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I
BEN- GURION UNIVERSITY OF THE NEGEV
FACULTY OF HUMINITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND ANTROPOLOGY
Reconstruction of Masculine Identity among the
Male Activists of the Social Movement
"Combatants for Peace"
THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR
THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS
Ofra Ben Porat - Ram
Under the supervision of Dr Sara Helman.
October 2010
II
BEN- GURION UNIVERSITY OF THE NEGEV
FACULTY OF HUMINITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND ANTROPOLOGY
Reconstruction of Masculine Identity among the
Male Activists of the Social Movement
"Combatants for Peace"
THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR
THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS
Ofra Ben Porat - Ram
Under the supervision of Dr Sara Helman.
Signature of student: _______________ Date______________
Signature of supervisor: _____________ Date______________
Signature of committee graduate studies chairperson: _____________ Date_________
October 2010
III
Abstract
This study investigates gender roles, collective action frames and identity politics
through examination of "combatants for peace"; a bi-national movement of ex-
military servicemen that mainly engages in non-violent activities against the
occupation of the West Bank by Israel. It examines whether and by what means,
Israeli male activists of the movement had reconstruct their masculine identity, which
is considerably influenced by militaristic masculinity discourse, and created by doing
so an alternative masculine model. The research is based on twenty one semi-
constructed interviews with "combatants for peace" activists, along with analysis of
written texts from the movement website and different correspondence from its
internet forum.
The first chapter examines how militaristic practices were adopted in the
construction of the movement's collective action frame. This is mainly manifested in
idioms used by activists to describe the movement, the way it is branded by the
activists in public and in the definition of the movement central goals. An interesting
dynamic is especially evident when examining the role of gender in the division of
power within the group. Although women take active part in the movement activities
and are considered full and equal partners, a distinct division based on gender status is
evident. This is due to the fact that the movement draws its public legitimacy from its
member's military experience. Therefore the male activists are positioned in the more
influential posts while the women perform more supportive work and considerably
withdraw from public spotlight. Although some interviewees presented this dynamic
as a tactical move and a well played act it reconfirms a hierarchy in which men are
considered more apt than women in managerial roles. Thus the collective action frame
is inevitably influenced by gender perceptions concurrent with masculine hegemonic
IV
model. This creates a problematic situation in which the activists reconfirm the
centrality of militaristic attributes of Israeli society while trying to negate them.
The second chapter discusses the way in which the movement activists construct
their individual identity by bodily practices, which are quintessential to the model of
hegemonic masculinity. Accordingly, the chapter reviews how these practices are
redefined by the movement collective action and as part of their social identity. This
is examined in two main arenas: sports and organized protest. In regard to the first
arena it is evident that the conventional model of well maintained physical appearance
that highlights a muscular body was considerably dominant among the activists in the
past, yet now most of them criticize such facade and regard its importance as
marginal. However, muscular posture is considered important in the arena of
organized physical protest. It is remarkable that the activists, who overwhelmingly
rejects the hegemonic masculine model, adapts central characteristics of it when
confronting law enforcement agents such as soldiers and police officers. This is
because most of them regard such practices as the best means of communicating with
the opposing side. This perspective illuminate the inherent difficulties in adopting an
alternative model since the activists successfully fulfill their collective action goals
mostly by pursing the norm of masculine discourse.
Chapter three revolves around the transformation process that the activists
undergo by analyzing the personal story practice. The personal story is a practice in
which activists share their personal history mainly focusing on the reasons that led
them to join the group. It is usually delivered as a speech in front a large audience. It
is through such practices that "combatants for peace" can brand itself as a social
movement of non violent protest. The practice relies on three main elements: narrative
credibility, evidence that is based on a personal experience and reliability of the
V
speaker. By presenting each personal story the decision of its activities not to take a
violent part in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is accentuated and reconfirmed. It is a
reflexive act that enables activists to revisit past evens which triggered their
transformation process. It also disengages the normative masculine discourse thus
allowing the shaping a novel masculine identity, one which is distinctively anti-
militaristic.
By discussing the multi faceted affects of the personal story one can also review
the movement role as a support group to its activists who have redefined their
personal identity and eventually their personal boundaries. Although in most public
events the movement chooses to present the spoke persons which their story is based
on violent event (such as a combat) the personal story functionality as a
transformation platform is not reserved to exclusively to ex-warriors. Every
participant who joins the group is invited to present his personal story and every
listener in the crowd is invited to become an activist. Therefore, the personal story
becomes the main tool trough which the movement broadens the limits of it collective
action frame and decouple the traditional social linkage between masculinity and
militarism .

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Ofra MA Thesis Abstract

  • 1. I BEN- GURION UNIVERSITY OF THE NEGEV FACULTY OF HUMINITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND ANTROPOLOGY Reconstruction of Masculine Identity among the Male Activists of the Social Movement "Combatants for Peace" THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS Ofra Ben Porat - Ram Under the supervision of Dr Sara Helman. October 2010
  • 2. II BEN- GURION UNIVERSITY OF THE NEGEV FACULTY OF HUMINITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND ANTROPOLOGY Reconstruction of Masculine Identity among the Male Activists of the Social Movement "Combatants for Peace" THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS Ofra Ben Porat - Ram Under the supervision of Dr Sara Helman. Signature of student: _______________ Date______________ Signature of supervisor: _____________ Date______________ Signature of committee graduate studies chairperson: _____________ Date_________ October 2010
  • 3. III Abstract This study investigates gender roles, collective action frames and identity politics through examination of "combatants for peace"; a bi-national movement of ex- military servicemen that mainly engages in non-violent activities against the occupation of the West Bank by Israel. It examines whether and by what means, Israeli male activists of the movement had reconstruct their masculine identity, which is considerably influenced by militaristic masculinity discourse, and created by doing so an alternative masculine model. The research is based on twenty one semi- constructed interviews with "combatants for peace" activists, along with analysis of written texts from the movement website and different correspondence from its internet forum. The first chapter examines how militaristic practices were adopted in the construction of the movement's collective action frame. This is mainly manifested in idioms used by activists to describe the movement, the way it is branded by the activists in public and in the definition of the movement central goals. An interesting dynamic is especially evident when examining the role of gender in the division of power within the group. Although women take active part in the movement activities and are considered full and equal partners, a distinct division based on gender status is evident. This is due to the fact that the movement draws its public legitimacy from its member's military experience. Therefore the male activists are positioned in the more influential posts while the women perform more supportive work and considerably withdraw from public spotlight. Although some interviewees presented this dynamic as a tactical move and a well played act it reconfirms a hierarchy in which men are considered more apt than women in managerial roles. Thus the collective action frame is inevitably influenced by gender perceptions concurrent with masculine hegemonic
  • 4. IV model. This creates a problematic situation in which the activists reconfirm the centrality of militaristic attributes of Israeli society while trying to negate them. The second chapter discusses the way in which the movement activists construct their individual identity by bodily practices, which are quintessential to the model of hegemonic masculinity. Accordingly, the chapter reviews how these practices are redefined by the movement collective action and as part of their social identity. This is examined in two main arenas: sports and organized protest. In regard to the first arena it is evident that the conventional model of well maintained physical appearance that highlights a muscular body was considerably dominant among the activists in the past, yet now most of them criticize such facade and regard its importance as marginal. However, muscular posture is considered important in the arena of organized physical protest. It is remarkable that the activists, who overwhelmingly rejects the hegemonic masculine model, adapts central characteristics of it when confronting law enforcement agents such as soldiers and police officers. This is because most of them regard such practices as the best means of communicating with the opposing side. This perspective illuminate the inherent difficulties in adopting an alternative model since the activists successfully fulfill their collective action goals mostly by pursing the norm of masculine discourse. Chapter three revolves around the transformation process that the activists undergo by analyzing the personal story practice. The personal story is a practice in which activists share their personal history mainly focusing on the reasons that led them to join the group. It is usually delivered as a speech in front a large audience. It is through such practices that "combatants for peace" can brand itself as a social movement of non violent protest. The practice relies on three main elements: narrative credibility, evidence that is based on a personal experience and reliability of the
  • 5. V speaker. By presenting each personal story the decision of its activities not to take a violent part in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is accentuated and reconfirmed. It is a reflexive act that enables activists to revisit past evens which triggered their transformation process. It also disengages the normative masculine discourse thus allowing the shaping a novel masculine identity, one which is distinctively anti- militaristic. By discussing the multi faceted affects of the personal story one can also review the movement role as a support group to its activists who have redefined their personal identity and eventually their personal boundaries. Although in most public events the movement chooses to present the spoke persons which their story is based on violent event (such as a combat) the personal story functionality as a transformation platform is not reserved to exclusively to ex-warriors. Every participant who joins the group is invited to present his personal story and every listener in the crowd is invited to become an activist. Therefore, the personal story becomes the main tool trough which the movement broadens the limits of it collective action frame and decouple the traditional social linkage between masculinity and militarism .