Sarah Boyd - Final Thesis (1)

Women Building Peace
Locating agency and empowerment in rights-based approaches
to women’s community peacebuilding in Nepal
Sarah Boyd B.Com
Under the supervision of Dr Violeta Schubert
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of
Master of Arts (Development Studies)
School of Social and Environmental Enquiry, Faculty of Arts
The University of Melbourne, November 2007

Figure 3: Women campaigning for their representation in Nepal’s peace process
at a Mass Rally in Gorkha District headquarters, April 2007.
‘The opportunity created by conflict by merging women’s private and public
spheres, has not only raised women’s consciousness, self-esteem and
involvement in securing livelihoods, conflict resolution and peace building
processes, but has also opened up previously closed spaces and domains for
women. The challenge remains in capturing these opportunities, spaces,
experiences and knowledge at the local level and linking them to the broader
national level efforts for peacebuilding’ (Sharma and Neupane 2007: 23).
Front page: Figure 1: Women for Peace (Shanti Malika) office headquarters in Kathmandu;
Figure 2: Women gathered at Mass Meeting on women’s representation in the peace
process, Gorkha District headquarters, Nepal, April 2007.

Declaration
This thesis is a presentation of my original research work. Wherever contributions of
others are involved, every effort is made to indicate this clearly, with due reference to the
literature, and acknowledgement of collaborative research and discussions. The work
was completed under the guidance of Dr. Violeta Schubert, at the School of Social and
Environmental Enquiry, University of Melbourne.
Date:
i

Table of Contents
Signed Declaration i
Table of Contents ii
List of Acronyms / List of Figures iii
Acknowledgements iv
Abstract v
Introduction: “We want to see a ‘New Nepal’!” 1
Aims and objectives 6
Conceptual Framework: Responding to the call for a discourse 8
of women and peacebuilding
The emergence of rights in the discourse of women and peacebuilding 9
Chapter One: The social and political context of post-conflict Nepal 12
The People’s War and the peace process 12
Emergence of rights as a discourse of peacebuilding 13
Nepalese women: Navigating through conflict and closed spaces 15
International actors in Nepal 19
Chapter Two: Methodological approach 22
Selecting a case study in Nepal 22
Negotiating the field 23
Analytical and methodological scope of research 26
Chapter Three: Constructing a Nepalese discourse of peacebuilding 32
No peace if ‘Mother still weeps’: Defining peace and peacebuilding 32
External visions of a peaceful New Nepal 39
Chapter Four: Nepalese women: agents of their own empowerment 42
Narratives of empowerment: Recognising ‘power within’ 43
Women’s Peace Groups: Exercising ‘power with’ 45
From grassroots to the public sphere: Gaining ‘power to’ act as agents 46
Chapter Five: Negotiating mahnib adhikar and universal human rights 49
Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security 50
Rights awareness: Turning on a light bulb! 53
Negotiating a Nepali language of human rights 56
Concluding Remarks: Agency to build peace 58
References 61
Appendices 71
Appendix 1: Literature Review: Gender and Peacebuilding: A Review of 72
Emerging literature in Development
Appendix 2: UN Security Council Resolution 1325-Women, Peace and Security 104
Appendix 3: Map: Report of Bandhs/Blockades - 1 January - 30 September 2007 109
Appendix 4: Map: Topography (Study areas) 111
Appendix 5: Training Program on ‘Constituent Assembly, Human Rights, Good 113
Governance and News Reporting’, Gorkha District - Schedule.
Appendix 6: Training Program on ‘Gender Monitoring around Cantonment’, 115
Sindhuli District - Schedule.
ii

List of Acronyms
ADB Asian Development Bank
CA Constituent Assembly
CBO Community Based Organisations
CCO Canadian Cooperation Office
CECI Canadian Centre for International Studies and Cooperation-Nepal
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
CPA Comprehensive Peace Accord
CPN-M Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
CPN-UML Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist)
CPV Community Peace Volunteer
DFID Department for International Development (UK)
GTZ German Technical Cooperation
HDI Human Development Index
HMGN His Majesty's Government of Nepal
IA International Alert
ICG International Crisis Group
IDP Internally Displaced Person
IDRC International Development Research Centre
IHRICON Institute of Human Rights Communication Nepal
ILO International Labour Organisation
INGO International Non-Governmental Organization
INSEC Informal Sector Service Centre
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NGOWG Non-Governmental Organization Working Group
NHRC National Human Rights Commission
OHCHR Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
PLA People’s Liberation Army (Maoist)
RBA Rights Based Approach
SPA Seven-Party Alliance
UN United Nations
USAID United States Agency for International Development
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNFPA United Nations Population Fund for Women
UNMIN United Nations Mission In Nepal
VDC Village Development Committee
List of Figures
Figure 1: Shanti Malika (Women for Peace) Office
Figure 2: Women campaigning in Mass Rally, Gorkha District Headquarters
Figure 3: Women gathered at Mass Meeting, Gorkha District Headquarters
Figure 4: Highway Roadblock in Sindhuli District (Page 14)
Figure 5: Visioning exercise for a New Nepal (Page 37)
Figure 6: The Human Rights ‘Training Room’ (Gorkha District) (Page 49)
Figure 7: Training session on CEDAW (Gorkha Training) (Page 50)
iii

Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor Violeta Schubert - for so
generously giving of her time, expertise, advice and wisdom. By imparting the mantra to
‘critically examine’, you have instilled so many valuable lessons. Indeed, many of these
lessons are life-long and I will hear your voice in years to come urging me to think
critically and to act with integrity.
My sincere thanks are extended to Shobha Gautam for providing both insight and
inspiration, who works tirelessly for women’s rights in Nepal. Without the support of
IHRICON I could not have gained access, nor had the privilege, to meet the women of
Kailali, Dang, Gorkha and Sindhuli. Further, to Meena Sharma and Anita Bista for their
endless support, guidance and particularly translations, without which I would have
missed so much. And to Kapil Kafle and Debika Timilsina for sharing your insights,
time and knowledge, as well as John Macaulay and the rest of IHRICON in Kathmandu.
My thanks are also extended to Ramesh Adhikari, for challenging my thinking on our
every meeting. Dheri dheri dhunyabad, saathi haru.
I owe particular gratitude to Jaya ji for her invaluable sharing of field-based knowledge,
providing advice, facilitating key contacts and being an inspiration for this thesis. To
Sunil dai, for your humour, advice, chats, translations and continuing insights into the
Nepali psyche.
The support, advice and guidance from mero Aama (my Mum) throughout my journeys
to Nepal, and what has followed, has been precious. I am also grateful for the continual
and abundant support from mero Didi (by big Sister) on the opposite side of the globe,
whose determination in following dreams provides continual inspiration. Further, the
support, friendship and constructive criticism provided by another sister, saathi Siv, has
been invaluable. I cannot thank you enough for everything that has followed since
Cussonia Court.
And finally, to the Peace Volunteers from Gorkha, Sindhuli, Kailali and Dang, who
shared so much, directly or indirectly, with me during my fieldwork. Your enthusiasm,
determination and activism have given me inspiration. Thank you for providing me with
an opportunity to listen to your stories, which I aim to bring to light in this thesis.
iv

Abstract
The end of armed conflict and the project to create a ‘New Nepal’ has paved the way for
new spaces in which women can be recognised as active agents in building peace. This
thesis explores the nature of Nepalese women’s engagement in peacebuilding, the
relationships between women’s participation and their empowerment, and the influence
of international actors in this process. The narrative in this thesis is informed by four
months of fieldwork in early 2007 with a Nepalese human rights organisation, the
Institute of Human Rights Communication in Nepal (IHRICON).
The key argument presented in this thesis is that prescriptive international approaches to
peacebuilding overlook the local realities of gender roles and identities and the cultural
context that inform women’s understandings of peace. This results in an unnecessary
dichotomy between local and international meanings and approaches to women’s
peacebuilding. This dichotomy is further accentuated by the assumption that raising
women’s awareness of human rights constitutes their empowerment. This assumption
neglects women’s own understandings of empowerment and their agency in that process.
However, rather than passively adopting external meanings, Nepalese women
strategically appropriate and reinterpret human rights language according to their own
needs, values and aspirations.
In short, Nepalese women construct meanings as part of an ongoing process of
engagement in peacebuilding and human rights activities and it is through this process
that empowerment can be located. It is difficult, therefore, to consider notions such as
‘peace’, ‘peacebuilding’, ‘human rights’ and ‘empowerment’ as anything but fluid and
difficult to categorically define or situate entirely within the confines of template
international programs that are transported into the local context. That is, there is an
unexpected and positive outcome in this process of engagement which has enabled
Nepalese women to assert their agency and negotiate an ‘opening of space’ for
themselves in the New Nepal at both formal and informal levels of society.
v

Introduction: “We Want to See a New Nepal!”
1
One April afternoon during a human rights training program for women peacebuilders in
the remote headquarters of Gorkha District at the foothills of the Himalayas, our session
was interrupted by the chanting of a large crowd which could be heard drawing closer
and closer. The excitement amongst the women in the training program became clear as
we hastily abandoned our session and hurried outside to join the rally on the main street
below. There was a hive of activity and energy as hundreds of women marched along
chanting and shouting slogans such as “inclusion in the elections” and “women’s
representation in the New Nepal”. One man actively led the chanting, but most men
watched on from the sidelines and looked a little bemused as they peered out of their
shops and tea houses. One male shopkeeper even said to me, “this is new”. Because,
even though women had been involved in protests against the King’s absolute rule in
2006, gathering together as women on women’s issues, was indeed new. Even after
returning to our original location and continuing with the training program, excitement
over the day’s events continued to affect the mood of participants. Indeed, we concluded
our program by enthusiastically singing the chorus of “We want to see a New Nepal’- a
contemporary folk song emanating from teahouses around the country in the lead up to
the Constituent Assembly elections.
The above incident is only one of many which are indicative of a new form of activism
currently being constructed by Nepalese women. Since the cessation of armed conflict in
2006, women’s activism is being reoriented towards, and becoming incorporative of, new
elements and ideas relating to human rights and empowerment. Further, the growing
aspirations of women to not only voice their concerns about their ‘rights’, but also to
challenge and refashion their broader societal and familial roles and identities, has meant
that they have formed groups and associations comprised entirely of women. These
associations reveal an increasing vigour that reflects both continuities and discontinuities
with previous activism by Nepalese women. As Sharma and Neupane noted at a

2
Conference in Kathmandu earlier in 20071
, the conflict has ‘opened spaces’ and domains
previously closed for women and an ‘opportunity’ for transformation through a merging
of the private and public spheres in Nepalese society. Yet as they emphasised in their
paper, despite this emergent activism, especially through women’s Peace Groups, the
grassroots community peacebuilding work of women remains largely invisible and often
overlooked in studies of peacebuilding. The knowledge and experiences of women
peacebuilders, as well as the so-called ‘opened spaces’, need to be better understood in
order to strengthen and support women’s roles in shaping a ‘New Nepal’ (c/f Sharma and
Neupane 2007). Feminist scholar Rita Manchanda also asserts that the involvement of
international development agencies in today’s conflicts (with particular reference to
South Asia) provides a further ‘opportunity for consolidating the empowering spaces that
may open up for women in the midst of loss’ (2005: 4744).
That is, the current social and political context of Nepal is not solely viewed in terms of
the processes, challenges and limits of post-conflict reconstruction, but also one in which
there is an enabling process for the empowerment of women. This may be facilitated
through women’s engagement not only with reconstructing their own society, but also
through developing an awareness of the broader international context within which
discourses relating to rights and peacebuilding abound. Indeed, the end of armed conflict
and the emergence of a ‘post-conflict peacebuilding agenda’ have seen a vast array of
international actors entering Nepal. Each of these external actors bring their own notions
of contributing, supporting or ‘educating’ the local people on how they can be
empowered to reshape their roles and assert their rights in a New Nepal. At a conceptual
level, a focus on women’s rights seems to assume a ‘neat fit’ between raising their
awareness of rights and empowerment. In the Nepalese context, this natural or easy ‘fit’
of rights and peacebuilding also seems intuitive given that the broader conflict and peace
process is centered on issues of rights. In this way, there is a notion that international
1 Jaya Sharma and Ramji Neupane. Women in Peace Building: A Community Approach to Peace Building
in Nepal. Paper presented at the International Conference on Sustainable Development in Conflict
Environments: Challenges and Opportunities, 16-18th January 2007. Kathmandu, Nepal. Conference
organised by the Canadian Centre for International Studies and Cooperation (CECI).

3
support itself has an ‘opportunity’ to consolidate the ‘empowering spaces’ (c/f
Manchanda 2005: 4744) that the conflict may have opened up for women.
From another perspective, Denskus’ (2007) puts into question the ability of the
internationally driven peacebuilding agenda in Nepal to support the empowerment of
Nepalese people. In fact, Denskus (2007) warns that the ‘concept of peacebuilding’
provides a comforting notion for donors that peace can be built and measured without
challenging Western understandings of governance or social aspirations of people. This
inherent discord between the notions of ‘post-conflict peacebuilding’ and social
aspirations of local people is particularly evident when international approaches are
contrasted with the interests, needs and desires of local women in building peace. Whilst
there is no concise or ‘neat’ process for achieving peace, through the course of
conducting fieldwork for this thesis one thing became quite clear - the conceptualisations
of Nepalese women on how to build peace, and what peacebuilding constitutes, is
remarkably different from that of international actors. The approaches of Nepalese
women are grounded in meeting everyday needs of survival and addressing social
conflicts in their own communities. At the same time, they are also influenced by the
formal reform processes promoted by foreign peacebuilding actors that are introducing
‘enlightened’ discourses of democracy, participation and ‘rights’ into institutions and
societal structures. Yet, women and local women’s organisations were not observed to
wholeheartedly or passively adopt external approaches and discourses of peacebuilding.
Rather, they seem to strategically translate these into concepts and language that are
relevant to building peace at the local level. This process of negotiation between the
‘local’ and ‘external’ is indicative of an ongoing process of constructing meanings of
peace and rights by women at the grassroots and is a key theme addressed in this thesis.
The ability of internationally funded women’s peacebuilding initiatives to empower
women has also been questioned in a recent study in Africa: the study concluding that
such initiatives were ‘designed less to empower women than as a sop to donors,
international observers and, all too frequently, local women themselves’ (ICG 2006: 16).
Indeed, while there has been greater attention in recent years to engaging women in the

4
peacebuilding process, often women’s meaningful participation in internationally
designed programs has been questioned (Cockburn 2001; Mertus 2004; Pankhurst 2005).
Not the least of which because of the exorbitant attention awarded, such as in the use of
UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women Peace and Security (UN 2000), to
increase women’s participation in peacebuilding and empower them through raising their
awareness of their rights. At a conceptual level, the introduction of rights-based
instruments2
to empower women in peacebuilding remains largely unproblematic for
most organisations and scholars. In particular, the relationship between ‘raising
awareness’ and actual empowerment has not been critically examined and most often
assumed to be one and the same thing. That is, linkages between ‘rights-based
approaches’ and peacebuilding are often taken for granted which results in no
consideration beyond women’s ‘participation’ in activities that ‘raise awareness’ about
their rights.
In Nepal, this is a particularly salient issue in the context of a merging of development
practice by international, government and civil society actors to incorporate rights
alongside a ‘gender perspective’ in the broader peacebuilding project. Stemming largely
from the general accord that human rights are a central issue underlying both the conflict
(i.e., lack of rights or violation of rights) and the peace process (i.e., instigating or
consolidating rights to assure democracy and equity), the discourse of rights is
hegemonic – from the parties to the conflict, the United Nations (UN), international
actors and civil society organisations (Hannum 2006; Pant 2007). This growing
convergence of activities on rights in Nepal with the peacebuilding project, argues
Green3
, requires a vigilance of sorts by development agencies and practitioners, as well
as academics. Indeed, the use of a ‘rights-based approach’ has influenced many aspects
of project design and implementation within development practice in Nepal, including in
peacebuilding initiatives. Yet the rights-based approach as an evolving and emerging
2 ‘Rights-based instruments’ are here defined as human rights conventions, declarations, resolutions and
other documents created by the United Nations. These define particular sets of rights enshrined in
international law, or particular commitments on rights which parties to an instrument must fulfill.
3 Paula Green, 2007. Fostering the Ties that Bind: Practicing Peacebuilding and Development in
Conflict Sensitive Environments. Keynote address at the International Conference on Sustainable
Development in Conflict Environments: Challenges and Opportunities, 16-18th January 2007, Kathmandu,
Nepal. Available at: http://www.karunacenter.org/documents/Nepalkeynote.doc

5
technique of development is in its infancy and yet to be scrutinised in depth, particularly
in relation to the universal sets of women’s rights promoted through human rights
instruments (Bracke 2004; Bradshaw 2006; Dzodzi 2004). At the same time, an
emergent consciousness of Nepalese women and women’s organisations that is becoming
evident also reveals a strategic borrowing and ‘appropriation’ of ideas, approaches and
values on rights which are being introduced by international actors. The constructions of
meanings attached to rights as promoted by international development actors, and the
way these are being reinterpreted and appropriated by local women and women’s
organisations, differ in significant ways and is one of the key themes explored in this
thesis.
Within the seemingly ‘neat fit’ assumed between rights, women and peacebuilding, the
assumption that women are lacking empowerment and require their consciousness to be
raised also needs to be more critically examined. In particular, what ‘empowerment’
actually constitutes, and how its meaning is constructed for women and those actors who
aim to empower them, is rarely understood and typically, taken for granted. In short, the
implicit denial of women’s own agency within this assumption remains largely ignored in
the discourses and practices of development agencies. This continues in many countries
despite a significant body of feminist literature addressing issues of women’s agency in
conflict and post-conflict as activists and peacebuilders (Afshar 2003; Jacobs et al 2001;
Karam 2001; Manchanda 2001; 2005). Indeed, development projects and academic
discourses in Nepal most often focus on the lack of empowerment of women who are
constructed as ‘agency-less subjects in need of assistance in order to fulfill their
potential’ (Tamang 2002: 166). However, during the course of fieldwork for this thesis,
it was clear that these assumptions and beliefs may indeed be unfounded.
Nonetheless, Nepalese women are observed to be emerging as agents of change in the so-
called ‘New Nepal’. An emergent consciousness about their roles and rights was evident
in a range of activities in which women participated. The increasing engagement and
participation by women in activities aimed at bringing about fundamental societal
changes thus suggests a significant rupture with their past roles and identities. Indeed,

6
the current reshaping of women’s roles and identities mirrors the broader process of
reform being touted by political leaders and civil society activists in the visioning of a
New Nepal. While it is difficult to identify the longer term impacts of the Maoist
‘People’s War’ on gender roles and relationships, there is evidence to suggest that a
number of private and public spaces are merging in the ‘aftermath’ that is allowing new
spaces to be occupied by women (Manchanda 2006; Sharma and Neupane 2007). This
supports the notion that there is indeed a rupture with the past taking place. As the
participants in the human rights training program revealed when they passionately sang
the chorus to close the day’s program, dynamic changes are taking place that appear to
have brought with them a sense of hopefulness and enthusiasm about their roles in a
peaceful society. That is, the end of the conflict and the project to create a New Nepal
has paved the way for new spaces in which the marginalised and socially excluded,
particularly women, can be recognised as active agents in building peace.
Aims and objectives
This thesis aims to better understand the forms of engagement by Nepalese women in the
broader peacebuilding project in order to explore the relationship between participation
and empowerment. It will contribute to the emergent body of knowledge on women and
peacebuilding as called for recently by a number of scholars (Manchanda 2005;
Pankhurst 2005; Sharma 2007; Strickland and Duvvury 2003)4
. It especially seeks to
better understand the influence of international actors in supporting or promoting the use
of rights-based approaches by focusing on presenting the case of Nepalese women’s
engagement in peace activism. In this way, the relationship between external and internal
processes of engagement will be drawn out. One of the primary objectives of the thesis is
therefore to present the case of everyday practices of Nepalese women involved in peace
and human rights activities in order to highlight the ongoing construction of meanings
that occur through the process of engagement itself. It will also provide an understanding
of the broader practices in relation to peacebuilding in Nepal and the role that human
rights discourses and instruments are playing in this process.
4 A comprehensive account of the current literature on gender, peacebuilding and development is included
in Appendix 1: Gender and Peacebuilding: A Review of emerging literature in Development.

7
The main research question in this thesis is, ‘Do international peacebuilding initiatives
and instruments ‘empower’ local women?’
In order to answer this question, a number of secondary questions posed are as follows:
1. What are the forms of engagement by Nepalese women in peacebuilding processes?
2. How do women define ‘peace’, ‘peacebuilding’ and ‘empowerment’? How are these
concepts defined and understood by international actors and collaborators involved
with local women?
3. What influence do international rights-based instruments such as Resolution 1325 and
‘rights-based approaches’ have on the peacebuilding activities of women?
4. What factors hinder or support women’s empowerment?
One of the key arguments in this thesis is that prescriptive international approaches to
peacebuilding overlook the local realities of gender roles and identities and the cultural
context within which women’s empowerment is facilitated or hindered. This often
results in an unnecessary dichotomy between local and international meanings and
approaches to women’s peacebuilding, precisely because local women’s perceptions and
meanings of empowerment are omitted from consideration. In particular, the assumption
held by international actors and donors that raising women’s awareness of human rights
is a means to empower them is limited and in fact denies the agency of women
themselves in their own empowerment. This leads to the second key argument, that
Nepalese women construct meaning as part of an ongoing process of engagement in
peacebuilding and human rights activities and it is through this process that
empowerment can be located. It is difficult, therefore, to consider notions such as
‘peace’, ‘peacebuilding’, ‘human rights’ and ‘empowerment’ as anything but fluid and
difficult to categorically define or situate entirely within the confines of template
international programs that are transported into the local context. Indeed, local women
and women’s organisations do not passively adopt the peacebuilding and human rights
concepts being imposed in society. Rather, they strategically appropriate and reinterpret
them according to their own needs, values and aspirations. By participating in
peacebuilding in their own unique ways, and translating rights into their own ‘language’

8
at the community level, women have created a platform on which to collectively voice
their concerns and thus foster collective strategies for empowerment. In short, there is an
unexpected and positive outcome in this process of engagement which has enabled
Nepalese women to assert their agency and negotiate an opening of space for themselves
at both formal and informal levels of society.
Conceptual Framework: Responding to the call for a discourse of women and
peacebuilding
The need to critically examine the meanings and understandings of peacebuilding is
based on the findings of a number of scholars who argue that these may differ
significantly between various actors (Cutter 2005; Llamazares 2005). In particular, the
need to explore how women’s understandings of peacebuilding are mediated by gender
and their cultural context is well documented (Mazurana and McKay 1999; De la Rey
and McKay 2006). In contrast to ‘peacebuilding’, the concepts of ‘participation’,
‘empowerment’ and ‘gender’ have attracted much scholarly critique within development
studies over the last decade5
. As a concept, ‘participation’ in development is ideally
aimed at ‘giving voice’ to those otherwise excluded from decision-making and thus
empower them by placing them at the centre of the development process (Chambers
1997; Rowlands 1997). In this participatory approach, development scholars and
anthropologists have questioned ‘whose voices’ are actually heard and ‘whose reality
counts’ as being significant issues (Chambers 1997; Cornwall 2003). Likewise,
alongside ‘participation’, the term ‘empowerment’ is a highly contested concept as is
often assumes power needs to be ‘granted’ from the ‘outside’ (Batliwala 2007; Kabeer
2001; Rowlands 1997). Further, within development studies there remains much critique
of the widening use of ‘empowerment’ and the limits on addressing issues of gender and
5 For instance, ‘participatory development’ has been critiqued for focusing on the ‘local’ as a means to
empower individuals, as if there were no inequalities of power, particularly in relation to gender (Mohan,
G., and K. Stokke, 2000. Participatory development and empowerment: the dangers of localism. Third
World Quarterly, 21 (2): 247 – 268). For further critiques of the use of ‘participation, ‘empowerment’ and
‘gender’ see Batliwala, S., 2007. Taking the power out of empowerment – an experiential account.
Development in Practice, 17 (4-5): 577-565; Cornwall, A., 2003. Whose voices? Whose choices?
Reflections in gender and participatory development. World Development, 31(8): 1325-1342);

9
power6
. Despite such detailed critiques within development studies, however, only a few
scholars (Mullholland 2001; Pankhurst 2000) address the difficulty of assuming that
women’s participation in peacebuilding will lead to their empowerment - this is a key
theme explored in this thesis.
The emergence of rights in the discourse of women and peacebuilding
From a different perspective, the surge of rights-based development has also significantly
reshaped the landscape. For instance, empowerment is now almost synonymous with
human rights and human rights education at the grassroots level (Brouwer et al 2005;
Ensor 2005; Mertus 2004). This has meant that the connection between women’s
participation in peacebuilding and their empowerment with respect to rights has
infiltrated project design and implementation. In this approach, women’s empowerment
is often assumed to be constituted not only through their participation, but through raising
their awareness on issues of rights. Unpacking such assumptions and exploring how
rights ‘instruments’ impact upon women’s empowerment in Nepal in fact suggests that
this assumption cannot be taken for granted.
Indeed, human rights has assumed a central position in the discourse surrounding
international development evidenced in the emergence of ‘Rights-Based Approaches’
(RBAs) (Eyben 2003; Gready and Ensor 2005; Sengupta 2000; Uvin 2007) 7
. This
approach aims to empower ‘rights-holders’ to exercise their rights as active agents to
demand justice by assigning roles and responsibilities for ‘duty-bearers’ (Gready and
Ensor 2005b: 44)8
. In this process, International Non-Government Organisations
(INGOs) are increasingly identifying their organisations as ‘duty-bearers’ of rights and
thus practitioners serve and are accountable to them (Gready and Ensor 2005b). From
6 For instance, Cornwall argues that empowerment is one of ‘the most corrupted terms’ (2007: 581) in
development, which Batliwala (2007) argues the wide use of the term serves to overlook power relations.
7 Rights discourses have entered development within a framework defined by the UN. For a study on the
movement of rights into development see Nguyen, F., 2002. Emerging Features of a Rights-Based
Development Policy of UN, Development Cooperation and NGO Agencies. Bangkok, OHCHR.
8 At the core of the discussion on the utility of rights-based approaches are the duties and accountabilities
which it raises. See Gready, P., and Ensor, J., 2005. Introduction. In P. Gready and J. Ensor (eds.),
Reinventing Development: Translating Rights-Based Approaches from theory into practice. London and
New York, Zed Books: 1-44.

10
one perspective, rights-based approaches have been embraced by organisations in the
field of women’s rights given the potential of this approach to address gender inequalities
and enhance women’s agency (Cornwall and Molyneux 2006: 1178; Strickland and
Duvvury 2003: 20; WÖlte 2002). Yet from another perspective, a more critical
evaluation of rights-based approaches suggests these have not improved outcomes for
women’s rights or empowerment (Dzodzi 2004; Jonsson 2005). A number of scholars
argue that this is due in large part to restrictive UN frameworks that neutralise women’s
rights into ‘a basic set of universal needs’ (Bracke 2004; Bradshaw 2006: 1334). One
such framework is UN Resolution 13259
, which has promoted scholarly analysis of
women’s participation in formal peace processes (Anderlini 2007; Porter 2007), as well
as informal or community peacebuilding (Pankhurst 2005; Cockburn 2007)10
. In Nepal,
this Resolution is also used by development actors to empower women engaged in
community peacebuilding (Sharma 2007). Yet as Strickland and Duvvury (2003)
highlight, the potential for human rights instruments such as Resolution 1325 to empower
women in peacebuilding requires further examination.
As a result of these analytical and methodological imperatives, I undertook research in
Nepal in early 2007. The fortuity of being able to conduct research in Nepal at this time
meant I was a participant observer to the processes of women engaging in the peace
process and Nepalese citizens demanding their rights in a society undergoing rapid post-
conflict transformation. A case study of the ‘Women's Empowerment for Sustainable
Peace and Human Rights’ program implemented by the Institute of Human Rights
Communication in Nepal (IHRICON), which aims to empower women as ‘Community
Peace Volunteers’(CPVs), was undertaken. This provided a particularly useful starting
point from which to explore the main research question. My observations and analysis of
this program allows for a discussion of findings on the broader issues of women’s rights,
empowerment and agency in peacebuilding.
9 Resolution 1325 does not grant rights of itself, but it reaffirms ‘the need to implement fully international
and humanitarian and human rights law that protects the rights of women and girls during and after
conflicts’ (UN, 2000: Paragraph 9), and calls on parties to fulfill obligations under various UN Conventions
such as CEDAW. The full text is in Appendix 2.
10 Three books released in October 2007 by Sanam Anderlini (2007) Cynthia Cockburn (2007) and Lis
Porter (2007) on women’s roles in peacebuilding are testament to increasing scholarly engagement.

11
Thesis Overview
This thesis is divided into seven Chapters including the Introduction and the Concluding
remarks. The Introduction provides a broad context within which to situate the key
literature, outlines the aims and objectives of the study and introduces the conceptual
framework governing the thesis. This framework informs the choice and interpretation of
data. Chapter One then provides a context of the current social and political changes
taking place in Nepal during transition from armed conflict. It provides an overview of
rights and social inclusion in the peace process, explores women’s roles in post-conflict
transition and the engagement of international actors in Nepal. The second Chapter
describes the methodological approach taken in field research which is of critical
importance in understanding how the research findings evolved and were derived. The
findings and analysis of the research have been divided into three discussion Chapters.
The first of these is Chapter Three which explores how the meanings of peace and
peacebuilding are constructed and defined by women in contrast to international actors.
In Chapter Four, the understandings of empowerment held by women and local and
international organisations are explored. Women’s engagement in Peace Groups is also
discussed as a means of enabling women’s collective empowerment. Chapter Five
explores the process of disseminating and raising awareness on human rights information
through Resolution 1325. Further, it examines the relationship between rights awareness
and empowerment, and the process of universal human rights language being
appropriated and reinterpreted by local actors. The Concluding Chapter brings together
the findings of the thesis and summarises that women’s active agency in the process of
their own empowerment is a central element currently missing in the discourses
surrounding women, peacebuilding and human rights. Finally, I pose some questions
about the broader implications of the thesis for understanding the roles and
responsibilities of international actors engaging with women in peacebuilding.

Chapter One: The social and political context of post-conflict Nepal
12
Chapter One
The social and political context of post-conflict Nepal
The ‘People’s War’ and the Peace Process
The civil armed conflict in Nepal, often termed the ‘People’s War’, came to an official
end on 21 November 2006 when the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of
Nepal - Maoist (CPN-Maoist or ‘Maoists’), signed the Comprehensive Peace Accord
(CPA). The Maoists launched the People’s War in 1996 which aimed to overthrow the
constitutional monarchy and establish a socialist republic. There have been numerous
analyses of the causes and history of the conflict (Hutt 2004; Karki and Seddon 2003;
Onesto 2005; Uprety 2005)1
. In summary, causes of the conflict have been identified as
stemming from underdevelopment that is reinforced by various inequalities, that an abject
government has been unable to effectively address. The conflict claimed the lives of over
13,000 Nepalese (INSEC 2006b), forced displacement of over 150,000 people (Terre Des
Hommes 2006), and led to widespread human rights violations. Such violations have
been committed by both government security forces and the Maoists - including unlawful
killings, ‘disappearances’ and abductions, all forms of sexual violence, arbitrary arrests
and torture (ICG 2007a; INSEC 2007). Despite State commitments on human rights
made in the Peace Accord, such as ending impunity through a truth and reconciliation
commission, there remains little progress2
. Further, it led to the deterioration of the
already low levels of human development3
.
The Peace Accord resulted in the Maoist leadership returning into the political
mainstream by entering the Interim Parliament, and agreeing for their Maoist Army - the
People’s Liberation Army (PLA) - to be held in seven main cantonment camps around
the country under the supervision of UNMIN4
. The Peace Accord also provided for the
1 For further list of studies see Simkhaka et al, 2005. The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal: A Comprehensive
Annotated Bibliography. Geneva/Kathmandu: Program for the Study of International Organisations (PSIO).
2 For instance, a draft parliamentary bill to establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission is argued to
serve political leaders’ interests by offering general amnesties has been widely condemned (ICG 2007b).
3 Nepal is ranked at a very low UN Human Development Indicator Index of 140 out of 177 countries. See
http://hdr.undp.org/statistics/data/cty/cty_f_NPL.html (Accessed 12 October 2007).
4 Prior to launching the People’s War in 1996, the CPN-M (Maoists) were a mainstream political party
before breaking away. Tensions between the CPN-Maoist, the Seven Party Alliance and UNMIN continue

13
election of a Constituent Assembly (CA) which is to be held in April 2008 following two
postponed dates in June and November of 2007. The new governance structure of a
Constituent Assembly aims to build a more ‘inclusive’ democratic system able to address
the persistent problems of exclusion by promoting ‘social inclusion’5
. It is hoped that by
being inclusive of gender, caste, class, ethnic, linguistic and regional differences, the
election of a Constituent Assembly will enable greater social, economic, political
participation (International Alert 2007).
Emergence of ‘rights’ as a central discourse of peacebuilding
The vision of a more socially inclusive society - that recognises the rights of all groups -
lies at the heart of the demands being made by various groups around the country in the
post-conflict period. Indeed, Nepal is a multiethnic and multi-linguistic country with
over sixty ethnic and caste groups6
. Further, discrimination based caste, class, ethnicity,
geography and other divisions remain deeply embedded in social institutions and
traditions in Nepal (World Bank 2006)7
. The assertion of long-standing grievances and
demanding of rights by various discriminated and traditionally marginalised groups is
mounting, which is being witnessed in both peaceful, and increasingly violent, protests
and demonstrations (see Appendix 3)8
. In particular, agitating Madhesi groups in the
Terai have emerged and their violent protests have intensified following the end of armed
conflict. This has been a major factor in worsening the security situation, de-stabilising
the peace process and thus the postponement of elections9
.
over the conditions inside the cantonment camps. UNMIN has led the disarming and registering of Maoists
and their weapons, and their fate of the PLA remains in question until after the elections.
5 ‘Social inclusion’ refers to the removal of institutional barriers and the enhancement of incentives to
increase the access of diverse individuals and groups to development opportunities (World Bank 2006).
6 A comprehensive account of gender, caste and ethnic exclusion, see World Bank, 2006. Unequal Citizens
- Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal. Kathmandu: World Bank.
7 The presence of Dalit , Madhesi and Janajati in state apparatus is negligible. Only three Caste groups -
Brahmin, Chhetri, Newar (Kathmandu) are economically and politically dominant (McGrew 2006: 1).
8 See Appendix 3 – Map of Bandhs/Blockades 1 Jan 2007 - 30 September 2007. Bandh is Nepalese for
‘strike’. This map identifies 31 ‘categories’ of agitating groups or organisations.
9. The Terai is the southern plain region of Nepal adjacent to India. The Madhesi people who inhabit the
Terai are often discriminated by the Nepali State yet comprise over 30 per cent of the population. For a full
report of issues surrounding the demands and context of the Madhesi groups and Terai region, see
International Crisis Group (ICG), 2007. Nepal's Troubled Tarai Region. Kathmandu, ICG.

14
Without discounting the human rights violations committed during the conflict and the
fragile peace process, the Maoist movement has served to bring the rights of marginalised
and minority groups to the foreground. As one human right activist explained,
“many problems were under the surface which are now over the surface, like
janajati, dalit, Madhesi, women…the issue has come up because of the Maoists. I
do not believe in armed conflict …but I cannot ignore this fact.” 10
(Personal communication, Gorkha District, 19 April 2007).
Following participation of many of these marginalised groups in the Jana Andolaan II
(People’s Movement) in April 200611
, there are high expectations of ‘peace dividends’
(International Alert 2007: 8). In Nepal, the notion of a ‘peace dividend’ is being used to
describe the benefits that peace and democracy will bring to people (Sharma 2007)12
. As
Raj (2007) asserts, the nation and identity-building project of ‘New Nepal’ is seeing
many marginalised groups active in calling for their inclusion. That is, the momentum
from the Maoist movement and end of the People’s War has seen the underlying root
causes of the conflict becoming the centerpiece of the demands by various groups to end
discrimination and to claim their rights. This was demonstrated during fieldwork when
encountering one disenfranchised group who were using this new ‘space’ in the post-
conflict period to demand rights (Figure 4).
10 Janajati is the Nepali term for ‘Indigenous’ and denotes denotes being part of an ethnic group. Dalit is
the term preferred term in Nepal for “Untouchables”, the lowest groups in the traditional Caste hierarchy.
11 The Jana Andolaan II (People’s Movement) saw hundreds of thousands of Nepalese taking to the streets
for weeks in nationwide demonstrations against the Monarchy during April 2006. The movement brought
brought an end to the previous period of the King’s autocratic rule and was historic in spurring peace
negotiations. Jana Andolaan I took place in 1990 when people demonstrated to end the Panchayat (party-
less system) era and brought the multi-party democracy.
12 This notion of a peace dividend differs from the post-Cold War international relations discourse of the
‘peace dividend’ that describe economic benefits of decreased defence spending.

15
Figure 4: Highway roadblock in Sindhuli District13
Nepalese women: Navigating through conflict and closed ‘spaces’
"Women are weaker in our society. They are not weaker, but the society and
culture has bounded them, their hands and legs."
(Personal correspondence with human rights activist, Gorkha District, 20th
April 2007).
Impacts of the armed conflict on women
During the armed conflict, women were often ‘caught in the middle’ of Maoist insurgents
and security forces and faced increasing insecurity and deepening poverty (Bennett 2003:
2; Thapa 2004). The emergence of female-headed households and widows has been
significant as a result of many men joining, or fleeing, security forces and the Maoists or
migrating in search of work (Adhikari 2005; Gautam 2001). Further, women’s care
13 On completion of a human rights training program in Sindhuli, our group encountered the Chure
Bhawan Ekar Sames, a protesting group blockading the Highway to Kathmandu. This group was
demanding their rights to autonomy and identity in their region. Despite carrying a ‘Human Rights
Defenders’ banner (a common practice that grants amnesty through strikes), our passage had to be
negotiated. This was undertaken by the female Director of IHRICON, following numerous attempts by any
of the men present. The group became irate, arguing that Nepalese human rights workers funded by
international agencies were “corrupt” and not working for the interests of Nepalese people. Their strike
lasted 7 days, crippling life in region.

16
giving roles often limited their mobility and discriminatory property laws often left many
women without land or a source of income - producing the phenomenon of the ‘internally
stuck’ (Gautam et al 2001; Martinez 2002). Protection issues also worsened in terms of
increased sexual violence and exploitation, including torture, rape and trafficking
(Gautam 2003; IHRICON 2007b). Impacts of the conflict have also varied depending on
the various other ‘groups’ which women identify with or belong (so-called ‘cross cutting
divides’), such as class, caste, ethnicity and religion that generally serve as further forms
of exclusion (Bennett 2003; World Bank 2006)14
. Whilst women have indeed endured
great suffering during the armed conflict15
, moving beyond a ‘victim lens’ also provides
an opportunity to recognise women’s agency in taking on diverse roles. For instance,
with expertise in grassroots activism, investigative journalism, human rights law and
local peace activism, women have maintained social stability and reduced violence in
community peacebuilding processes (McGrew 2006; Sharma 2007).
Women in the peace process
As a result of negative impacts of conflict on women, and perhaps the greater recognition
by international agencies, the national peace process has more recently given greater
recognition to ‘women’s issues’ (ICG 2007a). For instance, the Interim Constitution of
2007 recognises the existing problems of class, caste, region and gender and separately
lists a number ‘women’s rights’16
. However, given that women’s involvement in the
Constitution drafting process was negligible17
, doubts remains over how women’s rights
will be prioritised (Sharma 2007). Further, women were virtually absent during the
14 ‘Cross-cutting divides’ are often described as the ‘double burden of caste and gender discrimination’ for
Dalit women (Sob 2004), or the ‘multiple barriers’ for women of Madhesi origin (Sharma 2007: 5).
15 Despite the recognition of the overwhelming impact of conflict on women in reports of international
development agencies, only a few in depth-studies of the impacts on women in rural Nepal are available
(Gautam et al 2001; Gautam 2003; Manchanda 2004). Further research on this issue is most timely.
16 The Interim Constitution reads: “20. Right of Woman: (1) No one shall be discriminated in any form
merely for being a woman; (2) Every woman shall have the right to reproductive health and other
reproductive matters; (3) No physical, mental or any other form of violence shall be inflicted to any
woman, and such an act shall be punishable by law; (4) Son and daughter shall have equal rights to their
ancestral property”. His Majesty’s Government of Nepal (HMGN) , 2007. Interim Constitution 2063.
Kathmandu, HMGN.
17 The all-male Interim Constitution Drafting Committee was expanded to include four women and a Dalit
representative only after widespread protests (McGrew 2006).

17
formal peace negotiations in 2006 (Sharma 2007)18
. Indeed, the ‘Agreement on
Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies’ (AMA)19
that followed the Peace
Accord contained no provisions for women or gender despite a significant proportion (up
to 30 per cent) of the Maoists being female (Manchanda 2004; Pettigrew and
Schneiderman 2004)20
. While amended electoral laws now guarantee increased women’s
candidacies and quotas in the Constituent Assembly polls, significant challenges remain
for greater representation of women’s issues (Sharma 2007)21
. Indeed, political
participation of women, and women’s representation, are two separate issues as the
presence of women in decision-making roles cannot be assumed to promote women’s
rights or gender equality (Nelson and Chaudhary 1994).
Opening previously closed spaces
Sharma and Neupane (2007) argue that conflict has created an ‘opportunity’ by initiating
some ‘merging’ of the private and public spheres and opening up previously closed
spaces for women22
. At the community level, there are also reports of a change in the
perceptions of gender roles and social structures (ICG 2007b; Manchanda 2006). For
instance, the absence of men was reported to have opened new opportunities for women
in Rolpa District to step into public life (Gautam et al 2001). Further, in the absence of
men, women ‘have crossed the gendered divisions of labour to take on taboo areas -
ploughing and thatching of roofs’ (Manchanda 2005: 4739). On a collective or national
level, women are becoming more actively engaged in rallies and peaceful protests on
18 There were no women in peace negotiation teams of the SPA government or the CPN (Maoist), neither
in the 32-member peace committee (McGrew 2006). Despite the Maoists ‘seeing itself as the vanguard on
women’s issues’ women were not included in the peace teams in 2004 and 2006 (ICG 2007a: 3),
19 The CPA-related Agreement on Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies (AMA) was
signed by the UN and Government in November 2006 and outlined the process whereby Maoist combatants
and an equivalent number of Nepal Army troops were to be confined to cantonments and barracks.
UNMIN has demobilised over 30,000 of their militia and handed in over 2,500 weapons.
20 A detailed account of women’s involvement in the Maoist insurgency see Yami, H. (2007). People's
War and Women's Liberation in Nepal. Kathmandu: Janadhwani Publications.
21 The Constituent Assembly Members’ Election Act (2007) provides for women to have 50 per cent of
the 240 seats from the proportional representation system and to make up 33 per cent of total candidates.
In practice, this in effect means that final representation could be as low as 22 per cent (ICG 2007a).
22 A description of the public and private spheres, and gender roles and relations within these, in Yuval-
Davis, N., 1997. Gender and Nation. London: Sage.

18
issues of women’s and human rights, such as trafficking and domestic violence23
. In the
public sphere, national Non Government Organisation (NGO) coalitions and alliances,
such as Shanti Malika (Women for Peace), and the All Nepal Women’s Association
(ANWA), are more actively pressuring the government on women’s issues. Sharma and
Neupane (2007) assert that these opening spaces and ‘unexpected gains’ from the conflict
need to be consolidated24
. While these changes may be challenging the disempowering
construction of Nepalese women as uniformly ‘backward, illiterate, and tradition-bound’
(World Bank 2006: 50), it may also be too early to assert whether these examples are
indeed ‘gains’.
Apart from the conflict itself, the significant participation of women as Maoist insurgents
has been identified as a key impetus for raising the prominence of ‘women’s issues’
(Sharma 2007). Indeed, women have accounted for up to 30 percent of the Maoist Army
(Yami 2007). From one perspective, women’s participation is also argued to have
challenged gender relations at the local level in many rural areas (Manchanda, 2001;
2005; Pettigrew and Schneiderman, 2004). For instance, in terms of gender roles, Thapa
quotes a Maoist women saying “you see, there used to be only sickles and grass in the
hands of girls like us. Now there are automatic rifles’ (2005: 2). From another
perspective, whether taking up arms is a demonstration of women’s agency is a complex
issue that warrants further research25
. This issue was also raised during the research, as
one participant in IHRICON’s program had been part of the Maoist movement during the
conflict and had now taken up peace activism.26
Nevertheless, it is important to observe
Manchanda’s assertion that ‘the massive presence of women has produced a social
23 During the April 2006 People’s movement, many women’s groups or organisations not previously in the
public arena protested for the first time against the King’s absolute rule.
24 The notion of ‘unexpected gains’ from conflict is addressed by a number of scholars (Manchanda, 2001;
Utas, 2005), yet is also problematic, as gains in the immediate post-conflict period are often not sustained
when women must take on greater responsibilities (Manchanda, 2001: 4739; Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002.)
25 A lack of detailed research means the question of whether women joining the Maoists is a demonstration
of their own agency is as yet unanswered and is grounds for further research. A growing number of
scholars are exploring women’s experience as combatants in attempting to answer this question
(Manchanda 2001; Moser and Clark 2001; Utas 2005).
26 This was a particularly interesting finding, however I am unable to explore it further in this thesis. The
identification by informants and NGO workers interviewed that women continue to join the Maoist
movement, even after the signing of the Peace Accord, warrants further investigation. Indeed, exploring
the motivations behind women’s continued involvement in the Maoist movement is salient (Yami 2007).

19
radicalisation as evinced in ground level actions’ (2005: 4742). According to Yami
(2007), many women in rural areas have had their ‘consciousness raised’ by Maoist
ideology to assert their agency and demand their rights.
State commitments to Women
At an international level, Nepal is signatory to eight different conventions, protocols and
agreements related to the rights of women and children27
. Yet these instruments have
been limited in promoting or protecting women’s rights (INSEC 2006a). While Nepal
ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW) in 199128
, the subsequent requirement to change 85 discriminatory laws (such
as family and property laws) remains incomplete (ADB 1999; World Bank 2006: 52).
This weak enforcement of legislation and policies continues in the context of a lack of
political will, patriarchal structures resistant to change and deficient government capacity
(Banerjee 2005: 280)29
.
International actors in Nepal
In the absence of a well-functioning State to uphold its obligations as a ‘duty-bearer’ of
rights, international actors such as The United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN),
various UN agencies (particularly OHCHR), donors (including country governments),
financial institutions, INGOs, NGOs and other civil society organisations are playing
greater roles to fill this void (Sharma 2007)30
. International presence significantly
increased following the restoration of peace and the entry UNMIN in January 2007 (Lal
2007). The subsequent ‘post-conflict reconstruction31
’ donor funding has seen the
27 For a list of these, see INSEC (2006) at http://www.inseconline.org/download/Nepal_treaties.pdf.
28 The country has however only signed, but not ratified, the CEDAW Optional Protocol or the two
Optional Protocols on Children.
29 For instance, the Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare lacks adequate financial and human
resources and the National Women’s Commission (NWC) formed in 2002 lacks a legal basis, and has been
accused of its membership being dominated by High Caste women and thus not ‘representative’.
30 The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has limited capacity to uphold rights (ICG 2007b).
31 The World Bank (1998) define post-conflict reconstruction as encompassing not only short-term
rebuilding of physical infrastructure, but also the creation of peace through rebuilding economic and
political institutions and promoting social reintegration. Peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction are

20
number of INGOs increase from 149 to 185 during the 12 months to June 2007, and the
number of local NGOs (26,670 in July 2007) continues to rise in response32
. In addition
to providing support to the Peace Trust Fund33
, one major donor priority is the funding of
awareness raising campaigns on human rights.
UNMIN is a special political mission which began operation in January 2007 in Nepal to
help oversee the peace process to lead into the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections34
. In
addition to arms monitoring, ceasefire monitoring and electoral assistance, UNMIN is
involved in mine action, child protection, social inclusion, gender and human rights
activities35
. On rights issues, parties to the Peace Accord expressly requested the Office
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to take responsibility for
monitoring human rights during the peace process. The strong rights focus of
international engagement is having a significant influence on how human rights issues are
being presented and disseminated.
‘Speaking on behalf of women’: Relationships between women and peacebuilding
actors
It is often through local NGOs and other women’s civil society organisations that women
participate in community peacebuilding initiatives in Nepal (CCO 2006). These
organisations often act as the implementing partners for INGOs and other funding bodies
and are thus often bound in terms of the funds they can apply for or projects they can
implement (UNIFEM 2006). Women’s peacebuilding in Nepal is also promoted through
the donor coordination mechanism of the Peace Support Working Group (PSWG) on
thus often considered analogous. However, in this thesis peacebuilding is considered one component of a
longer term process of post-conflict reconstruction (Barakat 2004).
32 ‘Foreign aid to INGOs increased to Rs 12 billion’. The Rising Nepal, 19 June 2007, p4.
33 The Peace Trust Fund is managed by the UNDP and mainly supports the management of camps and
reintegration of former combatants; rehabilitation of Internally Displaced People (IDPs); preparation for
elections and strengthening law and order (UNDP 2005).
34 UNMIN was established by UN Security Council Resolution 1740 at the request of the Nepalese
government (UN 2007). It is a political mission without prior military, policing or peacekeeping functions.
35 UNMIN’s mandate includes monitoring arms and armed personnel of the Royal Nepalese Army (RNA)
and Maoist Army, assisting parties to implement the AMA, providing technical assistance to the Election
committee to conduct the elections in a free and fair atmosphere.

21
Resolution 132536
. This is mainly used to inform policy whilst also engaging in various
advocacy and dissemination activities37
. Resolution 1325 is being promoted by many
INGOs and increasingly being utilised as a training tool in women’s peacebuilding
initiatives (UNIFEM 2006).
To conclude, this discussion has demonstrated that in the current social and political
context of post-conflict Nepal, a significant ‘space’ has been opened for women to
actively engage and participate in constructing new roles and identities. These
opportunities are due on one level to the greater prominence of ‘women’s issues’ in the
post-conflict environment and the spaces this has created to be more active. On another
level, this is also a result of the national and international focus on the peacebuilding
project that encompasses human rights and women’s empowerment. That is, since the
end of the armed conflict in late 2006, increasing numbers of women have become
engaged in peace activism and in asserting their rights in various ways. Documenting the
experiences and perceptions of women activists forms the key approach assumed in this
research.
36 The Resolution 1325 Peace Support Working Group (PSWG) was set up in early 2007. It is co-chaired
by UNFPA and the Norwegian Embassy, and one of the most active of the four working groups – the other
three forums are on Transitional Justice, Reintegration and Constitutional Reform and the Elections.
37 These activities include a workshop on Resolution 1325 for UN agencies, donors and NGOs,
conducting advocacy with decision making bodies and publishing and disseminating 1325 materials at both
grassroots and national levels.

Chapter Two: Methodological approach
Chapter Two
Methodological approach
This Chapter aims to provide an insight into the social and research processes involved in
producing this thesis. The broader narrative of this thesis is informed by four months of
fieldwork in Nepal from February to June 2007. Most time was spent with a Nepalese
human rights NGO, the Institute of Human Rights Communication in Nepal (IHRICON).
Amongst other organisational activities in IHRICON’s Kathmandu headquarters, I was a
participant observer in two human rights trainings workshops in the Districts of Gorkha
and Sindhuli (See Appendix 4 for Districts of Nepal and Study Areas). These human
rights trainings were attended by women from Four Districts (Gorkha, Sindhuli, Kailali
and Dang) as part of IHRICON’s Community Peace Volunteer (CPV) initiative. During
this time, a number of semi-structured interviews were conducted with the Peace
Volunteers, NGO staff and trainers. As such, the research sites varied from participation
in formal or semi-formal institutional processes, to informal discussions with individuals.
In order to explore shared understandings of meanings of ‘peace’, ‘rights’ and
‘empowerment’, I also conducted a focus group consisting of 12 participants from the
Sindhuli District Peace Group.
Selecting a case study in Nepal
The selection of Nepal as a focus of study was influenced by a number of considerations.
First and foremost, scholarly and policy debates on women, peace and security are rarely
applied to Nepal. Secondly, previous volunteer work by the author with various
Nepalese NGOs has enabled an ongoing interest and exposure to women’s roles and
identities in Nepalese society1
. Furthermore, during previous work and travel, the author
strongly associated with Pigg’s ‘inability to escape involvement in the discourse of
development wherever I went in Nepal’ (1992: 493).
1 Such exposure has included observation of Mothers Groups (Aama Samuha) providing community
support in the absence of men during the conflict, observing many social impacts of the conflict at the local
level, and being a participant observer to the process of local NGOs engaging women at the same time as
those organisations being engaged by the international community.
22

An in-depth case study of a program enables the collection of extensive data on the
individuals and the program itself, including observations, interviews, documents and
audiovisual materials, while interacting regularly with the people being studied (Leedy
1997). Whilst the efficacy of case studies often lies in their ability to help others draw
conclusions on whether the findings may be applied to other situations or practices
(Leedy 1997: 136), the ability to draw conclusions and apply findings over a wide range
of situations can also be a weakness. The intention in this thesis, therefore, is not to
suggest that the findings are necessarily generalisable to other women’s peacebuilding
programmes in Nepal or elsewhere, nor that one case study could be representative. My
choice of case study was based on one which would fulfill the criteria of a ‘telling’ rather
than a ‘typical’ case (Mitchell 1984: 203). Further, although my theoretical stance on
women’s peacebuilding and rights-based approaches influenced the choice of
methodology, practical issues also shaped my approach. In particular, the security
situation in Nepal limited access to certain areas which precluded extensive ethnographic
research with Peace Groups at the village level. A multi-sited case study thus presented
the most appropriate and realistic means to undertake an in-depth exploration of women’s
participation in community peacebuilding initiatives2
.
Negotiating the field
Following arrival in Nepal I gained an overall sense of the current social and political
post-conflict context for women and peacebuilding programs by means of a ‘big net
approach’ (Fetterman 1989). Working from an initial network of key informants in
Kathmandu (most of whom I knew previously), I employed a ‘holistic’ snowballing
technique, using word of mouth and drawing on people’s individual networks. Key
informants provided information that facilitated further contacts. In a similar way to
2 A number of studies of women’s peace initiatives in other countries produced by feminist scholars have
also used multi-sited in-depth case studies of organisational initiatives as starting points from which to
explore issues of women’s participation and their engagement by international actors. Some examples
drawn from are: Cockburn, C., 1998. The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and National Identities
in Conflict. London and New York, Zed Books; De la Rey, C., and McKay, S., 2006. Peacebuilding as a
Gendered process. Journal of Social Issues, 62 (1):141-153; and Moghadam, V., 2005. Peacebuilding and
Reconstruction with Women: Reflections of Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine. Development, 48 (3): 63-72.
23

conducting ethnographic fieldwork, I needed to gain access to an organisation on which
to base a case study in order to answer the general research problem. This usually
involves going through a ‘gatekeeper’ - a ‘person who can provide smooth entrance into
the site’ (Leedy 1997: 137). Discussions with key informants and organisations led to
finding a suitable host organsiation. This arrangement took place by means of
negotiating and entering an ‘exchange relationship’ with the Institute of Human Rights
Communication in Nepal (‘IHRICON’), who’s Director became my ‘gatekeeper’.
Contribution to a research publication on sexual violence (IHRICON 2007b) was the
primary component of my exchange, in return for which I was granted access to
organisational resources events and trainings in Kathmandu, and enabled safe passage,
access and support to undertake research at two separate field sites in Gorkha and
Sindhuli.
Host organisation: The Institute of Human Rights Communication in Nepal
(IHRICON)
IHRICON is a non-profit, non-political human rights and communication NGO
established in 2001 by a group of human rights, peace and media professionals. It
receives funding from a wide range of donors including the Canadian Cooperation Office
(CCO) 3
, the British Embassy, Save the Children-Norway, UNDP, UNIFEM and USAID.
It has a permanent project staff of four in Kathmandu, a VSO4
volunteer, three office
staff, a pool of training consultants and Peace Volunteers in four Districts. IHRICON
serves as the Secretariat of Shanti Malika (Women for Peace) Network and is an active
member of numerous others5
.
3 The CCO is the implementing office for the Canadian Agency for International Development (CIDA) in
Nepal.
4 The Voluntary Service Organisation (VSO) is a volunteer sending scheme coordinated by the British
government. In most cases, the role of skilled/professional VSO volunteers is to build the capacity of the
local organisation.
5 These networks include the Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ), the Beyond Beijing Committee,
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Women for Peace (Shanti Malika), IANSA,
the Collective Campaign for Peace (COCAP), amongst others. IHRICON is a also a networking and
advisory member of Human Rights Treaty Monitoring Coordinating Committee (HRTMCC).
24

IHRICON has implemented the ‘Women's Empowerment for Sustainable Peace and
Human Rights’ program from 2003 to 2006 with funding from the CCO. This program
aimed to ‘increase women’s visibility and meaningful participation in peacebuilding and
community decision-making processes’, that focuses on ‘the empowerment of women,
reducing existing conflict prevailing in the society and forming women’s groups for
income generation’(CCO 2006: 13). The central component of the program is the
training of ‘Community Peace Volunteers’ (CPVs). Twenty five to thirty Peace
Volunteers have been trained in each of the four target Districts. Each Volunteer
manages a Women’s Peace Group (Mahila Shanti Samuha) which has anywhere from 15-
40 women, in their respective communities at the Village District Committee (VDC),
ward and village level6
. Women were selected and encouraged to participate in the
program from urban and rural backgrounds, from Dalit and other caste groups, various
ethnic groups, from Hindu and Buddhist religions, various political backgrounds and
range from around 17 to 50 years of age7
.
Despite official program funding ending in 2006, the Peace Volunteers continue their
community work and two recent initiatives have been funded by international donors to
further their work. The first of these, funded by the British Embassy, was a ‘Training
program on human rights, good governance, constituent assembly and community
journalism for community rights activists of Kailali, Dang, Gorkha and Sindhuli’
conducted in Gorkha District headquarters from 6-13 April 2007 for eight days8
. The
second program on ‘Gender monitoring around cantonment camps’, was initiated by a
training held in Sindhuli District headquarters from 17-23 April 20079
. This training was
attended by 12 Peace Volunteers from Sindhuli District to become ‘human rights
6 Nepal has 75 Districts, each divided into many Village District Committees (VDC’s). The VDC is the
lowest level of government administration in Nepal, which are further divided into wards then villages
(Pigg 1992). Also See Appendix 4 for Districts.
7 All major political parties, including CPN (Maoist), were ‘represented’ amongst the 48 participants in
Gorkha. The ‘selection criteria’ for the women to participate was the completion of their Senior Leaving
Certificate (SLC), equivalent to Year 10 in Australian Standards, to ensure minimum literacy levels.
8 This training was attended by 48 Peace Volunteers, 12 from each District. (See Appendix 5).
9 This program was conducted in two Districts of Kailali and Sindhuli. The initial training sessions were
conducted simultaneously and the security situation in Southern Nepal limited my access to that site and
upon recommendation from informants and IHRICON I accompanied staff to the training in Sindhuli
District. The program for the Sindhuli training is attached in Appendix 7.
25

defenders’ as part of a six month program to monitor and report on the human rights
situation around cantonments in Sindhuli District. One day of this period in Sindhuli
District was also spent at the main Sindhuli cantonment site. The rights-based approach
of the organisation, and trainings that aim to empower women as peacebuilders, meant
this case study was a particularly useful starting point to explore the research question
and thus address a number of gaps identified in the literature.
Analytical and methodological scope of research
The analytical and methodological approach taken in this thesis is eclectic and draws on
various disciplines and fields of study - from development studies, peace studies, conflict
resolution, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction, human rights and
anthropology. Further, it is strongly influenced by a number of conceptual and
methodological approaches from feminist studies. Firstly, feminist anti-essentialist
critiques which argue against the portrayal of ‘women as victims’ in post-conflict and
promote an approach which focuses on women’s agency informed the methodological
approach10
. Secondly, employing methods informed by both scholarly and practitioner-
based experience and research was also one means of ensuring the research could bridge
gaps between wide-ranging theory and practice11
. For instance, the action research of a
number of scholar-practitioners such as Cynthia Cockburn (1998; 2007) and Donna
Pankhurst (2000; 2005), amongst women’s organisations in conflict and post-conflict
situation, provide a theoretical grounding for adopting the ‘lens’ of a local human rights
NGO. Further, the findings of a number of recent organisational studies on
peacebuilding practice with women in Nepal noted their major limitation as being
structured interviews with Kathmandu-based organisational representatives (McGrew
2006; UNIFEM 2006). These latter reports recommended that further action research in
10 In particular, the contributions in the following edited collection; Manchanda, R.(ed), 2001. Women,
War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood to Agency. New Delhi, Sage Publications.
11 In addition to academic scholarship, literature which engages with peacebuilding and post-conflict
reconstruction draws heavily on organisational and practitioner contributions. It is therefore the ‘scholar-
practitioner’ who provides a critical link between industry-based research and academia. In fact, Pankhurst
argues that it is ‘scholar-practitioners’ who offer insight into the potential for ‘gender and peacebuilding’ as
a distinct field of academic enquiry (2005: 3).
26

field-based initiatives would be beneficial which also informed the approach to seek
women’s own experiences.
Further, the depth of understanding required in order to explore women’s own
experiences and perceptions informed the use of anthropological methods. Schneiderman
stresses that anthropological methods in Nepal are ‘more necessary than ever’ (2005: 31),
in order to contribute to the understandings of the conflict and how local people are
building peace. Further anthropological studies, such as Pigg’s (1992) exploration of
women’s understandings of bikas (development)12
demonstrate their value in exploring
women’s perceptions and thus provide a theoretical grounding for development
interventions.
Field Methods
A qualitative approach is particularly appropriate for this study as it allows for a wide
range of perspectives and experiences to be heard (Leedy 2005: 133; Smith 2001: 29). In
particular, a central component of action research undertaken in Nepal involved ongoing
participant observation. Throughout my fieldwork, I attempted to record potentially
useful data thoroughly, accurately and systematically through taking extensive fieldnotes,
as well as through photographs and audio files. In addition, I employed a semi-structured
but thematic approach to interviews appropriate to such qualitative work. In Gorkha,
once rapport and trust had been established, nine women were interviewed in depth.
Interviews were from 1 - 2 hours long, often conducted in two sessions due to time
limitations. In Sindhuli, six women were interviewed in depth for 1-2 hours13
. Interviews
with Peace Volunteers were conducted in Nepali with the aide of a translator14
. These
allowed participants to narrate their experiences while also allowing enough space for me
to probe their responses (Smith 2001: 29). Further interviews with IHRICON staff,
12 Bikas is Nepalese for ‘development’. The ‘project’ of bikas has been promoted by the State since the
introduction of a multi-party democracy in 1990.
13 Many interviews were conducted in pairs where each participant responded separately to questions,
which the women often preferred as it allowed them to share their experiences whilst also learning from
other women.
14 In this thesis, ‘Nepali’ is used to denote the language that is spoken by ‘Nepalese’ people. The choice
of translator for interviews (female members of IHRICON staff ) was critical in order to create a supportive
environment which allowed for honest and open responses.
27

trainers and other NGO representatives were conducted in English15
. A great deal of my
research also involved informal interactions and conversations with local people.
Participants were selected for in-depth interviews through a snowballing technique often
after spending four to five days observing and building relationships. In order to address
the issue of ‘representation’, IHRICON staff and the District Coordinators assisted in
suggesting interviewees who were representative of different social categories of caste,
class and ethnicity. Further, other ‘markers of difference’ were taken into consideration
such as the participant’s urban or rural background, age and political affiliations. Whilst
some women were shy, most were open about sharing their stories and grateful for the
rare opportunity to share with an ‘outsider’16
.
A focus group with nine Peace Volunteers and three males was conducted in Sindhuli,
held in two sessions of one hour17
. This allowed a greater understanding of the
participants’ perceptions of peacebuilding and human rights. With the permission of
participants, all interviews and focus group proceedings were recorded using a digital
voice recorder and notes were also taken18
. Interviews and focus groups were fully
transcribed and analysed using a qualitative methodology through a thematic analysis.
Data analysis began during the collection process, and my preliminary conclusions of the
data also influenced the kinds of data I later collected. The various steps outlined by
Creswell (1998) and Stake (1995) for data analysis of a case study provided a loose
framework within which to analyse the data.
15 Pseudonyms are used in this thesis in order to maintain anonymity. However, the ‘category’ of
interview is indicated (e.g. Peace Volunteer, NGO staff member, Trainer, Human Rights Activist,
Informant). In the text, quotations of direct speech are presented in italics, unless cited in the body of the
text. Direct quotations are taken from the translations from Nepali into English, unless otherwise indicated.
I have made every effort to ensure the correctness of these quotations.
16 For instance, despite their voluntary participation the focus group participants often stressed how
thankful they were for the ‘opportunity’ to share their thoughts and experiences.
17 Three males were also included in the ‘Gender Monitoring around Cantonments’ program and training.
The low education levels of women in this rural area meant that the minimum requirement for the Senior
Leaving Certificate (SLC) was not fulfilled. The often different perceptions of the males was an issue I
began to explore during the research, however I am unable to further explore in this thesis. This is an
interesting area for further research.
18 A Plain Language Statement and Consent Form for recording interviews (translated into Nepali), were
explained and signed prior to undertaking interviews and the focus groups.
28

Content analysis of translated written responses of the Peace Volunteers and NGO staff
provided a greater understanding of their perceptions of peace, peacebuilding,
empowerment and human rights, as well as the benefits of trainings19
. These methods
also provided a means for the research to directly feed into program evaluation.
Additional documentation, including donor proposals, program briefings, program
monitoring and evaluation reports, training plans and worksheets, participants’ songs,
role plays and informal conversations provided additional data. Further insights and
ideas were gained through follow-up research in Kathmandu, informal meetings with a
variety of stakeholders (donor representatives, INGOs, NGOs and academics) and
ongoing discussions with key informants. In addition, the broader context of women’s
roles in society was studied through monitoring media representation of women and
gender issues20
.
Reflexivity
The concept of ‘reflexivity’ enables the researcher to reflect on their role and influence
on data, not just during the fieldwork process but also during the writing of the text
(Robinson-Pant 2000). Indeed, there is a need for critical reflection on how I personally
influenced and impacted upon the process of gaining access to a case study and field
sites, negotiated and managed relationships formed during fieldwork and how data was
collected. Firstly, the choice of working with a local NGO influenced the kinds of
relationships I formed in Kathmandu and in the field which is reflected in this thesis.
Secondly, in terms of negotiating and managing relationships, my previous experience in
Nepal with women in rural areas, as a volunteer as well as tourist, informed how I
approached forming them. Although I had played differing roles in Nepal, the role of
19 McKay and de le Rey (2006) note the efficacy of participants engaging in experiential activities, such
as being given cards to write down words that describe their understanding of peacebuilding.
20 Throughout the study period, how women and gender issues were represented in three national English-
edition newspapers, online news sources and magazines, was observed and monitored. In comparison to
the English-language press - that often revealed new roles women are taking on - there was a tendency in
Nepali-language press for women to be depicted as what Tamang (2002) describes as the ‘fictive Nepali
mahila (woman)’, as uniformly poor and illiterate. Indeed, Bop asserts that images conveyed by the media
in conflict or post-conflict societies often ‘impedes the recognition of endogenous solutions that women
propose’ (2002:19).
29

academic field researcher was completely new and I was aware when setting up my
research of having to adopt a ‘new persona’. In particular, I was mindful of the often
negative perception of bideshis (foreigners) engaged in development work in Nepal21
.
This resulted in detailed attention being paid to respecting cultural norms, such as
appropriate dress and language. Social interactions with the Peace Volunteers and NGO
staff during training, mealtimes, and chyaa22
breaks were essential elements in forming
relationships prior to undertaking interviews and focus groups.
Further, the need to gain trust, respect and build rapport amongst NGO staff and the
Peace Volunteers was a critical part of managing relationships in the field. From the
beginning of my entry into each field site, I ensured people understood my research
motivations and aims through introduction by my ‘gatekeeper’. In addition, as I was
unable to provide financial or in-kind incentives for participation in interviews or focus
groups, interviewees and informants were involved on a voluntary basis. This influenced
the need to spend time listening and observing before ‘asking’ in order to build trust,
rapport and thus allow space for participants to feel comfortable and open to share.
Thirdly, a number of challenges presented themselves when collecting data. The tension
inherent in participant observation - when being a participant yourself - was particularly
challenging. For instance, when asked to contribute to a training session on ‘research
methods’ I needed to assess the extent of my role as an observer and as a researcher. In
addition, I was acutely aware of my privileged position as a foreign researcher. For
instance, it is common to be asked “will you take me to Australia?” whilst in Nepal, and
such questions during fieldwork were often challenging to answer. Indeed, no matter
how hard one tries, the researcher can never be invisible and will alter the nature of a
scene by their presence.
21 For instance, Denskus (2007) is highly critical of the sheltered lifestyles of expatriates in Kathmandu
and uses various examples to demonstrates the negative perception of bideshis. For instance, he cites an
aid official’s account of the impact of hostilities, described in terms of its influence on the supermarket
baskets of ‘expatriate peacebuilders’ removed from field realities.
22 Chyaa is Nepali for tea, the Indian version of sweet milk tea, or ‘chai’. When meeting with Nepalese,
particularly when business or work-oriented, it is common practice to share Chyaa before engaging in any
substantive discussion.
30

Another important practical consideration was the safety of my informants and myself.
In reference to research in Nepal, Pettigrew describes the need to ‘rethink old data
collection techniques’ (1999: 24). As Pettigrew explains, remembering interviews,
scenes or particular events in detail, rather than committing them to paper, avoids
drawing attention to yourself or the person. This was also an approach adopted in my
research, for instance often writing field notes at night.
Whilst subjective, the observations presented in this thesis are resonant with, and firmly
grounded in, many of the recent systematic observations by researchers, international
organisations and Nepalese people themselves which have identified emerging patterns
and trends in relation to women, peacebuilding and rights. In particular, these
observations reflect the shifting roles of women in the peace process and their
constructions of meanings in this process, which is explored in Chapters Three and Four,
and the negotiation of human rights norms which is addressed in Chapter Five.
31

Chapter Three: Constructing a Nepalese discourse of peacebuilding
Chapter Three
Constructing a Nepalese discourse of peacebuilding
‘institutional and practical arrangements for peacebuilding, never actively include
those whose experience might help …the field staff and development and peace
workers of aid organisations, nor the people in (post-) conflict situations that
should ‘benefit’ from the projects’ (Denskus, 2007: 658).
In this Chapter, one of the key themes explored is the disparate conceptualisations of
what peacebuilding entails at the local level in comparison with mainstream international
‘post-conflict peacebuilding’ discourses and approaches. As the above quote from
Denskus (2007) notes, institutional arrangements for peacebuilding often do not actively
seek to include the experiences of those directly involved. Responding to this call, this
Chapter pays close attention to the understandings of peace (shanti) and peacebuilding of
both ‘practitioners’ and ‘beneficiaries’ within the broader discourse of a New Nepal.
Indeed, these stand out as significantly different from those constructed by international
actors such as UNMIN and donor organisations. Yet it was observed that there is an
exchange between foreign and indigenous actors which means that the concepts of peace
and peacebuilding constructed by the various actors are neither exclusively adopted, nor
rejected, and there is perhaps even some convergence, which is indicative of an ongoing
process of construction of meaning.
No peace if ‘Mother still weeps’: Defining peace and peacebuilding
“Mother don’t weep, your eldest son also tells you, mother don’t weep, your
younger son has put down his arms, no need for conflict and disputes now, but
mother still weeps…” ‘Indra’s song’ (As performed in training session, Gorkha
District, 20th
April 2007)
Indra’s original composition, which she performed during a break in a human rights
session, highlights one of the key aspects of what peace means for Nepalese women.
That is, peace is not just about ‘putting down arms’, but rather the ability to provide or
fulfill the needs and desires of one’s family and community. Various glimpses of
women’s ongoing concerns were apparent in the daily narratives and semi-ritualised
performances of song, dance and poetry. These narratives were typically grounded in
32

everyday realities, such as the societal preference for male children, problems posed by
alcoholism, the need to conserve water and to rebuild schools. The women themselves
identified these issues as constituting a peaceful society. In short, ‘peace’ means many
things and encompasses much more than ‘putting down arms.’
Women defining peace
However, for the women interviewed, the importance of removing fear and threats in
everyday life as a starting point to create an enabling environment for achieving ‘peace’
was a recurring pattern. The notion of peace as being the absence of violence or threats
closely approximates the concept of a ‘negative peace’ (Galtung 1969) 1
. The need to
remove threats, fear and intimidation was described by a number of Sindhuli Peace
Volunteers as follows:
“Peace is a situation where family to government, all aspects of the society,
there is no violence or blood shedding.”
Peace is “being a human being and having the opportunity to live without
threats.”
“Peace is a situation where people can stay without threat, without any kind of
fear, intimidation…without such disturbances.”
Further to eradicating violence and threats, peace was also articulated as an ability to
fulfil the needs of living through everyday life in a safe environment. As one Peace
Volunteer from Kailali commented, “peace is the basic needs of the human”. Sharma
(2007) confirms that the perceived ‘peace dividend’ in rural areas of Nepal is strongly
connected to fulfilling basic human needs such as the provision of water, food, education,
health services as well as irrigation. The women’s narratives described above were
grounded in everyday realities and draw out the importance of fulfilling basic needs in
order to achieve peace at the local level.
1 While ‘negative peace’ entails the absence of violence and conflict, ‘positive peace’ involves removing
underlying causes of violence to prevent the recurrence of violent conflict. The vast majority of
peacebuilding literature assumes Galtung’s (1969; 1996) notion of ‘positive peace’ as the principle concept
on which peacebuilding strategies should be built.
33

Further to eradicating violence and meeting basic needs, in many of the human rights
trainings and informal discussions with individual women, it became apparent that peace
is also when “all the rights of human beings, all kinds of necessities of human beings are
fulfilled without any disturbances” (Samita, Sindhuli focus group). The notion that
realising rights is part of achieving peace corresponds more closely to Galtung’s (1996)
notion of ‘positive peace’ that involves removing underlying causes of violence to
prevent the recurrence of conflict. Indeed, Sharma asserts that in Nepal, ‘for grassroots
women, ‘peace’ is not just an absence of war and demilitarisation, it is a
process…addressing their priorities and needs grounded on human rights principles’
(2007: 2). As revealed in Chapter One, the notion of realising rights is fundamentally
related to the reshaping of a New Nepal.
From a feminist perspective, the articulation of ‘peace’ as encompassing aspects of both
needs and rights may also be perceived as a situation in which both practical gender
needs and strategic gender interests are addressed (Moser 1993; Vainio-Mattila 1999)2
.
This was also reflected in the discourses of the contributors to peace activities. For
instance, Kudra described her vision of peace as being "to have gender equality first,
human rights and…in Cabinet same women as well". In a subsequent personal interview,
Kudra emphasised her desire to have the same freedoms as her own brother and to be
able to make and control her own decisions, independent of her father. This notion of
control over one’s life and challenging gender roles corresponds to the achievement of
strategic gender interests. Interestingly, describing peace in a way that related to
freedoms and choices was also similar to how many women defined empowerment. For
instance, Balika described empowerment as being:
“free from all kinds of violence, and able to be independent, when a woman can
move on her own, that sort of thing. Freedom to speak, to walk, talk and freedom
to preach what they had learnt.”
2 Practical Gender Needs are identified by women within their socially defined roles as a response to an
immediate perceived necessity (e.g. water provision or health care). In contrast, Strategic Gender Interests
are identified as a result of women’s subordinate social status and tend to challenge traditionally defined
norms and gender roles and gender divisions of labour, such as legal rights, domestic violence or the
control over women’s bodies (Vainio-Mattila 1999).
34

Indeed, from a feminist perspective, empowerment often assumes a situation where
women are enabled to take control over decisions that affect their lives by setting their
own agendas, are able to increase self-confidence and develop self-reliance (IDRC 1998;
ILO 2000). Further, Enloe argues that feminists are more likely to define peace as
women's achievement of control over their lives (1993: 65). In this way, it was also clear
that Nepalese women closely associated the achievement of peace with their own
empowerment.
Further, the notion of peace being defined in terms of freedoms was also a recurring
theme amongst women. For instance, one Kailali Peace Volunteer expressed her vision
of peace as a situation where she had an “open environment, no obstruction, freedom”.
Lila also described peace as being when:
“every person thinks freely, is mentally free, everybody is free for their
intentions…different kinds of things develop, like every child continues reading at
school".
Lila’s conceptualisation of peace is also one that identifies the enabling conditions for
development to proceed - in this case, the ability for children to return to school. The
notion of freedom is a central element of Amartya Sen’s (1999) concept of human
development. This is considered a process of expanding the real freedoms (enhancing
capabilities) that people enjoy and overcoming the ‘unfreedoms’ that leave people with
little choices (Sen 1999). Indeed, armed conflict often restricts these ‘freedoms’ and is
thus considered ‘development in reverse’ (Hoeffler and Reynal-Querol 2003: 22). In
Nepal, the armed conflict increased insecurity that limited choices of ordinary Nepalese
(Bennett and Bannon 2004), which deprived their capabilities and has limited their
capacity to be agents of change (Pant 2001)3
. According to Sen (1999), the development
objective should therefore be the enhancement of people’s capabilities to enable them to
become agents of change to achieve the life they would like to lead. With respect to
3 The provision of freedoms in conflict situations by institutions is heavily restricted and individual
capabilities therefore rely heavily on their endowments (Pant 2001). While endowments refer to an
ownership bundle, entitlements represent those things that a person is in control of, or has command over,
in life (Sen 1981). Entitlements are acquired by virtue of the attainment of rights which may allow an
individual to have ‘the capacity to lead the kind of life he or she has reason to value’ (Sen 1999: 87).
35

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