1. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
1
of
14
A
PLAN
FOR
GREEN
GROWTH
IN
FORTALEZA
Pathways
towards
sustainable
urban
development
in
the
northeastern
region
of
Brazil
Introduction:
Fortaleza
is
the
capital
of
the
Brazilian
state
of
Ceará,
located
in
the
northeastern
region
of
Brazil,
and
the
most
populous
city
in
the
state
by
several
orders
of
magnitude.
The
population
of
the
municipality
of
Fortaleza
alone
is
of
2.571.856
inhabitants
–
as
compared
to
the
next
largest
municipalities,
Caucaia
(with
349.526),
and
Juazeiro
do
Norte
(with
249.939).
The
urban
area
of
Fortaleza,
however,
has
expanded
beyond
municipal
borders
to
subsume
other
highly
populous
municipalities
(including
Caucaia),
reaching
a
total
population
of
3.818.380
inhabitants
as
of
2014
(IPECE,
2014).
The
population
of
the
metropolitan
region
of
Fortaleza
thus
represents
about
45%
of
the
total
population
of
the
state
of
Ceará
and
has
has
been
identified
as
the
first
“Macro-­‐Planning
Region”
(Macrorregião
de
Planejamento)
in
the
State
Government’s
development
strategy.
As
per
the
2010
census
carried
out
by
the
Brazilian
Institute
of
Geography
and
Statistics
(IBGE),
Fortaleza
was
the
fifth
most
populous
capital
in
Brazil
(and
the
second
most
populous
in
the
northeastern
region)
and
the
most
densely
populated
city
in
the
country
as
a
whole,
with
7.786,52
inhabitants
per
km2
.
On
a
geographical
level,
Ceará
borders
four
other
Brazilian
states
(Piauí
to
the
west,
Rio
Grande
do
Norte
and
Paraíba
to
the
east,
and
Pernambuco
to
the
south)
and
is
strategically
located
on
the
Atlantic
coast,
with
the
shortest
transit
times
(by
air
and
by
sea)
from
Brazil
to
East
Coast
North
America
(6
days),
West
Africa
(3
days),
Northern
Europe
(9
days)
and
the
Mediterranean
(7
days).
The
seaports
of
Mucuripe
(in
the
centre
of
Fortaleza)
and
Pecém
(ca.
60
km
from
the
city
centre)
therefore
serve
as
major
transit
points
for
traded
goods
from
/
to
the
interior
region
of
the
state
of
Ceará
as
well
as
from
/
to
neighbouring
states
and
their
industrial
centres,
including
Natal,
RN
(435km
distance)
and
Teresina,
PI
(496km).
The
urban
“Golden
Age”
of
Fortaleza,
however,
is
a
recent
one,
which
coincides
more
or
less
with
the
Brazilian
economic
boom
of
1990-­‐2010.
Prior
to
this,
the
state
of
Ceará
had
been
characterised
predominantly
by
rural-­‐agricultural
activities
(e.g.
cattle-­‐ranching)
and
the
mass
export
of
low-­‐cost
labour
to
the
economic
centres
of
the
south,
particularly
Rio
de
Janeiro
and
São
Paulo.
Low
levels
of
economic
development
Source:
IPECE
2014
Source:
IPECE
2014

2. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
2
of
14
were
aggravated
by
chronic
water
shortages
and
drought
–
a
result
of
the
hot,
semi-­‐arid
regional
climate
–
which
would
frequently
devaste
local
agriculture
and
act
as
a
“push”
factor
in
outward
migration.
As
can
be
seen
in
the
accompanying
maps,
the
transformation
that
has
occurred
since
then
has
been
nothing
short
of
miraculous
(IPECE,
2012).
In
1991,
the
average
HDI
of
each
of
the
municipalities
in
the
state
of
Ceará
was
less
than
0,5
(“very
low”),
with
the
exception
of
Fortaleza,
where
the
average
HDI
was
between
0,5
and
0,6
(“low”).
In
2010,
by
contrast,
none
of
the
municipalities
remained
in
the
“very
low”
category.
Although
some
municipalities
failed
to
move
beyond
the
second-­‐worst
category
(“low”),
most
of
the
others
had
moved
into
the
“medium”
category,
whilst
three
urban
regions
(Fortaleza,
Sobral
and
Crato)
now
have
an
average
HDI
between
0,7
and
0,8
(“high”).
Over
the
same
period,
the
urban
population
of
Ceará
increased
from
4.162.007
to
6.346.557,
whilst
the
rural
population
decreased
from
2.204.640
to
2.105.824,
meaning
that
the
urban
share
of
the
population
increased
from
65%
to
75%
(IPECE,
2012).
The
municipality
of
Fortaleza
itself
was
responsible
for
30%
of
total
urbanisation
(having
grown
from
1.768.637
in
1991
to
2.452.185
in
2010)
as
well
as
a
significant
portion
of
the
state’s
economic
growth.
In
2012,
for
example,
the
metropolitan
region
of
Fortaleza
generated
a
GDP
of
R$50.605,704
million,
or
65%
of
the
total
GDP
of
Ceará
(IPECE,
2012).
The
urban
economy
of
Fortaleza
is
also
the
most
diversified,
with
a
strong
emphasis
on
services
(78%)
and
a
high
concentration
of
industrial
activities
–
more
than
half
of
the
state’s
industries
are
located
within
the
borders
of
the
metropolitan
region.
These
developments
have
transformed
the
urban
economy
of
Fortaleza
into
the
ninth
largest
in
Brazil
and
the
second
largest
in
the
northeastern
region.
This
success,
however,
must
not
draw
attention
away
from
the
considerable
development
needs
that
continue
to
be
felt
by
the
population
of
Fortaleza.
According
to
the
2010
Census,
the
average
wage
in
Source:
IPECE
2014

3. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
3
of
14
Fortaleza
(R$1.353
per
month)
is
still
considerably
lower
than
in
São
Paulo
(R$2.195
per
month)
and
other
major
Brazilian
capitals
(see
table).
Within
Fortaleza,
moreoever,
there
is
a
serious
discrepancy
between
high-­‐income
residents
of
central
neighbourhoods
like
Meireles
(R$3.660
per
month),
and
low-­‐income
residents
of
(informal)
settlements
like
Pirambú
(R$340
per
month).
As
we
can
see
from
the
accompanying
map,
these
differences
in
income
translate
into
significant
spatial
segregation
between
residents
who
live
near
the
city
centre
(green)
and
the
seaside
district
known
as
Beira
Mar
(blue)
–
where
HDI
levels
are
generally
high
(0.5
and
above)
–
and
residents
who
live
in
the
peripheral
areas
(yellow,
red
and
orange),
where
HDI
levels
are
generally
low
(0.5
and
below).
The
implications
of
this
classical
“centre-­‐
periphery”
urban
structure
will
be
discussed
in
detail
in
the
section
on
transport
below;
for
now,
it
is
important
to
note
that
sustainable
urban
development
policies
in
Fortaleza
must
address
issues
of
equity
and
segregation
on
a
priority
basis,
in
order
to
ensure
that
the
population
as
a
whole
is
able
to
reap
the
benefits
of
green
growth.
If
the
needs
of
low-­‐income
residents
in
the
urban
periphery
are
not
taken
into
account
in
plans
for
a
sustainable
urban
future,
the
city
will
run
the
risk
of
undermining
both
its
environmental
objectives
and
the
political
consensus
that
is
needed
in
order
to
promote
economic
growth.
Identifying
strategic
“green”
sectors
in
Fortaleza:
The
IEA
publication,
Energy
Technology
Perspectives
2014,
identifies
the
reductions
in
Green
House
Gas
(GHG)
emissions
that
must
be
made
by
each
strategic
sector
of
the
global
economy
in
order
to
limit
global
temperature
increases
to
2°C
by
2050.
These
are
shown
below:
The
most
significant
efforts,
according
to
the
IEA,
must
come
from
three
sectors
in
particular:
power
generation,
transport
and
buildings.
Industry
is
spared
somewhat,
because
the
ability
of
its
different
sub-­‐
sectors
“to
incorporate
renewable
energy
sources
into
their
processes
varies
greatly
depending
on
the
nature
of
the
final
product
and
diverse
operational
limitations;
in
some
cases,
only
fossil
fuels
deliver
the
necessary
outcomes”
(IEA,
2014,
p.
30).
In
the
case
of
the
Fortaleza
metropolitan
region,
moreover,
it
is
important
to
ensure
that
industries
are
able
to
maintain
their
Source:
Prefeitura
Municipal
de
Fortaleza,
Plano
Diretor
Cicloviário
Source:
Prefeitura
de
Fortaleza,
Desenvolvimento
Humano,
por
Bairro,
em
Fortaleza
Source:
IEA
2014

4. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
4
of
14
competitiveness,
given
their
importance
as
employers
of
the
largely
low-­‐skilled
work-­‐
force
in
the
city’s
poorer
neighbourhoods.
Although
industry
only
accounts
for
24,5%
of
the
economy
of
the
metropolitan
region
(and
only
18,7%
of
the
municipal
economy),
its
share
of
the
economy
in
the
industrial
areas
to
the
south
and
to
the
west
of
Fortaleza
is
much
higher:
39,5%
in
Caucaia;
48,7%
in
Eusébio;
45,8%
in
Horizonte;
46,7%
in
Maracanaú;
and
36,3%
in
São
Gonçalo
do
Amarante
(IPECE,
2014).
It
is
no
coincidence
that
these
industrial
areas
are
in
close
proximity
to
the
low-­‐income
neighbourhoods
that
we
have
already
identified
(in
red
and
orange),
and
it
is
important
that
these
synergetic
ties
continue
to
develop
in
order
to
encourage
increased
employment
and
income
in
peripheral
areas.
The
rest
of
this
paper,
therefore,
will
focus
attention
on
the
environmental
sustainability
and
development
potential
of
the
power
generation
and
transport
sectors
in
particular
in
order
to
make
the
case
for
a
green
growth
strategy
for
the
city
of
Fortaleza.
Although
the
relative
neglect
of
two
key
topics
(energy
efficiency
in
buildings
and
industrial
uses
of
energy)
will
constitute
a
weakness
in
this
paper’s
claims
to
provide
solutions
for
policy
makers
in
Ceará,
it
is
nevertheless
hoped
that
future
research
will
be
able
to
‘fill
in
the
gaps’
and
stimulate
a
more
holistic
discussion
of
sustainable
development
options
for
the
city
of
Fortaleza.
Power
Generation:
The
northeastern
region
of
Brazil
–
including
the
state
of
Ceará
–
never
fit
well
into
the
Brazilian
national
strategy
for
power
generation,
which
concentrated
most
of
its
resources
on
developing
hydropower.
Today,
Brazil
ranks
second
worldwide
in
hydropower
capacity
and
generation,
with
85.7GW
installed
capacity
and
415TWh
generated
annually
(REN21,
2014),
which
represents
more
than
60%
of
national
capacity
(see
graph
below).
Ceará’s
hot,
semi-­‐arid
climate,
however,
does
not
create
a
propitious
environment
for
hydropower
generation
(See
map:
arid
regions
are
marked
in
orange
and
yellow).
Until
the
end
of
the
twentieth
century,
therefore,
99%
of
electricity
consumption
in
the
state
of
Ceará
was
imported
from
the
Xingó
hydropower
stations,
located
on
the
border
between
Alagoas
and
Sergipe,
about
1000km
south
of
Fortaleza
(ENGEMEP,
2010).
At
the
end
of
the
1990s,
four
600kW
wind
turbines
were
installed
in
the
port
of
Mucuripe,
in
a
pioneering
project
that
would
Source:
ABEEólica,
2015
TIPOS CLIMÁTICOS
Fonte: Fundação Cearense de Meteorologia e Recursos Hídricos (FUNCEME).
LEGENDA
Sede Municipal
Clima Tropical Quente Semi-Árido
Clima Tropical Quente Semi-Árido Brando
Clima Tropical Quente Subúmido
Clima Tropical Quente Úmido
Clima Tropical Subquente Subúmido
Classes Tipos de clima
Source:
IPECE,
2012

5. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
5
of
14
not
only
supply
the
port
with
all
of
its
electricity
needs
for
the
next
decade,
but
would
also
initate
a
boom
in
wind
power
that
has
continued
to
this
day.
Potential
wind
power
capacity
of
13,5GW
was
revealed
along
40%
of
the
cearense
coast
–
where
wind
speeds
average
a
phenomenal
8
m/sec
and
have
an
above-­‐average
capacity
factor
of
35%
(ENGEMEP,
2010).
In
addition,
the
offshore
potential
of
Ceará
was
deemed
to
extend
the
future
of
the
sector
even
further,
due
to
the
the
shallow
depths
(av.
8m)
that
prevail
as
far
as
20
km
from
the
coast
(ibid).
Together
with
modest
non-­‐
coastal
wind
resources,
total
potential
adds
up
to
26,2GW
of
capacity,
which
is
more
than
four
times
the
current
installed
wind
power
capacity
in
the
whole
of
Brazil
(ibid).
Today,
the
state
of
Ceará
has
the
second
largest
installed
capacity
in
the
country,
with
44
wind
farms
adding
up
to
1,2GW,
losing
only
to
its
neighbour,
Rio
Grande
do
Norte
(ABEEólica,
2015;
see
chart).
In
addition
to
the
spectacular
growth
in
the
state’s
capacity
to
generate
power
from
wind,
Ceará
has
also
added
0,221GW
of
capacity
in
the
form
of
coal
plants
(Pecém
I
and
II)
located
in
the
industrial
complex
near
the
port
of
Pecém
(Diário
do
Nordeste,
2014).
The
result
is
that
the
state
of
Ceará
is
now
able
to
generate
enough
electricity
to
meet
the
demand
of
its
citizens,
which
amounted
to
8.924,520GWh
in
2011
(IPECE,
2012),
of
which
5.448,527GWh
stemmed
from
the
metropolitan
region
of
Fortaleza.
Although
it
has
not
been
possible
to
identify
the
exact
proportions
of
electricity
that
are
generated
from
renewable
and
non-­‐
renewable
sources
in
the
state
of
Ceará,
one
article
suggests
that
these
amount
to
ca.
24%
from
wind
and
76%
from
traditional
fossil
fuels
(O
Povo,
2014).
One
suggestion
for
further
research,
therefore,
would
be
to
investigate
the
extent
to
which
the
high
share
of
electricity
generated
from
fossil
fuels
is
necessary
in
order
to
guarantee
a
stable
supply
for
the
city
of
Fortaleza.
Is
electricity
from
renewable
sources
given
priority
access
to
the
grid?
What
is
the
impact
of
curtailment
on
suppliers
of
electricity
from
renewable
sources?
Does
the
supply
of
electricity
from
renewable
sources
coincide
with
hours
of
peak
demand?
Apart
from
the
obvious
environmental
benefits
to
be
gained
from
a
more
targeted
prioritisation
of
wind
power
in
the
state
of
Ceará,
there
are
also
some
significant
socioeconomic
benefits
that
could
be
captured
through
well-­‐designed
policies.
It
has
been
suggested,
for
example,
that
the
installation
of
50MW
of
wind
power
generation
capacity
in
Ceará
creates,
on
average,
800-­‐1200
full-­‐time
jobs
during
the
Source:
ABEEólica,
2015

6. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
6
of
14
construction
period
(ENGEMEP,
2010).
Operations
and
Maintenance
(O&M)
activities
are
said
to
create
one
additional
job
per
0,6MW
of
installed
capacity
over
the
lifetime
of
the
wind
farm
(ibid).
Overall,
it
has
been
estimated
that
10GW
of
generation
capacity
from
wind
generates
27%
more
employment
than
the
equivalent
capacity
added
in
coal-­‐based
generation,
and
66%
more
employment
than
the
equivalent
capacity
added
in
power
generation
from
natural
gas
(ibid).
Residents
of
the
metropolitan
region
of
Fortaleza,
moreover,
are
well
positioned
to
reap
economic
benefits
from
wind
power
projects
in
neighbouring
states
through
the
provision
of
transport
and
logistics
services,
given
that
a
large
proportion
of
the
wind
turbines
imported
into
the
region
pass
through
the
ports
of
Fortaleza
and
Pecém.
Lastly,
it
has
been
observed
that
the
nascent
wind
turbine
manufacturing
industry
in
the
region
has
begun
to
generate
employment
and
income
for
the
underprivileged
residents
of
the
urban
periphery
of
Fortaleza,
since
several
manufacturing
plants
have
chosen
to
set
up
in
the
industrial
areas
around
the
city.
Wobben
Windpower
Ltda.
and
Aeris
Energy
S/A,
for
example,
are
both
located
in
Caucaia.
Solar
Power:
an
option
for
the
future?
Having
discussed
the
current
state
of
the
power
sector
in
the
state
of
Ceará
and
the
implications
for
the
metropolitan
region
of
Fortaleza,
it
will
now
be
useful
to
look
at
the
one
major
alternative
to
wind
and
fossil
fuels
that
exists
in
the
region,
namely
solar.
There
is
one
commercial
solar
power
plant
in
Ceará
(near
the
municipality
of
Tauá)
but,
with
little
more
than
1MW
of
capacity,
the
project
can
hardly
be
cited
as
evidence
of
widespread
use
of
solar
resources.
Investment
in
solar
power
has
been
lacking
despite
the
ideal
climactic
conditions
that
exist
in
the
region.
With
an
annual
average
of
8
hours
of
sunshine
per
day
and
limited
seasonal
variation
in
levels
of
sunshine
and
the
number
of
daytime
hours,
the
potential
for
solar
power
generation
in
the
state
of
Ceará
is
among
the
most
promising
in
the
world
(ENGEMEP,
2010).
The
high
cost
of
generating
electricity
from
solar
energy
has
often
been
cited
as
a
reason
not
to
waste
resources
on
this
particular
renewable
energy
technology
in
Brazil,
and
it
is
true
that
solar
power
generation
is
still
more
costly
than
onshore
wind,
which
has
reached
(or
will
soon
achieve)
grid
parity
in
most
cases.
However,
the
most
recent
edition
of
Bloomberg
New
Energy
Finance
(2015)
–
which
estimates
the
levelized
cost
of
electricity
(LCOE)
for
each
major
renewable
source
of
energy
–
shows
that
the
cost
of
solar
power
generation
has
been
falling
drastically
over
the
last
five
years
and
is
rapidly
approaching
the
current
LCOE
from
onshore
wind
(BNEF,
2015;
see
graph).
The
case
of
Andra
Pradesh
state
in
India
should
be
particularly
instructive
for
the
Government
of
Ceará,
since
“licences
to
build
PV
capacity
[there
were
won]
with
bids
as
low
as
USD86/MWh,
[…]
nearly
40%
below
Bloomberg
New
Energy
Finance’s
estimate
for
the
average
global
levelised
cost
of
electricity
of
PV
in
the
second
half
of
2014”
(ibid.,
p.
19).
The
use
of
solar
power
in
or
near
the
metropolitan
region
of
Fortaleza
would
also
bring
about
the
additional
benefit
of
providing
a
boost
in
supply
at
precisely
the
time
of
the
midday
peak
in
Source:
ENGEMEP,
2010
Source:
BNEF,
2015

7. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
7
of
14
demand,
when
the
sun
is
strongest
and
there
is
a
relative
increase
in
the
use
of
ventilation
and
air-­‐conditioning.
Another
possible
long-­‐term
use
for
solar
energy
could
emerge
if
–
as
will
be
recommended
below
–
the
urban
transport
system
begins
to
rely
more
heavily
on
electric
vehicles.
The
regular
supply
of
solar
energy
would
be
available
for
long
periods
during
the
day
(on
most
days
of
the
year)
to
recharge
electric
vehicles
for
use
during
the
morning
and
evening
rush
hours.
Although
the
Government
of
Ceará
currently
envisages
the
expansion
of
solar
power
through
the
installation
of
large-­‐scale
solar
power
plants
like
the
one
in
Tauá,
which
is
supposed
to
increase
its
capacity
to
50MW
in
the
coming
decade,
it
will
be
argued
here
that
a
more
effective
way
of
rolling
out
solar
technology
would
be
to
imitate
the
decentralised,
small-­‐scale
‘rooftop’
model
that
has
been
developed
in
Germany.
The
‘rooftop’
model
mobilises
investments
from
the
consumers
of
electricity
themselves,
who
are
encouraged
to
purchase
and
install
solar
panels
on
the
rooftops
of
their
buildings
in
order
to
avoid
electricity
bills
in
the
future.
The
major
challenge
inherent
in
the
‘rooftop’
model
is
that
of
ensuring
access
to
finance
for
the
aforementioned
consumers,
who
may
view
the
investment
as
too
costly,
either
because
of
high
interest
rates
on
loans
used
to
purchase
the
panels,
or
because
of
the
opportunity
cost
of
not
investing
their
own
savings
in
another,
more
rewarding
asset.
In
both
cases,
governments
should
be
able
to
reduce
the
cost
of
finance
for
consumers
through
subsidies
or
guarantees.
As
long
as
monthly
repayments
of
the
loan
are
equal
to
or
lower
than
the
electricity
bill
would
have
been
under
the
traditional
model,
and
the
panels
generate
enough
electricity
to
meet
the
demand
of
the
consumer,
it
is
assumed
that
the
investment
will
occur.
Another
innovative
element
in
‘rooftop’
schemes
is
to
make
feed-­‐in-­‐tariffs
available
to
all
investors
in
solar
power
generation,
including
households.
This
means
that
any
electricity
generated
by
a
rooftop
solar
panel
in
excess
of
the
consumption
of
the
building
is
‘sold’
back
into
the
grid
at
a
previously
specified
rate.
Feed-­‐in-­‐tariffs
can
thus
be
used
to
incentivise
both
the
initial
investment
and
reduced
energy
consumption
by
the
user,
for
whom
energy
savings
are
directly
translated
into
cash
at
the
end
of
the
month.
In
the
case
of
Fortaleza,
a
few
additional
factors
must
be
considered
in
the
possible
design
of
such
a
scheme.
Firstly,
there
are
the
equity
considerations
that
must
remain
central
to
the
administration’s
urban
planning
at
all
times.
Would
it
make
more
sense
to
provide
subsidies
and
feed-­‐in-­‐tariffs
for
high-­‐income
households,
who
are
more
likely
to
invest
in
solar
panels
given
their
higher
levels
of
disposable
income?
One
could
argue
that
the
overall
financial
commitment
of
the
public
sector
would
be
lower,
since
there
would
be
fewer
constraints
on
high-­‐income
households
to
shift
towards
renewable
energy.
On
the
other
hand,
one
could
also
argue
that
public
resources
in
Fortaleza
should,
in
this
case,
be
used
to
‘kill
two
birds
with
one
stone’
by
subsidising
electricity
from
renewable
sources
for
low-­‐income
households.
Any
decisions
in
this
regard
should
be
based
on
further
research
on
the
compatibility
between
the
environmental
objectives
of
a
‘rooftop’
solar
energy
policy
the
redistributive
social
policies
that
are
still
desperately
needed
in
Fortaleza.
Another
factor
to
be
considered
is
the
need
to
build
up
critical
mass
in
the
provision
and
distribution
of
solar
panels,
so
that
the
objectives
of
such
a
‘rooftop’
policy
are
not
undermined
by
retail
bottlenecks.
It
would
be
difficult
to
imagine
a
local
solar
panel
industry
emerging
in
Fortaleza,
given
the
overwhelming
dominance
of
Chinese
suppliers
in
international
markets
and
the
need
to
keep
down
costs,
but
it
would
nevertheless
be
necessary
to
develop
strategically
placed
businesses
and
skilled
labour
to
import,
distribute,
install
and
maintain
the
solar
infrastructure.
Lastly,
an
in-­‐depth
analysis
of
available
rooftop
space
and
the
energy
needs
of
individual
buildings
needs
to
happen
before
such
a
policy
is
introduced.
Given
the
high
density
of
the
city

8. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
8
of
14
and
the
overwhelming
prevalence
of
skyscrapers,
it
is
assumed
that
the
ratio
of
rooftop
surface
area
to
the
the
number
of
inhabitants
in
a
building
may
not
be
sufficiently
large
to
justify
investments
in
solar
panels
in
some
neighbourhoods.
It
is
hoped
that
this
paper
could
act
as
a
stimulus
for
further
research
into
these
areas.
Power
Sector
–
Conclusion.
Electricity
generation
has
not
historically
been
a
major
source
of
GHG
emissions
in
Brazil,
given
the
country’s
strong
reliance
on
renewable
resources
like
hydropower
(see
chart).
In
the
case
of
Ceará,
the
shift
from
electricity
imports
(from
the
Xingó
hydropower
plant
in
Alagoas/Sergipe)
to
domestic
wind
power
generation
has
increased
the
state’s
energy
self-­‐sufficiency
and
provided
socioeconomic
benefits
for
the
population
of
Fortaleza.
However,
the
state’s
development
strategy
has
also
led
to
an
increase
in
the
use
of
fossil
fuels
(notably
through
the
inauguration
of
two
coal-­‐fired
plants
in
Pecém).
It
has
been
argued
here
that
further
research
needs
to
be
carried
out
in
order
to
limit
future
growth
in
the
use
of
fossil
fuels,
in
particular
through
analysis
of
options
to
expand
power
generation
from
renewable
sources
like
wind
and
solar.
Industry
has,
to
a
large
extent,
been
exempt
from
this
discussion
on
the
grounds
that
it
is
an
essential
motor
of
development
in
the
region
and
needs
to
remain
competitive.
However,
future
initiatives
should
seek
to
improve
industrial
processes
at
the
same
time
as
the
labour
force
moves
into
higher
value-­‐added
activities
in
the
services
sector,
in
order
to
promote
environmental
objectives
and
adapt
to
the
development
needs
of
the
city.
This
discussion
will
now
turn
to
transport,
which
is
the
second
major
challenge
for
the
sustainable
development
of
the
city.
Transport:
The
typical
commute
for
residents
of
Fortaleza
is
a
classical
one,
which
takes
the
commuter
from
one
of
the
peripheral
urban
areas
to
the
south,
east
and
west
of
the
city
towards
a
short
stretch
of
coast
in
the
north
of
the
city.
This
stretch
of
coast
is
delimited
by
the
port
of
Mucuripe
on
one
side
–
located
on
a
promontory
at
the
northeastern
tip
of
Fortaleza,
beyond
which
the
coast
veers
southwards
–
and
what
is
known
to
locals
as
the
Centro
or
‘city
centre’
on
the
other,
which
is
6-­‐8
km
to
the
Brazilian
energy-­‐related
C02
emissions
by
sector:
SDSN
&
IDDRI
2014
Porto%de%Mucuripe%Centro%
Beira%Mar%
Source:
adapted
from
the
FIFA
2014
World
Cup
brochure
for
the
host
city
of
Fortaleza

9. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
9
of
14
west
of
the
port.
When
analysed
more
closely,
the
observer
will
notice
that
there
are
in
fact
two
‘poles
of
attraction’
in
Fortaleza.
One
is
the
Centro,
which
was
the
original
economic
centre
of
the
city
and
where
one
can
find
most
of
its
historical
landmarks,
including
the
Teatro
José
de
Alencar,
the
Cathedral
of
Fortaleza,
the
traditional
marketplace
and
the
old
fort.
The
other
pole
of
attraction,
known
to
locals
as
the
Beira
Mar,
was
developed
from
the
1950s
onwards
by
high-­‐income
residents
and
business
elites,
who
collectively
chose
to
relocate
both
their
homes
and
their
workplaces
to
Aldeota
and
Meireles.
This
neighbourhood
now
contains
a
number
of
luxury
apartment
blocks,
hotels,
modern
office
complexes
and
an
extensive
leisure
area
along
the
beach,
which
features
sports
facilities
(football,
volleyball,
roller-­‐skating),
bars,
restaurants,
food
kiosks,
live
music
and
other
tourist
attractions.
These
facilities
and
others
–
such
as
the
hospitals,
shopping
centres,
bus
terminals,
museums,
libraries,
schools
and
universities
located
in
and
around
‘central’
neighbourhoods
–
generate
an
immense
amount
of
traffic
in
Fortaleza
throughout
the
day,
increasing
the
congestion
and
levels
of
pollution
experienced
by
urban
residents.
Although
the
municipal
and
state
governments
have
repeatedly
tried
to
tackle
this
problem
over
the
course
of
past
mandates,
the
current
design
of
the
urban
transport
system
in
Fortaleza
is
very
hard
to
reform,
and
residents
are
convinced
that
transport
problems
have,
if
anything,
been
getting
worse
over
the
past
decades.
The
analysis
that
follows
will
attempt
to
provide
ideas
on
these
problems
might
be
solved,
moving
beyond
the
preferred
approach
of
past
governments
–
namely
to
‘correct’
the
system
at
the
margins
–
in
order
to
propose
genuinely
innovative
and
transformative
solutions
that
are
adapted
to
the
reality
of
Fortaleza
and
the
options
currently
available
to
policy
makers.
The
most
common
and
traditional
form
of
transport
in
Fortaleza
–
as
in
much
of
Brazil
–
is
the
personal
vehicle,
a
category
that
includes
cars,
motorbikes,
scooters
and
pick-­‐
up
trucks.
Vehicle
registration
figures
show
that,
in
the
municipality
of
Fortaleza
alone,
there
were
776.416
personal
vehicles
in
use
in
2012,
as
compared
to
the
9.400
buses
and
microbuses
that
were
available
in
that
year
(IPECE
2012).
This
translates
into
about
one
personal
vehicle
for
every
two
inhabitants
in
2012,
whereas
there
was
only
one
bus/microbus
for
every
two
hundred
inhabitants
in
the
same
year.
Given
that
the
metro
system
had
not
yet
begun
to
function
in
2012,
these
figures
show
that
there
has
been
an
evident
imbalance
between
private
and
public
transport
in
the
city
for
a
long
time.
As
can
be
seen
from
the
table
below,
the
imbalances
were
equally
glaring
in
the
other
municipalities
of
the
metropolitan
region
of
Fortaleza
–
like
Caucaia
and
Pacatuba
–
which
are
relatively
further
away
from
the
‘city
centre’,
and
where
the
Automóvel Caminhonete Camioneta Motocicleta Motoneta Caminhão Ônibus Microônibus Reboque Semi-reboque Outros
Aquiraz 13.247 5.452 753 336 5.523 113 522 85 139 159 48 117
Cascavel 12.028 5.357 728 220 4.445 513 436 103 51 123 13 39
Caucaia 57.311 26.673 2.979 1.354 22.560 409 1.484 338 226 626 193 469
Chorozinho 3.842 1.669 220 67 1.520 70 126 38 14 33 43 42
Eusébio 14.510 6.251 1.377 491 4.087 73 1.073 57 58 223 298 522
Fortaleza 842.870 479.208 56.355 28.055 206.996 5.802 20.466 6.140 3.260 13.072 5.358 18.158
Guaiúba 2.645 777 127 39 1.533 31 78 9 26 18 0 7
Horizonte 12.925 4.346 592 287 6.394 530 389 76 90 91 16 114
Itaitinga 6.264 2.204 264 118 2.899 132 348 24 55 63 69 88
Maracanaú 45.336 21.293 2.183 981 17.013 346 1.489 325 212 605 385 504
Maranguape 16.365 6.289 879 334 7.557 124 548 210 111 182 37 94
Pacajus 15.797 6.277 779 280 6.209 1.011 613 177 87 239 34 91
Pacatuba 8.751 3.791 324 158 3.962 56 187 19 73 116 17 48
Pindoretama 3.130 1.196 242 58 1.344 45 149 12 22 44 3 15
São Gonçalo do Amarante8.787 3.131 438 206 3.973 252 306 149 71 118 42 101
RMF 1.063.808 573.914 68.240 32.984 296.015 9.507 28.214 7.762 4.495 15.712 6.556 20.409
Municípios
Frota de veículos
2012
Total
Tipo
Source:
IPECE
2012

10. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
10
of
14
purchasing
power
of
residents
is
much
lower,
suggesting
that
the
urban
transport
system
is
yet
another
factor
underlying
the
city’s
inequality
problem.
The
solutions
that
were
proposed
and
partially
enacted
in
the
run-­‐up
to
the
2014
World
Cup,
however,
have
not
been
sufficient
to
avoid
the
negative
repercussions
of
Fortaleza’s
inefficient
transport
system
on
the
environment
or
on
the
socioeconomic
and
personal
well-­‐being
of
urban
residents.
The
exclusive
bus
lanes
that
were
created
along
the
city’s
busiest
roads,
for
example,
may
have
shortened
travel
times
for
bus
users,
but
they
have
significantly
worsened
traffic
conditions
for
those
who
continue
to
use
cars
and
other
personal
vehicles.
A
similar
claim
could
be
made
with
regards
to
the
cycle
lanes
that
have
been
introduced
on
the
narrow
roads
in
central
areas
of
the
city,
which
have
reduced
the
space
available
to
motorists
without
necessarily
improving
conditions
for
cyclists,
who
are
not
protected
by
any
physical
barriers
between
themselves
and
the
cars
that
frequently
encroach
upon
their
traffic
space.
The
major
overhaul
of
traffic
flows
on
the
Avenida
Dom
Luis
and
the
Avenida
Santos
Dumont
–
which
were
transformed
into
a
massive,
five-­‐lane,
one-­‐way
system
–
may
have
marginally
improved
average
car
speeds,
but
it
has
also
had
several
negative
repercussions
on
pedestrian
welfare
and
may
have
actually
increased
total
emissions
from
private
vehicles,
given
the
additional
distance
that
must
be
covered
to
get
from
one
side
of
the
one-­‐way
system
to
the
other.
As
a
result
of
this
overhaul,
the
Praça
Portugal
–
a
large,
green
space
at
the
south-­‐west
corner
of
the
one-­‐way
system
–
will
have
to
be
reformed
or
demolished
in
order
to
fully
rationalise
traffic
flows.
This
has
provoked
a
significant
amount
of
collective
action
by
members
of
civil
society
and
residents
of
the
surrounding
neighbourhoods,
who
appreciate
the
aesthetic
and
historical
value
of
the
green
square
and
its
monument
in
honour
of
the
city’s
Portuguese
community.
Although
the
square
has
not
yet
been
reformed
or
demolished,
lack
of
foresight
and
planning
have
already
generated
‘sunk
costs’
and
reduced
the
options
available
to
the
administration.
The
one
major
mistake
committed
by
the
designers
of
urban
transport
policy
in
Fortaleza,
it
is
argued,
was
their
failure
to
incentivise
commuters
to
shift
from
one
mode
of
transport
(personal
vehicles)
to
another
(public
transport
and/or
bicycles).
Further
research
is
needed
to
confirm
this
hypothesis,
but
it
is
believed
that
such
a
shift
will
not
occur
for
as
long
as
travel
conditions
in
alternative
modes
continue
to
be
perceived
as
unfavourable
by
the
vast
majority
of
the
population.
Once
again,
it
is
crucial
to
take
into
account
the
hot
semi-­‐arid
climactic
conditions
of
Fortaleza.
Buses
in
the
city
are
not
air-­‐conditioned
and,
during
rush
hour,
are
typically
packed
full
of
people.
Unless
the
supply
and
quality
of
public
transport
is
increased
and
vehicles
fitted
with
air-­‐conditioning
systems,
many
travelers
will
continue
to
prefer
spending
more
time
in
their
cars,
despite
the
negative
fallout
on
economic
productivity
and
the
environment.
Bicycles,
moreover,
will
never
Praça
Portugal
by
Edson
Camara
(2011)

11. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
11
of
14
be
a
regular
option
for
commuters
who
do
not
have
access
to
shower
facilities
in
the
workplace,
for
reasons
of
personal
hygiene
and
comfort.
Innovative
solutions
will
therefore
need
to
be
found
in
order
to
adapt
public
transport
modes
to
the
specific
climactic
conditions
of
the
city,
as
well
as
the
preferences
of
its
residents.
To
be
fair,
the
municipal
and
state
government
–
in
collaboration
with
the
federal
government
and
the
national
development
bank
(BNDES)
–
have
already
begun
to
address
some
of
these
issues
through
the
largest
urban
transport
project
in
the
history
of
Ceará:
the
Fortaleza
urban
railway
system,
commonly
known
as
Metrofor.
Once
the
first
stage
of
construction
has
been
completed,
this
system
will
consist
of
four
lines:
the
Linha
Oeste
(green),
the
Linha
Sul
(red),
the
Linha
Leste
(yellow)
and
Mucuripe-­‐Parangaba
(purple).
To
their
credit,
policy
makers
have
prioritised
the
lines
that
connect
the
so-­‐
called
bairros
populares
(popular
neighbourhoods)
with
the
Centro,
where
most
of
the
lower
and
middle
classes
live
and
work,
either
as
small
business
owners
or
as
employees.
The
first
line
to
be
delivered,
therefore,
was
the
Linha
Oeste,
which
connects
Caucaia,
Antonio
Bezerra,
Conjunto
Ceará
and
the
Centro,
all
of
which
are
considered
bairros
populares.
The
second
line
to
be
completed
was
the
Linha
Sul,
which
links
the
municipalities
of
Pacatuba
and
Maracanaú,
Parangaba
(another
lower-­‐
middle-­‐class
neighbourhood
in
Fortaleza)
and
the
Centro.
In
contrast
with
the
Linha
Oeste,
this
second
line
has
suffered
from
numerous
setbacks,
recurrent
technical
difficulties
and
a
very
irregular
service.
The
problems
have
been
so
severe
that
many
passengers
are
considering
switching
back
to
buses
for
their
daily
commute,
according
to
the
Diário
do
Nordeste
(2015).
Although
travel
times
from
Pacatuba
are
half
an
hour
shorter
by
metro
than
by
bus,
the
unpredictability
of
the
railway
service
has
caused
repeated
delays
and
may
be
affecting
the
relationship
between
workers
and
employers,
or
between
business
owners
and
their
clients.
It
is
also
important
to
note
that
construction
works
on
the
third
line
–
which
links
Parangaba,
the
Rodoviária
(long-­‐
distance
bus
terminal)
and
the
port
of
Mucuripe
–
have
been
paralysed
for
almost
a
year
due
to
the
withdrawal
of
the
concessionaire,
which
was
facing
financial
difficulties.
The
Ministry
of
Infrastructure
of
the
State
of
Ceará
(SEINFRA)
has
hitherto
been
unable
to
find
a
replacement.
Lastly,
it
should
be
mentioned
that
construction
of
the
Linha
Leste
–
which
in
some
senses
could
be
seens
as
the
last
piece
of
the
puzzle,
crossing
the
central
region
and
connecting
it
with
the
other
lines
–
has
not
yet
commenced.
One
can
imagine,
therefore,
that
the
difficulties
faced
by
the
other
lines
could
affect
the
public
tendering
process
and
make
it
harder
and
more
expensive
to
find
a
concessionaire
for
the
fourth
and
final
line
of
the
Metrofor
system.
Without
functional
lines
to
the
north,
east
and
south,
Metrofor
will
continue
to
be
a
fragmented
and
inefficient
addition
to
the
public
transport
system.
As
things
stand,
the
Linha
Oeste
and
the
Linha
Sul
are
Source:
www.metrofor.ce.gov.br

12. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
12
of
14
bringing
commuters
into
the
city
from
the
south
and
from
the
west,
but
given
the
lack
of
public
transport
options
within
the
central
areas,
the
metro
lines
cannot
be
said
to
have
contributed
to
alleviating
traffic
in
the
Centro
and
the
Beira
Mar.
Nor
are
they
providing
the
viable
alternative
to
personal
vehicles
and
overcrowded
buses
that
could
encourage
‘green’
behavioural
change
amongst
commuters.
The
transformational
and
sustainable
urban
transport
system
that
Fortaleza
requires
should
not
have
been
introduced
piecemeal,
and
valuable
further
research
needs
to
be
carried
out
in
order
to
discover
the
precise
reasons
that
lie
behind
the
aforementioned
failures
in
the
delivery
of
the
Metrofor.
Within
the
limited
scope
of
this
paper,
it
should
be
enough
to
hint
at
some
of
the
possible
reasons
behind
the
Metrofor
fiasco,
including:
governance
issues;
the
questionable
contribution
of
the
2014
FIFA
World
Cup
(or
the
distractions
and
reshuffling
of
priorities
caused
by
the
mega-­‐
event)
and
the
famous
custo
Brasil
(or
‘Brazil
cost’),
a
result
of
the
country’s
complex
web
of
bureaucracy,
labyrinthine
legislation
and
patronage
networks.
It
is
hoped
that
something
can
still
be
done
to
salvage
the
metro
system,
which
looks
as
beautiful
as
ever,
on
paper,
and
which
still
holds
significant
potential
to
reduce
traffic
and
increase
environmental
quality
and
the
sustainability
of
the
urban
lifestyle
in
Fortaleza.
To
conclude
this
section
–
which
has
focussed
mostly
on
urban
mobility
rather
than
on
‘green’
transport
solutions,
due
in
part
to
the
past
and
present
nature
of
the
policy
making
process
in
Fortaleza
–
some
recommendations
will
be
made
regarding
possible
‘green’
pathways
to
sustainable
urban
growth
in
the
future.
One
easy
solution
to
the
problem
of
congestion
and
inefficient
use
of
personal
vehicles
in
the
city
centre
would
be
to
introduce
a
‘congestion
charge’,
based
on
the
London
or
Singapore
models.
In
addition
to
acting
as
a
disincentive
for
the
use
of
personal
vehicles
in
the
most
congested
areas
of
the
city,
such
a
policy
could
also
help
to
raise
the
funds
that
are
needed
to
improve
the
quality
and
supply
of
public
transport,
particularly
in
the
city
centre.
Depending
on
the
amount
of
funds
that
are
raised,
improvements
could
range
from
retro-­‐fitting
buses
with
air-­‐
conditioning
systems,
to
establishing
electric
car-­‐share
schemes
(like
the
autolib’
scheme
in
Paris).
Although
the
latter
might
only
be
a
realistic
objective
in
the
long
term,
it
is
known
that
electric
car-­‐schemes
are
a
good
way
of
rolling
out
electrified
transport
systems
as
a
whole,
given
the
scale
of
public
investment
needed
to
establish
critical
mass
in
such
systems
(IEA,
2014).
In
other
words,
electrification
could
be
made
to
‘piggy-­‐back’
on
public
efforts
to
improve
public
transport,
in
such
a
way
as
to
“join
the
useful
and
the
agreeable”
(to
use
a
Portuguese
phrase:
juntando
o
útil
ao
agradável).
As
mentioned
earlier,
there
could
be
additional
synergies
between
the
electrification
of
transport
and
the
mass
installation
of
solar
panels
in
the
city.
Although
Brazil
performs
quite
well
in
terms
of
transport-­‐related
GHG
emissions
–
given
the
25%
mandatory
ethanol
content
in
regular
gasoline
and
the
gradual,
widespread
introduction
of
flexi-­‐fuel
vehicles
that
can
run
on
100%
ethanol
–
there
is
nevertheless
scope
to
improve
this
performance
even
further
through
electrification,
which
does
not
have
the
undesirable
side
effects
of
ethanol
and
biodiesel
(e.g.
land
use
change/
deforestation;
SDSN
&
IDDRI,
2014).
The
current
mandate
for
trucks
and
buses,
for
example,
is
only
7%
biodiesel
to
diesel,
meaning
that
public
transport
could
be
an
ideal
place
to
start
the
electrification
process.
Lastly,
insofar
as
bicycles
are
concerned,
one
idea
for
the
Beira
Mar
region
would
be
to
sign
PPP
agreements
with
the
kiosks
that
are
spaced
out
at
regular
intervals
along
the
beach.
These
kiosks
already
run
shower
services
for
their
clients,
but
the
water
is
often
source
from
sea
and
the
showers
are
open
to
view.
Connecting
these
kiosks
to
the
public
water
system
and
building
high-­‐quality,
closed
showers
and
changing
rooms
could
be
a
cost-­‐effective
way
of
providing
shower
services
to
cyclists
on
their
way
to
work
in
the
office
blocks
of
the
Beira
Mar.

13. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
13
of
14
Conclusion:
Fortaleza
is
emerging
from
a
period
of
unprecedented
growth,
and
it
is
in
the
privileged
position
of
being
able
to
build
on
a
relatively
green
trajectory
so
far,
partly
due
to
national
policies
and
investments
in
renewable
technologies,
partly
as
a
result
of
its
own
natural
endowments.
In
this
paper,
it
has
been
suggested
that
a
plan
for
green
growth
in
Fortaleza
should
seek
to
increase
wind
power
generation
in
the
state
of
Ceará,
as
well
as
exploring
options
for
rolling
out
solar
technologies
at
a
more
significant
scale,
perhaps
by
encouraging
household
investment
into
‘rooftop’
panels.
Industry,
however,
should
be
spared
excessive
environmental
constraints
in
the
initial
stages
of
a
green
growth
plan,
given
its
role
in
providing
employment
and
increased
living
standards
for
low-­‐income
urban
residents.
In
the
transport
sector,
this
paper
has
highlighted
the
need
to
reduce
the
use
of
personal
vehicles
in
order
to
ease
congestion,
reduce
GHG
emissions
and
improve
the
well-­‐being
of
urban
residents.
The
transport
policies
that
were
introduced
in
the
run-­‐up
to
the
2014
FIFA
World
Cup
have
been
criticised
for
aggravating
traffic
congestion
without
encouraging
behavioural
changes
and
a
shift
towards
alternative
modes
of
transport.
Incompetence
in
the
management
of
the
new
metro
system
has
been
exposed,
as
well
as
the
risks
that
this
poses
to
the
future
of
the
urban
railway
transport
in
Fortaleza.
A
number
of
‘corrective’
and
innovative
policy
options
have
been
suggested,
including
some
that
are
viable
in
the
short
term,
like
the
congestion
charge,
and
others
which
will
require
significant
forward
planning,
like
the
electrification
of
transport.
It
is
hoped
that
this
paper
can
serve
as
a
basis
for
further
research
into
the
feasibility
and
desireability
of
the
recommended
policy
options,
in
order
to
correct
some
of
the
mistakes
that
have
been
made
in
the
past
and
to
work
towards
a
sustainable
urban
future.
As
a
former
resident
of
Fortaleza
with
strong
familial
ties
to
the
region,
the
author
hopes
above
all
to
stimulate
dialogue
and
cooperation
among
stakeholders,
with
a
view
to
improving
the
future
of
the
city
and
its
residents.

14. Masters
in
International
Development
|
PSIA
Urban
Policy
&
Development
in
Cities
of
the
Global
South
Name
:
Edwin
Johan
Santana
Gaarder
Student
number
:
100047222
Page
14
of
14
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