This document provides an overview of the Housing Choice Voucher Program (Section 8) in Baltimore and discusses some of the key issues and problems with the program. In 3 sentences: The Housing Choice Voucher Program was intended to help low-income families find affordable housing but in Baltimore it has often kept families in impoverished neighborhoods due to factors like landlords steering voucher holders to disadvantaged areas, a lack of transportation access, and policies that have perpetuated segregation. While some reforms have been attempted, problems remain such as voucher holders predominantly living in high-poverty, high-crime areas, landlords raising rents or limiting options to certain neighborhoods, and a lack of available housing. The concentration of voucher holders in impoverished areas has contributed
1. 1
Joanne Pan
ENGL493
Dr. Maher
April 18, 2016
Housing Choice Voucher Program
The HousingChoice VoucherProgram, knownas Section8, isa federally-fundedhousing
assistance programcreatedinthe 1970s intendedtohelpimpoverishedfamiliesandotherswith
disabilitiesfindaffordablehousing. ForBaltimore,apredominantlyAfrican-Americancity,the program
has allowedsome familiestofindhousing.However,thosesame familiesare the mostaffectedbythe
program because of landlords, lackof mobilityandsegregatedneighborhoods haskeptthemin
impoverishedneighborhoodsandata higherriskof stayinginimpoverishedneighborhoods.Although
the UnitedStatesDepartmentof HousingandUrban Development(HUD) hastriedto make some
reform,itismet withskepticismandfears thatpovertywillspread,propertyvalueswill decrease,and
white flightwill becomemore common. Otherproblemsinclude the lackof transportationandsocial
mobility,the suppressionof impoverishedneighborhoodstocertainareasandpolicychangestothe
program.
In 1974, Congresspassedthe Section8 program, whichwas“developedbyHUDto provide
rental subsidiesforeligible tenantfamilies(includingsinglepersons) residinginnewlyconstructed,
rehabilitatedandexistingrental andcooperative apartmentprojects(UnitedStates.Departmentof
HousingandUrban Development.“Section8ProgramBackgroundInformation.”N.d.Web.2May 2016),
whichwas thenbrokendowninto“NewConstruction”,“Substantial Rehabilitation”and“Loan
ManagementSet-Aside (LMSA) programs”(UnitedStates.Departmentof HousingandUrban
Development.“Section8ProgramBackground Information.”N.d.Web.2 May 2016), and each program
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focusesonone aspectof housingtroublesthateligible familiesface,especiallyinapredominantly
African-Americancity.
The program affectsBaltimore because asapredominantlyAfrican-Americancity,muchof the
cityis on the program butare inareas where crime ratesare highand completionof educationislow.
Whenwe read Katz’s“Ethicsof Expediency”,we notedthatwhenthingsneedtobe done fast,we often
sacrifice ourmoralsand ethicsinorderto getwhat we want(Katz,1992). For example,the policiesthat
were intendedtohelplow-incomefamiliesbackfiredandhelpedtoperpetuatethe povertycycle.As The
Atlantic journalistAlanaSemuelsexplains,Section8
...ispoorlydesigned.Itworkslike this:Familiesluckyenoughtogetoff lengthywaitinglistsare
allowedtolookforapartmentsupto a certainrent,whichvariesforeach metroregion.This
figure iscalledthe ‘fairmarketrent,’andiscalculatedbyHUD everyyearforeach metroarea.
The tenantpays about30 percentof hisincome,andthe vouchercoversthe restof the rent
(thisisbasedonthe ideathatfamiliesshouldnotspendmore thanone-thirdof theirincomeon
rent).Butthe fairmarketrent cut-off pointoftenconsignsvoucher-holderstoimpoverished
neighborhoods.Thisisinpartbecause of how thatnumberiscalculated:HUD draws the line at
the 40th percentile of rentsfor‘typical’unitsoccupiedby‘recentmovers’inanentire
metropolitanarea,whichincludesfar-flungsuburbswithlongcommutesand,asa result,makes
the Fair Market Rentrelativelylow.
As a resultof poor policyand otherfactors,voucherholdersare predominantlylivinginareas
where crime andpovertyratesare high,whichcanhave lastingeffectsonchildren. Forexample,one
house onthe GoSection8.comwebsite showsthata “3 Bed1 Bath Townhome/Villa”nearFederal Street
isgoingfor $1,350/month, whichis highfora housingdevelopmentinthe program.The majorityof
voucherholdershave notransportation, andthe house isina neighborhoodnon-voucherholderswould
feel comfortablein. Otherhousingoptionsavailabletovoucherholdershave the same problem-high
rent,seedyneighborhoods,andalack of mobility available,andalthoughthe programtriestoshowthe
house as a traditional house forfamilies,manytimesextendedfamiliesmove intogethertosave onrent
and a house withonlythree bedroomsandone bathroomcan’tholdmulti-generational families
because of the lack of available space.
5. 5
3 Bed,2.5 Bath House for$1,500/Month
626 N RobinsonSt.
Credit:Google
Credit:Google Maps
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Whenwe lookedatthe three examplesof the housesinthe program onthe presentation,we
foundthat the houseswere inareasthatwere consideredunsafe.However,asBaltimore’sHousing
Authorityisconsideringrevisingitspolicies,anarticle inthe Baltimore Sunreportedthata“court-
orderedrelocationprogram”allowsforAfrican-Americanfamiliestomove intowealthierandwhiter
suburbs(“HousingPoliciesStill PinPoorinBaltimore,ButSome Escape to Suburbs.”2015). Other
reasonsonhow housingisa formof discriminationinBaltimore isthe lackof mobility-socially,
economically,andthroughtransportation.Inclass,we discussedBaltimore’spublictransportation
issues,andhowmultipleCityDataforumstell horrorstoriesof how muchof a messit is,and how the
closure of the Red Line byGovernorHogan affectedinner-cityneighborhoods,whichwouldhave
broughtin much-needed federal revenue,awayfor those livinginthatareaa wayto get to theirjobs,
allowedthemsocial andeconomicmobilityandaway to escape the povertysurroundingthem.
Housinghasalwaysbeenanissue withinBaltimoreandde jure segregationandde facto
segregationhave beenimplicit.De jure housingsegregationiswhenthe lawsare codifiedinwhere
people canstay,and de facto housingsegregationiswhenthe lawsaren’tcodifiedbutare anunspoken
rule as to where people canlive.Forexample,the BaltimoreSunreportsthatthe “AmericanCivil
LibertiesUnionof MarylandsuedHUD, sayingthatit demolishedoldpublichousinghigh-riseswhere
mostlyAfrican-Americanslived-onlytomove the residentstoequallysegregatedhousingandpoor
conditions inotherpartsof the city”(WalkerandKnezevich,2012).Thiswas a case that wasopenedin
1995, andonlybeingdealtwithnowwiththe passingof the HousingOpportunitiesMade Equal (HOME)
Act, which“prohibitslandlordsandotherpropertyownersfrom discriminatingagainstpersonsseeking
housingbasedsolelyontheir‘source of income’”(PublicJustice,2012). Accordingto the Sun,“Attorneys
representingcurrentandformerpublichousingresidentsfiledthe settlement…andhope the agreement
withthe federal Departmentof HousingandUrban Developmentwill finallyendmore than70 yearsof
housingsegregation”(Walker,AndreaK.andKnezevich,Alison.“SettlementinDecades-OldFairHousing
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Case.”The Baltimore Sun.The Baltimore Sun,25August2012. Web.7 May 2016). By allowingamixture
of people fromdifferentsocioeconomicclasses,itwill have apositiveeffectonthose livinginpoverty
and strugglingtofinda wayout.
Landlordsare one of the biggestproblemswithinthe program.Currently,landlordshave to
registertheirpropertywithGoSection8.com, the websitewhere homesunderthe programare located.
However,landlordsoftentake the voucherholdersto “disadvantagedneighborhoods,perpetuating
housingsegregationandlimitingsocial mobility.Baltimore hasalonghistoryof segregation,buttoday,
it persistswithinone of the veryprogramsdesignedtodismantle the problem:housingvouchers”
(Rosen,Eva.“The Powerof Landlords.” The Atlantic. The Atlantic.9June 2015. 10 April 2016). Inorder
to combat landlordsandtheirpowerinthe program, Marylandlegislationpassedabill thatdealtwithit;
however,itistoosoonto say howeffectiveithasbeenorwill be.
In 2012, Maryland legislationpassedabill knownasthe MarylandHousingOpportunitiesMade
Equal (HOME) Act. Accordingtothe PublicJustice Center,the legislation“Prohibitslandlordsandother
propertyownersfromdiscriminatingagainstpersonsseekinghousingbasedsolelyontheir ‘sourceof
income.’ (MarylandGeneral Assembly.“HousingOpportunitiesMade Equal Act.”PublicJustice.org.n.d
Web.2 May 2016). Historically,landlordshave beenanintegral partof the program.In orderto qualify
theirpropertyforthe program,the landlordsmustpassthrougha seriesof checksdone bythe
Baltimore HousingAuthorityinordertomake sure that the rent isreasonable andthe dwellingisin
goodcondition.However,landlordsmayuse tacticssuch as raisingrentor onlyallowingpropertyin
inner-cityorlow-income areastobe rentedoutto voucherholders.EvaRosen,ajournalistfor The
Atlantic, arguesthat “Landlords…are salesmenaimingtopersuade potentialrenters,”butBaltimore is
differentbecause they“lure renterstodisadvantagedneighborhoods,perpetuatinghousingsegregation
and limitingsocial mobility.Baltimorehasalonghistoryof segregation,buttoday,itpersistswithinone
of the veryprogramsdesignedtodismantlethe problem:housingvouchers”(Rosen,Eva.2015). In
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anotherSunarticle,Dr. DeLuca suggestedthat“landlordsrefuse torenttopeople withSection8
housingbecause theyare unfairlyprejudicedagainstthose prospective tenants”(Gatton,James.2013)
whichtiesintoBaltimore’shousingpoliciesof the 50s and 60s, whensegregationwasrampantaround
the country.
Landlordsmayalso raise rentforvoucherholders. Althoughthe voucherprogramissupposedto
decrease the amountof rentbecause it’ssubsidizedbythe federal departmentunderthe Housingand
Urban Developmentdepartment,rentmayincrease.Accordingtoan investigationdone byEvaRosenin
The Atlantic, landlordshave aset of “tricks” theyuse to getprogram holdersinsidethe property.Rosen
wrote “One landlordImethad two identical unitsinthe same building:The third-floorapartmentwas
rentedtoa familywithavoucherandwentfor $250 more than the identical unitonthe fourth”(Rosen,
Eva. “The Powerof Landlords.”TheAtlantic. The Atlantic.9 June 2015. 10 April 2016). However,because
voucherholderstendtobe low-incomeandhave limitedoptionsformobility,transportationisanother
issue.
Because the program targets low-incomefamiliesorthose withdisabilities,housingtends
centeredinareaswhere publictransportationisn’tserved,whichincreasesthe likelihoodof voucher
holderstolive inimpoverishedneighborhoods.Forexample,Baltimore canceledthe RedLine,which
wouldhave givenfamiliesin the neighborhoodswhere the line wastobe builtaccessto careersand
more mobility. AccordingtoalawsuitfiledbyBaltimore againstthe “State of Maryland,Maryland
Departmentof Transportation,MarylandTransitAdministration,andMarylandState Highway
Administration”underTitle VIof the Civil RightsActof 1964, respondentsarguedthat the cancellation
of the RedLine wouldimpactAfrican-Americansthe most,citing
…more than thirty percentof residentsspendingmore thanforty-fiveminutestravelingtowork
each day.Forty-fourpercentof householdsinthe RedLine corridorlacka vehicle;andinsome
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neighborhoods,amajorityof householdshave novehicleandare entirelydependent onbuses
for travel.Despite the significantreliance onthem, busestoooftenrunslowly,withspeedsfrom
EdmonsonVillage todowntownof onlynine miles-per-hourduringpeaktravel times…TheRed
Line wouldalsohave servedasthe necessarylinkconnectedWestBaltimore’spredominantly
African-Americanneighborhoodstojobcenters. (“Baltimore RegionalInitiative Development
Genuine Equality,Inc.,andEarl Andrewsvs.State of Maryland,MarylandDepartmentof
transportation,MarylandTransitAdministration,andMarylandState HighwayAdministration.”
N.d.Web.2 May 2016).
The lack of mobilityhascontributedtothe increase of those livingonthe voucherprogram,and
increasesthe likelihoodof livinginbadneighborhoods,whichcanhave lastingeffectsonchildren. A
Baltimore Suninvestigationfoundthat
Amongthe Baltimore region’sroughly25,000 voucherholders,more than60 percent-orabout
14,664 households-live inareasdeemed“low opportunity”,basedonmeasuresincluding
education,povertyandcrime,accordingtoa reportissuedlastyearby the Baltimore
MetropolitanCouncil (Sherman,Natalie.“HUDConsidersChange toSection8 Rents.”The
Baltimore Sun. The Baltimore Sun.10 June 2015. Web.10 April 2016.)
As a result,Baltimore hasbecome one of the mosthousing-segregatedneighborhoods, witha
Baltimore Suneditorial arguingthat“Baltimore remainshome tosome of the mostdeeplysegregated
pocketsof povertyinthe nation”, withmore affluentcitizensarguingandprotestingthattheywant
voucherholderstostaywhere theyare because theywill bringdownpropertyvalue.Althoughthe
Supreme Courthasdeemedsegregationunconstitutional,de factosegregationandpoliciesthatdonot
favorthe African-Americanpopulationensuresthattheystayinimpoverishedconditions.
AnotherproblemwithSection8is that housingisspreadingandaffluentcitizens aren’thappy
aboutit, especiallythe more affluentresidentsinsurroundingcounties. Accordingtoa Baltimore Sun
report,housingauthoritieshadspent“$12 milliontopurchase nearly30 housesinBaltimore Countyand
16 in Anne Arundel,HarfordandHowardcounties”andhad provided“$51 millioninrentsubsidiesto
nearly3,100 familieswhohave movedfromcitypublichousingtoprivate apartmentsorhousesin
prosperoussuburbanneighborhoods,primarilyinHowardandBaltimore counties”(Donovan,Doug.
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“CityHousingProgramStirs FearsinBaltimore County.”The Baltimore Sun.The Baltimore Sun,14
December2015, Web.7 May 2016). Past Baltimore Sunarticlesandresearchdone bythinktankUrban
Institute inWashington,D.C.showthatthe more affluentresidentswishtokeepthe poorinbad
neighborhoodsandkeptinareaswithlimitedopportunitiesratherthanspreadthem.However,
researchshowsthatif theyare giventhese opportunities,povertyratesdropdown.Accordingtoa
Baltimore Suneditorial,the “Baltimoreregionhasapoor track recordwhenit comesto acceptance of
policiesdesignedtohelplow-income,inner-cityresidentsmove tothe suburbs”,withacountyofficial
callingthem“‘freeloaders’andnot‘qualitypeople’”(“HUDImperilsthe ColumbiaDream.”The
Baltimore Sun.The Baltimore Sun,25 September2015. Web.7 May 2016).
In complete contrast,MontgomeryCounty, one of the wealthiercountiesinMaryland,doesn’t
have thisproblem.AccordingtoDavidRusk,the countyhas “one of the nation’smostcomprehensive
and balancedlocal housingprogram”bycreatingthe “Moderately-PricedDwellingUnit(MPDU)”which
allowedforamixture of differentsocioeconomicclassescomingtogether.The formulacreatedbythe
program wasthat
85 percentof all unitswill be ‘marketrate’-thatis,soldorrentedtowhateverincome groupthe
developeristargeting.10percentmustbe ‘affordable’-thatis,atpurchase pricesorrental levelsthat
representnomore than30 percentof the income of householdsearningnomore than 80 percentof the
county’smedianhouseholdincome…mostsignificantly,5percentmustbe made available fordirect
purchase or rental bythe county’sHousingOpportunitiesCommissionforplacementof deep-subsidy
households.
Doingso allowsfora mixture of differentsocioeconomicclassesandallowsforimpoverished
familiestogainsocial andeconomicmobility. Anotherproblemthe programdealswithisthe lackof
housingavailableforpeopleonthe list.Anarticle inAfromagazine foundthatin2014, the listwouldbe
openforthe firsttime inmore thanten yearsbecause of the lack of housing(Special,Roberto.2014). In
a Baltimore Sunarticle,apersonwhowas on the vouchersince Julyandhasn’tbeenable tofindhousing
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because of landlordsandclaimsof discriminatingon“potential tenantsbasedontheirsourcesof
income”(Knezevich,Alison.2011). The Sundida deeperinvestigationintothe program, andfoundthat
signupsforthe waitlisthave endeduntil 2020 withalmost74,000 applicants(Wenger,Yvonne.2014).
In return,the opinionsectionandreadersrespondsectionof the Sunshotback,sayingthat if
theyopenuppropertyto tenantstheylose money.Forexample,landlordJamesGattonexplainsthat“I
experiencedfirsthandthe lossof two weeksSection8rental income overabustedplasticknobona
range” (Gatton,James.2016), and othershave claimedthatthe paperworkandfilingitappropriate
applicationsare anightmare.InanotherSunarticle, a readerwrote inresponse to Dr. DeLuca’s
suggestion that“landlordsrefusetorenttopeople withSection8housingbecause theyare unfairly
prejudicedagainstthose prospective tenants”(Gatton,James.2013).JamesGatton, a landlordinthe
program,explainedthatthe “prejudice of landlords isdirectednotagainstthe people butagainstthe
nightmare bureaucracythatSection8 rentalsentail”(Gatton,James.2013).
WhenHUD SecretaryJulianCastro“announcedalandmarkchange inpolicydesignedtoreduce
residentialsegregation”(“HUDImperilsthe ColumbiaDream.”The Baltimore Sun.The Baltimore Sun,25
September2015. Web.7 May 2016), not much has beendone yet. One factorinthe problemisthe lack
of fundsandCongressional limitationsonadministrative costs.Currently,the programpoliciesare
debatedona city bycity scale,andhousingauthoritiesare the final decisionsindecidingthe voucher
program.In a 2014 article in The Atlantic, journalistAlanaSemuels,foundthatBaltimorehasmore than
16,000 vacant homesandabout 30,000 people willexperience homelessness.Inherresearch,she found
that organizationssuchasHousingOur NeighborsandHousingisaHuman RightRoundtable,are fixing
up these vacantlotsand turningthemintoaffordable homesforlow-incomeresidents.Inour
presentation,Jesslookedatthe StationNorthneighborhood,wheregentrificationiscausingrenttorise,
whichthenhas an effectonhousingthroughoutthe city.If the housingpricesinone areagohome,it
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slowlyspreadsoutandpushesmore low-income residentsandfamiliesintoareaswhere povertyis
more widespreadandcausesextendedfamiliestolive incrampedhousesthatmaynotbe sanitaryor
hygienicforfamilieswithyoungchildren.The grouparguesthat“those homesshouldbe turnedinto
affordable housing”(Semuels,Alana.2014),and whenpairedwithhousingpolicychangeswouldallow
for more people togetonthe waitlistforhousing,andformore socioeconomicmobilityforpeople on
the program.
Thiscouldbe a potential solutiontothe currentone of allowingpoorpeople intowealthier
neighborhoods,whichthe affluentcitizenshave complainedabout.Althoughmultiplestudiesshowthat
whena childisexposedtodifferentsocioeconomicgroups,theyare more likelytolive inhigher-income
neighborhoods,finisheducationandgoontohighereducation.Multiple Sunarticlesshow thatthe
affluentcitizensthatsurroundBaltimore don’twantthese poorpeopletocome inbecause theyhaven’t
workedforit or they’re leechingoff of federal help.However,manyof these familiesonfederal
assistance andstate assistance programsare what’sconsidered“deservingpoor”,orthose that work
and don’tmake enoughtomake endsmeetsotheyrelyon governmentassistance forhelp.
As a citythat has facedsegregationinmultiple forms,housingisthe latestwaytobenefitthose
inpower.ThinktankUrban Institute foundthatthe lackof social mobility,highrent,landlordswho
don’thave theirrentersbestinterestsatheartandpoliciesall conspire tocreate a situationwhere it’s
difficultforvoucherholderstomove up.The Baltimore Sunhasdone investigationsaboutthe situation,
and wheneveranarticle comesoutit showsthatpotential situationspassedbyCongressorbythe
Marylandlegislature have beendebatedonandarguedabout.Unsurprisingly,thosewhohave more
powerwiththeirrepresentativestendtobe wealthierandwhiter,andare oftenthe onesthatdon’t
wantpoor African-Americansintheirneighborhoodsbecause thatwill bringdown propertyvaluesand
continue tobelievethattheyare there intheirneighborhoodsonlybecauseof governmentassistance.
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However,it’snotjustBaltimore facingthese problems.Othermajorcitiesacrossthe countryare
facingthe shortage of Section8 housing.Forexample,inAustin,Texasthere were “plentyof apartments
aroundthe citythat voucher-holderscouldafford.Butonlyasmall portionof those apartmentswould
rentto voucher-holders”(Semuels,Aana,2015).Similarly,inBaltimore there are vacanthousesthat
couldbe usedfor housingthe homelessandvoucherholders.
The program has beenconsideredafailure,butif itspoliciesare revised,the distributionof
wealthisspreadmore equallywithamixture of low andhigh-income familieslivingtogether,landlords
are heldaccountable fortheirpropertiesandnotdiscriminatingbasedonrace,havingalargerbudget
for HUD, and allowingfamiliestolive inhigher-incomeneighborhoodsandallow themthe chance to
findhigher-income jobs,thentheirmobilitywill increase andthenthe HousingChoice VoucherProgram
may findsuccessinprograms.AlthoughBaltimoremaynotbe similartoMontgomeryCountyinits
wealthdistribution,the wayMontgomeryCountyhasitshousingauthoritysetupisa way that
Baltimore couldimitate tofindsuccessinitshousingprogram.
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