali Militants-
Alshabab. Sept 22, 2013, retrieved on 28 June, 2014 from
www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2013/09/22/1.

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Consolidating cooperation under regional integration

  • 1. ISSN 2277-0852; Volume 4, Issue 3, pp. 48-54; June, 2015 Online International Journal of Arts and Humanities ©2015 Online Research Journals Research Article Available Online at http://www.onlineresearchjournals.org/IJAH Consolidating Cooperation under Regional Integration: A Theoretical Approach to Curbing Terrorism and Maintaining Peace and Security among IGAD Member States *G.I. Sheriff, I.I. Uke and J.W Adams Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria. Received 11 May, 2015 Accepted 11 June, 2015 The menace of terrorism which has been bedeviling some parts of Africa such as West Africa, East Africa and North Africa is a great tragedy that attracts meaningful cooperation among nation-states in fighting against terrorism and other trans-border crimes. The most dangerous of these terrorist organizations in Africa are Alshabab in East Africa and Boko Haram in Nigeria. The paper discusses some theoretical instruments of cooperation and interdependence in fighting terrorism and in the quest for peaceful East Africa. The researchers adopted a descriptive research instrument during the data collection process and found the need for members of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) through consolidating their extra-effort towards strong cooperation and interdependence, peace and security which can be restored all over the region so that Alshabab will be subdued. The researchers conclude that, lack of commitment and rivalry or the pursuit of personal interest among members of the organization will not produce fruitful outcome in the region. The researchers recommend drastic cooperation among IGAD members as well as seeking the help of other international regional organizations in fighting terrorism within the region, among other things. Key words: Consolidating, cooperation, interdependence, terrorism, security, IGAD. INTRODUCTION The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is a regional integrating organization established in 1996 by some countries in East Africa. The organization was to fight against severe droughts and other natural disasters which caused famine, ecological degradation and economic hardship between 1974 and 1984 [1]. Six countries emerged in 1983 and 1984 namely Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda to deal with issues of drought and development. Eritrea became the seventh member of the organization in 1993, which later led to expanding cooperation among the member states. Other areas which the organization *Corresponding Author‟s E-mail: sherfboy@yahoo.com; Tel.: +234-7025823709. seeks to explore include programs on social, technological and scientific fields, harmonization of policies regarding trade, customs, transport, communications, agriculture and investment, infrastructure, conflicts and insecurity and cooperation among members [1]. Although conflict of any kind is not healthy for the survival of any socio-economic formation, it continues to occur in almost everywhere in the world such as in Africa, Asia, Latin America, Europe and the Caribbean. Modern states have been adopting different ways to curtail the level of crises in the world. It was clear how the First World War ended in an armistice, it was also known how the Second World War ended with the defeat of Germany and Japan. It is obvious that the Vietnam War was an unfinished war or a war which the United States did not win, but it stopped somewhere. The global system or what can be called international
  • 2. political and economic order has created different rebellion and uprisings in the world. It has created tension and resentment among states and people. The world system has paved a room for the emergence of terrorism and jihadism especially from the Middle East, Asia, Eastern Europe, Europe and Africa. This was as a result of American dominance or spread of its own civilization which imposes the Americanization of the world or emerges as a result of Unipolar order due to the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the argument of Fukuyama [2], the contemporary global system is an era of the end of history, due to the global acceptance of American liberal democratic values, which had defeated fascism, Nazism, communism and all other ideologies in the world. Fukuyama predicted that, those states and nations which have not yet accepted these American values would be characterized by ethno-religious conflicts, terrorism, poverty and backwardness. Scholars like Huntington [3] have provided a criticism to Fukuyama, showing that, this is not an era of the end of history, because, the liberal democratic values of the United States are facing difficulty in what he (Huntington) describes as clash of civilization. It is as a result of this clash of civilization that many people emerge under extreme Islam to challenge those American liberal democratic values. They resort into violence in maintaining and preserving their belief values against that of the West. A typical example of this is the Taliban of Afghanistan who are still fighting for their course, against American imposed values; another example is the al-Qaida which sees American over dominance as a great threat to the survival of Islam in the world and tries to fight against what has been perceived as American injustice and crusade against Islam and the Muslim world. Alshabab emerged from its former mainstream organization (the Islamic court) a broke away from the Islamic court due to the assertion made, that it was not doing enough to achieve its major objective. The Alshabab broke to consolidate their effort towards a total Islamisation of some selected areas of Somalia, Djibouti, punt land, Eastern Kenya and many more places to be enveloped under Islamic Shariah. In Nigeria, the Boko Haram menace is not an exception. The members of the Boko Haram sect as well as their leaders uphold that objective of Islamizing Nigeria and establishing a complete Islamic rule under Shariah law. It was peaceful in the early stage, but later became violent due to the killing of their leader Muhammad Yusuf. This paper is to provide some theoretical analogy on how members of IGAD can consolidate their cooperation and interdependence against terrorism in order to maintain peace and fight against insecurity in their territories. Theoretical Elucidation Cooperation in international politics (especially in an area of fighting terrorism) is said to take place when “actors Sheriff et al. 49 adjust their behaviors to the actual or anticipated preferences of others, through a process of policy coordination” [4]. Policy coordination according to Helen [5] implies that the policies of each state have been adjusted to reduce their negative consequences for the other states. This signifies that, Ethiopia and Eritrea have to make a drastic adjustment, Eritrea and Djibouti have to adjust in their relationship for proper cooperation to take place and achieve the desired goal of peace and security among IGAD member states. One of the adherents of realist approach to the study of cooperation is Sterling [6] who challenges the liberalist explanations for international cooperation in the field of international relations. He contends that despite numerous efforts and the passage of time, our understanding of the cooperative phenomenon remains woefully inadequate. Sterling is also of the view that, the state is more significant to the issues of cooperation than the market [6]; he employed his instrument of analysis by combining both realism and constructivism. In the argument of Healy [7], there are some basic features of leadership among IGAD states that substantiate the realist argument of cooperation in East Africa. Some of these features are: (a) The region‟s authoritarian political culture militates against IGAD attempting to play a proactive or autonomous role in peace and security (b) IGAD leaders have not recognized the limitations of the organization‟s remit or legal framework, often adopting bold initiatives outside its mandate. (c) Member states seek to direct IGAD activity in pursuit of their own interests, thereby compromising its neutrality. (d) The IGAD region lacks a clearly distinguishable lead country; Ethiopia‟s recent efforts to secure this position appear to have only exacerbated regional tensions. With the above therefore, the realists believe that each member of the organization has an interest and works towards the achievement of that interest, which serves as an impediment to peace and security in the region. (e) The lack of proper institution to work and support foreign troops is another realist submission. Besides there are still no properly set up government institutions that can give confidence to whichever donor would like to help and sometimes even those in the government themselves are not convinced that their government can run properly. How else does one explain most of the MPs operating from out of Somalia? How does the local person then believe in his government? This is a driving force which brings about perpetual crisis in the region and instability continues in Somalia. Most popular among the theories of cooperation is the „power based‟ school. The Power-based theories of cooperation explain the relevance of security and rationality. The possession of power and the existence of anarchy predominates global politics and the process of cooperation. Power-based theories are predominantly
  • 3. 50 Online Int J Arts Human static and positivist [8]. Three power-based theories of international cooperation exist and these are: Hegemonic Stability Theory, Power-based Research Programme and Realist Theory. The Hegemonic Stability Theory Hegemony is a powerful agent who provides public goods because it has the self-interest and the capacity to supply them. In the argument of hegemonic theory, the stronger one is exploited by the weaker one. Hegemony can therefore survive by force or by legitimacy. Hegemony is necessary to shoulder the costs of rule- making and enforcement (second-order cooperation dilemma). In the interplay, they make laws which others may follow and respect. Olson [9] and Snidal [10] noted that small groups can provide public goods by cooperating and sharing costs, instead of relying on a single hegemonic power. To this extent, it is glaring that in the integration process under IGAD, Ethiopia and Kenya or even Uganda, are powerful members of the IGAD. Belonging to this regional integration, signifies their total commitment to shoulder different responsibility, such as sending troops in the period of conflict. We have seen how Ethiopia has been holding peace talks between the government of South Sudan and the rebel leaders. We have also seen how Uganda unilaterally entered South Sudan in support of the government, fighting the rebels. The Power Based Theory According to the power-based theories, cooperation does not result in mutual adjustment at all but instead requires the less powerful to adjust to the more powerful. It is also notable that, variation in power determines: (i) who gets to play the game? (ii)What are the rules? (iii)What are the payoffs? Therefore, the whole process of cooperation favors the most powerful. This defines why and how Ethiopia always takes the credit. Kenya is not also left behind together with Uganda as the most powerful in the cooperation of IGAD members. This also shows why Eritrea, Somalia or Djibouti, which are weaker than the former do not take charge of significant matters of peace keeping, negotiation or even arbitration. The question of reliability of assuming structural power is translatable into bargaining power regarding outcomes [8]. Realist theory of cooperation attempts to explain cooperation, given states‟ overwhelming concern with security, independence, and autonomy. For the school of realism, autonomy and national security is the major issue which does not relate to relative gains. The result is "defensive positionalism," or reluctant cooperation, wherein agents will cooperate only if they feel it is absolutely necessary. Rationality, in this case, is constrained by fear of destruction and the presence of anarchy [8]. Cooperation from the realist perspective For Realists, institutions are very vital in the process of cooperation due to the nature of power they exert. This explains why some members are not really committed to sending their troops for peace keeping, even if they do, they send below the number of personnel required of them. Eritrea is afraid, Djibouti and partially Sudan; they try to position themselves under international safety net, to avoid over-dominance of other members as it relates to their national security and survival. But what is discernible is that, with power, cooperation is rare at best, but without power it is impossible [5]. Different from the argument of the realists, the liberal-institutionalists will argue that, cooperation is unconditional. It is also embracing the fact the realists have conditions to cooperation even though neo-realists may accept cooperation. But there is no condition given by the neo- liberalists, for they believe cooperation will always avoid war and bring economic development [11]. Still in the argument of liberal-institutionalists, Joshua and Jon [12], while making submission on Kantian liberalist views, agreed that, states could form organizations and policies to promote cooperation. States could create a responsive parliament to watchdog the monarch. The relevance of the liberalist analogy to the issues affecting IGAD is that, it is an institution set to achieve some certain goals. By coming together of the member states, certain tensions will be eased, especially that between Ethiopia and Eritrea, Eritrea and Djibouti. The cooperation will make them achieve economic gains, promote peace and provide check and balances. On the other hand, however, constructivism explains the principle of idealism in different manner. Some of these principles include “goals, threats, fears and identities” [13]. The constructivists believe that, while forming any type of cooperation, being it inter-continental, global, regional or sub-regional, and the parties must look at identity, goals, threats and fears. But the most important aspect of members of IGAD is that there is identity similarity. This may include history, political, economic, geographic, religious and social or demographic identity. This explains why Tanzania is not a member of the IGAD, Rwanda-Burundi not members and other neighboring states. Albeit even with the similar identity among members, there is still the existence of fear and threat, but members have been able to gradually subdue this problem, which is still under control. IGAD efforts towards peace building and security in its region Fighting the insurgents does not simply require more troops but more than that. African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) which is the African Union (AU) peace keeping force sanctioned by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has only 6100 troops of the
  • 4. approved 8,000 (now approved to 20,000 as from 15th October, 2010). Apart from the above, almost all IGAD Member States have been training Soldiers to help AMISOM, but structural and logistic problems have not made it easy. By this, things like salaries, uniforms and equipments for the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) trained soldiers were not enough, what transpired was having a demoralized force, so vulnerable and which also became available for hire by anyone who can pay them [14]. Even when the soldiers return from the foreign training, there is no systematic way of receiving them. The EU launched a training mission for Somali security forces in April 2010 in Uganda with initial trainees of about 2,000 soldiers. The numbers combining AMISOM, EU and the regionally trained soldiers should be enough to create some semblance of admirable peace in Somalia. This dream has continued to remain futile. It is a known fact that there is an arms embargo on Somalia, but arms still get there to fuel the war. The question that has always remained unanswered is - where are they coming from and who are the suppliers [14]. On Somalia, realizing the complex and dynamic nature of the problem, IGAD decided to open an office specifically dedicated to Somalia. This office deals directly with the TFG in all aspects including ensuring the TFG abides by what is in the Charter, setting up of government institutions, the joint security forces and ensuring the government is all inclusive. It also deals with the donor community and international organizations in assisting Somalia. They have signed a cooperation agreement with the UN and AMISOM. It is the focal point of all engagements directed at Somalia and also participates in the International Contact Group meetings on Somalia. One of the successes of the office can be seen in its engagement with one of the rebel groups „the Ahlu-Sunna Wal Jamaa‟ that accepted to cooperate with the TFG to fight the insurgents. This agreement was signed in March 2010 at the AU headquarters [14]. IGAD’s major commitment areas on peace and security IGADs major strategic directions broadly include; Conflict prevention, management and resolution, in which early warning and establishment of mediation structures are the major focuses; enhancing security sector program and other cross-cutting peace and security related issues. As a matter of fact, those pillars have their foundations already run in the organization and include as mentioned above, the following [14]: Early Warning: Although, we are not in a position to cover all member countries, our Conflict Early Warning Mechanism (CEWARN) has now reached the level where other other Regional Economic Communities (RECs) can also learn some experiences as it is the first to be established as a regional early warning (EW) mechanism. Sheriff et al. 51 Some of the achievements of the strategy period covering 2007-2011 include operationalization of the National early warning units, rapid response framework has been developed and we have also established a rapid response fund. Some new reporting areas have been assessed for further interventions. IGAD is currently planning to widen the interventions of CEWARN both in terms of conflict issues and geographical coverage. Enhancing Conflict Prevention Management and Resolution (CPMR): Capacities in the region IGAD was appointed as authorizing body for the implementation of Enhancing Conflict (EC)-funded CPMR project in South and Eastern Africa and currently leading consultations, trainings and various other events aimed at promoting CPMR capacities in the region. Simultaneously, we are in the process of establishing the IGAD mediation support unit Counter terrorism, prevention and control: The IGAD capacity building program against terrorism has been operating since the year 2006 focusing on national capacities and undertaking studies on regional security issues for further regional approach on wider issues. As part of the effort to enhance national capacities, the program has supported Member States (MSs) to formulate legislations on terrorism; trainings have been provided to relevant institutions aimed at enhancing judicial capacities and inter-departmental coordination. In addition, reviews of various laws of MS with regard to organized crimes, money laundering, corruption and similar issues have been carried out in some countries and processes are undergoing in the remaining countries. Cross-cutting issues: In order to promote greater participation in addressing underlying causes of conflicts which are challenges for sustainable development, and considering the role Civil Society Organizations/Non- Governmental Organizations (CSOs/NGOs) can play in their public spaces, the organization has successfully established the IGAD CSO forum and a regional steering committees. As part of the efforts in enhancing good governance in the region, IGAD has also trained and established pool of election observers in the region and deployed an observer mission to the Sudan and during the referendum in Kenya. It has also brought together Women Parliamentarians in the region in view of promoting women‟s role in peacemaking and peace building efforts in the region. Relationship with the African Union: Just to touch on Africa Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), generally all RECs are being considered as building blocks of the African Union, and there is a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the AU and the RECs and Regional Mechanism (RMs) that defines relations in peace and security in general. Major objectives of the
  • 5. 52 Online Int J Arts Human MoU include: Contribute to the full operationalization of the APSA, ensure regular information exchange on the activities of the parties to the MoU, and design ways by which peace and security related activities can be jointly implemented and be consistent with the principles of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) protocol. In order to enhance relationship and interactions between the AU and IGAD, the IGAD-AU Liaison Office has already been established and IGAD is waiting for the same measure to be taken from the AU side. Although IGAD does not have a military arm that directly goes with one of the major elements of APSA i.e. the Africa Stand by Force, but there is the Eastern Africa Standby Brigade (EASBRIG) with which a strong relationship is underway. IGAD’s major challenges and prospects The inclusion of other regional organizations in the identification and providing solutions to the problems of IGAD‟s region has made some achievements. The IGAD‟s partnership with EU has brought about the formation of a great strategy on how to deal with the issue of insecurity and terrorism in the region. The partnership strategy responds to three underlying assessments [15]: a) There is a regional system of insecurity, conflicts in the region cannot be tackled independently of each other – a regional approach is needed; b) Another problem with the region is poverty and underdevelopment. Different strategies must be adopted such as security, development projects and dialogue among other things; c) Deep-rooted problems cannot be solved through short term measures – a long term approach is needed that goes beyond quick responses to violent conflicts and humanitarian disasters. Apart from the above problems identified, the IGAD- EU partnership has came up with the following strategies on how to deal with the problems of insecurity, instability and terrorism. The strategy was adopted as a long term initiative looking at poverty as one of the major causes of the problems. Priorities have been made and framework adopted was that, infrastructure and food security needed to be provided as well as the issue of energy be addressed [15]. Transport, energy and water/food security are the major itemized areas to develop for the betterment of the region [16]. The need for consolidating cooperation by IGAD One of the major reasons why IGAD must consolidate cooperation among its own members and other stakeholders is that, thousands have been killed as a result of Alshabab insurgency, and the long term effect of the war and insecurity. Despite the fact that IGAD has its own troops on the ground, AMISOM is also on the ground and the subsequent additional Ethiopian troops deployed, why is it that the problem persists? Concrete cooperation against the insurgency may provide a lasting solution to the problem when Alshabab is permanently subdued from the cities and forests of Somalia. Terrorism in the horns of Africa is fast spreading and stagnating economic activities within the region. This trend has made the United States to consolidate its efforts towards identifying and fighting terrorist organizations all over the world. It was by February 28, 2008 that the United States Department of State designated al-Shabab as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in accordance with section 219 of the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) [17]. One major reason why IGAD‟s members must fight terrorism is that, the group transcends civilian and government buildings attack, but committed to attacking African Union‟s forces meant for peace keeping operation in Somalia. With the coming of new year (January 31, 2009), Shiekh Sharif Ahmed was elected president of the TGF. Opposing any negotiated settlement with Ethiopia, Al-Shabaab “declared war on him”. By February 22,2009, Al-Shabaab carried out a suicide car bomb attack against an African Union military base in Mogadishu, killing at least six Burundian peace keepers. In May of the same year, Al-Shabaab, along with allied group Hizbul Islam, launched a major offensive in the city of Mogadishu to take over the city, leaving hundreds killed and injured, and tens of thousands displaced. The group made large gains, taking over most of the capital [17]. With the above wave of terror, when everybody is not spared from violent attacks, this group is one major reason for cooperation among member states of IGAD. Apart from the above, it was also reported that Alshabab has continued to attack innocent souls and peace keepers in the horn. It was recorded that by June 18, 2009, Al-Shabaab claimed the 2009 Beledweyne bombing, which killed 35 people including Somali security minister Omar Hashi Aden. By September 17, the group claimed a second bombing of an AU base, which killed 17 peace keepers. The killing did not stop there, by December 3, Alshabab was also behind the 2009 Hotel Shamo bombing, which killed 24, including three government ministers [17]. The spate of terrorism has spread to neighboring countries with Somalia, where the terrorist group carried murderous operations. Uganda for example was attacked, when Al-Shabab claimed responsibility for the kampala operation which killed 74 people. The worst attack of the year was that of August 23–24 of 2010, when Al Shabab launched some attacks in the Somali capital Mogadishu that killed over 300. By December 20th , a merger was made through a process of cooperation between Hizbul Islam and the Somali Islamic party. The two merged with Al-Shabaab, retaining the name 'Al- Shabaab' [17]. More than 1.46 million people have been
  • 6. internally displaced by Alshabab in Somalia. About 80% of the displaced are women and children. This apart, Alshabab is hindering the displaced people from getting aid. They even prevent people from moving out from their areas of control. With these, consolidating cooperation is imperative [18]. It is also discerning that 60% of the 3.7 million Somalis in need live in Alshabab controlled areas. They do not allow people to move out. Only with the help of AMISOM that some of the aid workers were helped by the troops in reaching out to people in need [19]. It was estimated that more than one million Somalis live in neighboring Somalia, and about 90,000 Somali refugees live in the world second largest refugee camp in eastern Kenya-Dadaab since the 1991 civil war [20]. What about the number of women and children raped and those yet to be raped? There is surely need for consolidated cooperation. This is also not unconnected with the unestimated number of people, men, women and children who died in Alshabab‟s outrage. It is believed that tens of thousands have died inside and outside Somalia, as a result of Alshabab‟s terrorist operations. Consolidating cooperation against terrorists’ source of fund and weaponry The major area through which the IGAD and the international community have to cooperate to make sure that Alshabab becomes weakened economically is to stop the terrorist organization from poaching. Elephant Action League (EAL), which has dubbed ivory the "white gold of jihad", said that elephant poaching and the trafficking of ivory is fuelling conflict in Africa by helping groups such as Al-Shabaab to mount ever more deadly attacks. The illicit ivory trade fund is up to 40 per cent of the cost of Al-Shabab's army of 5,000 people [16]. The major strengthening factor on Al-Shabaab's funding is expanding, especially with the attack on US embassy in Kenya in 1998, which killed more than 200 people. The group has warned that the slaughter, in which at least 67 people died, is just „the premiere of Act One‟ and continues to demand that Kenya pull its troops out of Somalia. Poaching of elephants is the major source of funding, and it was estimated about 30,000 elephants were slaughtered in Africa by the year 2013 alone, and 382 of them in Kenya. The poachers hack off most of the elephant's head to get at the tusks [17]. Not since the slaughter of the 1980s, this prompted the introduction of an international ban on the commercial trade of ivory. In less than 30 years, Kenya's elephant population has plunged from 167,000 to only 35,000 [17]. Like any militia group, they (Al-Shabaab) are using whatever they can to get easy money; the ivory trade is just the same as the previous (blood) diamond crisis in West Africa. The Janjaweed of Sudan and the Lord's Resistance Army, which has killed more than 3,000 and displaced thousands more in Central Africa, are both heavily involved in poaching [17]. It was also recorded Sheriff et al. 53 that, Alshabab was generating money before the African troops entered Somalia, from duties and fees levied at ports and airports as well as taxes from domestic produce and contribution from individuals and public for jihadist course. Prior to the intervention of African troops to Somalia, it was estimated that Alshabab‟s annual income was between $70 million and $100 million dollars, which the group has lost now because the group was pushed out of Mogadishu and Kismayo. One of the areas through which Alshabab sources for fund is States‟ sponsorship such as Eritrea. It was discovered that Eritrea supports Alshabab in order to counter its enemy Ethiopia, which has also deployed troops to Somalia. But Eritrea has denied all these allegations [21]. Conclusion and Recommendation When members of IGAD will continue to show lack of commitment to the process of proving solution to the problems of the region, there will not be fruitful outcome: violence may continue, terrorism and absence of peace will persist. Rivalry among some of the members must be curbed and members must forget about their past and embrace one another for peace and for a better future of the region. In order to deal with the issue of terrorism, trans-border crime, insecurity and restore peace in IGAD member states especially Somalia and Sudan, the following areas are crucial: There must be a consolidated cooperation against a loose cooperation. IGAD members must forget about their past history and face their current and future political, economic and security challenges. They must work together first to fight terrorism especially in Somalia. As failure to fight terrorism in the region, the entire members especially the most powerful members such as Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda will continue to be targeted by Alshabab. They must put more effort, more commitment, more funds, and more troops than required to fight Alshabab fighters. Other regional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the AU, must contribute their own quota, strongly, in seeing that peace is restored in the horn of Africa and to destroy the strong hold of Boko Haram in Nigeria. Failure to attain this level, may lead to the spread of terrorism all over Africa. Book Haram for example started in Nigeria, but it impact has touched Cameroon, Chad and Niger republic. It may spread over again to other neighboring states. Secondly, when Alshabab was unleashed, it started in Somalia, but it is now operating in Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda and many more places in the horn. If the situation is not being curbed through a consolidated cooperation, it may continue to spread even down to central and southern Africa. The Maghreb will
  • 7. 54 Online Int J Arts Human not be an exception. The EU must go beyond its current performance and also increase in its commitment towards peaceful, sustainable and stable east Africa. This may include areas such as weaponry, funding and training of troops from IGAD member states. The united states must not station its troops in the horn of Africa, but more support must come from the US government as it spearhead the global war on terror, it should be more practical in both financial, logistic and instrumental support to IGAD members. The Chinese and Russians should also contribute their own quota towards this course of action. The Arab league, though faced with many crises, such as in Libya, Syria, Palestine, terrorism in Yemen etc, Alshabab is also a challenge to them as it is off-shoot of Alqaeda. When this consolidated cooperation is made, the horn of Africa will be a better place to live, to invest, to school and will be a centre for global economic forum for its strategic and geographical location. References [1] Sheriff GI. Lectures on International Economic Relations: From Economic Nationalism, Internationalism and Structuralism. Richmoore Press, Abuja. 2013. [2] Fukuyama F. The End of History and the Last Man. New York, Penguin. 1992. [3] Huntington SP. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. Simon & Schuster, New York, 1996. [4] Charles L. The Intelligence of Democracy. Free Press, New York. 1965; P. 227. [5] Helen M. International Theories of Cooperation among Nations: Strengths and Weaknesses. World politics. Cambridge University Press, 199; 44(3): 466-496. [6] Sterling FJ. Theories of International Cooperation and the Primacy of Anarchy. New York State University Press. 2002. [7] Healy S. Peace Making in the Midst of War: An Assessment of IGAD‟s Contribution to Regional Security. Working Paper No. 59, Crisis States Research Centre, London. London School of Economics and Political Science, 2009. [8] Hasenclever A, Peter M, Volker R. Theories of International Regimes. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 1997. [9] Olson M. The Logic of Collective Action. Harvard University Press, Cambridge. 1965. [10] Snidal D. Limits of hegemonic Stability Theory. International Honor of C.A.W. Manning, ed. Alan James (London, 1973), 1985; pp 85-115. [11] Charles WK, Eugene RW. World Politics: Trend and Transformation. Clark Baxton, ISBN: 0-534-57444-0, Belmont. 2004. [12] Joshua SG, Jon CP. Principles of International Relations. Longman Publishers. ISBN: 13:97-0-205-65266-2, New York. 2009 [13] Hopf T. The Promise of Constructivism in International Relations Theory. Int Secur, 1998; 23(1): 171. [14] Okubo Y. Peace and Security Situation in the IGAD Region. A Paper Presented at the UN, New York, 18th October, 2010. [15] EU (European Union). The EU Regional Political Partnership for Peace, Security and Development in the Horn of Africa, Challenges for IGAD and the EC. A Communiqué, 2009. [16] The Telegraph. Somalian Al-Shabaab Group in New Attack Threat to Britain. Telegraph, 2010. [17] The Independent. Illegal Ivory Trade Funds Alshabab‟s Terrorist Attack. Thursday, 26th June, 2011. [18] Xinhua News. Somali, AU forces secure more southern towns from rebels. 14 October 2012. [19] Scully S. Alshabab Makes it Hard for Internally Displaced Somalis to Access Aid. The Issues. August 18. 2011. [20] Refugee International. Somalia: Indepth Reports. Washington DC, RI. 2012. [21] USA Today News. Ten Things to Know about Somali Militants- Alshabab. Sept 22, 2013, retrieved on 28 June, 2014 from www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2013/09/22/1.