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Cody Brasher
3/12/12
International Organization
Term Paper
"Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless,
tempest-tost to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!"
-Emma Lazarus (“The New Colossus” 1883)
THE UNOFFICIAL, YET IMPENDING, REFUGEE CRISIS IN
CENTRAL AMERICA AND MEXICO
What makes a refugee a refugee, as opposed to an immigrant? What constitutes a
‘refugee situation’ or crisis? What is the overarching situation like in Central America and
Mexico right now and how is it different from other areas in the world that are experiencing
refugee crises? Why does the United States receive fewer refugees from Latin America than any
other continent (with the exception of Australia) even though they are our closest neighbors?
What are the causes and the effects of the situation in Central America and why is the United
States not receiving more refugees from this area of the world? At what point will the United
States, in particular, begin accepting those who have fled from their abandoned hometowns due
to drug violence and crime as refugees? Given the current events, and worsening situation in
Latin America (which is similar to past refugee situations), the numbers of refugees and asylum
seekers are not comparable to states in similar situations. Further, in theory the US should be
accepting a higher number of refugees coming from this area of the world. However, I argue
that this incomparable number of refugees is not the result of actions of the United States (or lack
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thereof); rather, it is the lack of proper institutions through which citizens can apply for refugee
status in their own countries.
To prove this argument, I will begin by addressing the current situation in Latin America,
its causes, and effects. Secondly, I will answer the vital questions of what refugees, and the
institutions in place that manage them, are. Next, I will describe the extent of refugee crises in
other regions of the globe. Subsequently, I will describe the situation in Latin America in
regards to refugees and other persons of interest. Then, I will assess the United States' role in the
acceptance of refugees from across the world. Finally, I will draw conclusions, based on this
evidence, as to why there are not significantly larger numbers of Latin American refugees and
determine what is, and what should be, the United States’ contribution to this issue. Firstly, I
want assess the current situation in Latin America, its causes, and the devastating effects that it is
having on the Western Hemisphere as a whole. In order to accurately evaluate the refugee
situation in Latin America, we must first look at the sources of the issue.
Factors of Instability: Drug-Trafficking
Several factors make Central America and Mexico particularly vulnerable to instability:
drugs, poverty, and crime—the latter two being largely a result of the former (“Crime and
Development in Central America”). Cocaine and opium are the two “problem drugs” of the
world. Cocaine comes primarily from the Andean region of Latin America (encompassing Peru,
Colombia, and Bolivia) and Afghanistan is the largest producer of opium ("World Drug Report
2010”). Further, the most highly trafficked drug in the Western Hemisphere is cocaine (Seelke
2010) and the two largest cocaine markets in the world are North America (particularly the
United States) and Europe (“World Drug Report 2010”). The cocaine being sent to the United
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States from South America is trafficked across Central America and Mexico making this area,
the territory between the world’s largest producers of cocaine and the world’s largest consumers
of cocaine, one of the most dangerous areas in the world.
There is additional tension brought to this region by the continuous effort of law
enforcement to counteract the activities of the trafficking organizations. In 2008, out of the 865
metric tons of cocaine produced in the Andean region of South America, 309 tons left the region
with the intent of being consumed in North America, 208 tons reached the hands of Mexican
drug cartels, and only an estimated 165 tons were consumed in the United States. A total of $60
billion worth of cocaine is trafficked through Central America each year (“Crime and
Development in Central America”) and a large portion of the drugs are seized before reaching
the U.S. market (“World Drug Report 2010”). This creates an enormous amount of pressure on
the traffickers throughout Central America and Mexico, which brings us to the current drug
situation.
First, we will begin where the drugs trafficking originates—the Andean region of South
America. Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia are the Hemisphere’s largest producers of cocaine—
together producing nearly all of the world’s supply (“World Drug Report 2010”). The exact
amount of illicitly produced and trafficked cocaine is disputed. The World Drug Report 2010,
given by the United States Air Force Southern Command (SOCOM), reports that between 1,250
and 1,500 metric tons of cocaine are trafficked per year from this region; however, estimates
given by the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy and by the United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) are much lower at 690 metric tons and 865 metric tons,
respectively. This disparity, according to SOCOM, is due to the United States and UN estimates
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of pure cocaine production versus the actual amount of trafficked cocaine which is generally
only between fifty and sixty percent pure (Isacson 2011).
Factors of Instability: Income Inequality and Poverty
The factor that is most widely believed to contribute to crime, more than raw poverty, is
wealth distribution inequality. Central America is ranked among the world’s highest regions in
terms of income inequality. Tension between classes is intensified even more when the class
lines fall along ethnic lines, which tends to be the case in Central America. Large portions of
each country’s overall populations live on less than $2 per day, with the vast majority of non-
European populations living on less than $2 per day. This widespread poverty and income
inequality also correlate with the fact that, in several of these countries, secondary school
enrolment is less than fifty percent (“Crime and Development in Central America”).
Factors of Instability: Violent Crime
The presence of drugs and income inequality are responsible for rampant crime in Central
America and Mexico. According to the UNODC:
“[…] studies of the correlates of crime have found that the distribution of wealth
in a society is actually more significant than raw poverty in predicting violence
levels. It has been argued that stark wealth disparities provide criminals with both
a justification (addressing social injustice) and an opportunity (wealth to steal) for
their activities, as well as generating ‘expressive violence’.” (“Crime and
Development in Central America”).
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The relatively small economies of these nations are unable to provide sufficient law enforcement,
judiciaries, and correctional facilities. Additional limiting factors include the fact that judges in
the area are prone to financial and political influence while studies show that murderers in
Guatemala only have a two percent chance of being convicted (“Crime and Development in
Central America”). Murder rates in Central America, the Caribbean, and Mexico have
significantly increased in the past decade, with Central America having among the highest
murder rates in the world. Honduras, currently seen as one of the most deadly countries in the
world, had a homicide rate of more than eighty per one hundred thousand people in 2010. El
Salvador, Belize, and Mexico had rates of sixty-five, forty, and twenty per one hundred thousand
people, respectively, in comparison to the United States’ homicide rate of only five per one
hundred thousand (“2011 Global Study on Homicide”).
Situation: Mexico
One of the largest areas of recent concern has been Mexico. As drugs leave South
America, and are successfully trafficked through Central America, the pressure for the drugs to
arrive at their destination, just across the United States Mexico border, is ever-increasing. The
Mexican drug cartels are among the most powerful trafficking organizations in the world (if
not the most).
[Insert Figure 1 Here]
The drug trafficking “industry” is fairly organized; each cartel has its own area through which it
transports drugs from Central America to the United States.
In 2006 the net worth of cocaine being trafficked through these Central American
countries was nearly twice the amount of the highest GDP of the region—$27 billion in
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Nicaragua. With nearly $60 billion at stake these cartels are brutally fighting to become the
dominant trafficking organization through Mexico. This has caused recent surges in violence,
particularly in the border areas. The estimated number of cartel-related deaths in 2011 in Mexico
is at least seventeen thousand. Ciudad Juarez was Mexico’s deadliest city in 2010 with over
three thousand deaths; this number has decreased in 2011, but has been offset by increased
violence in other cities such as Monterrey, Veracruz, Matamoros, and Durango (“Mexico’s Drug
Cartels” 2012). The most recent statistics released by the Mexican government reveal that there
were 47,515 cartel-related deaths between December 1, 2006 and September 30, 2011 while over
twelve thousand of these occurred in the first nine months of 2011 alone (United States Dept of
State Bureau of Consulate Affairs).
Such massive violence has prompted the United States Department of State to issue a
travel warning to citizens wishing to travel to Mexico. The travel warning describes
Transnational Criminal Organization (TCO) activity that poses a threat to travelers such as
homicide, gun battles, kidnapping, carjacking and highway robbery. Gun battles have become
common events, even in broad daylight, near the Mexico-United States border; kidnappings,
carjacking, and highway robberies have become common for travelers throughout Mexico; and
assassination attempts on Mexican authorities and cartel leaders alike have also greatly increased
(United States Dept of State Bureau of Consulate Affairs).
As a result of the increased cartel violence, many border towns have transitioned into
ghost towns. Between 1980 and 2010, the migration rate from Mexico, and the rest of Latin
America as well, to the United States nearly tripled.
[Insert Figure 2 Here]
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This steep increase in migration rates correlates with the trending violence in Mexico.
Migration rates have soared as violence levels have risen. This has caused diplomatic tensions
between the United States’ and its southern neighbor. The relationship between migration flows
and violence show that, as violence increases, emigration increases as well. The municipalities
of Santo Domingo, Guerrero, and Guadalupe have lost forty-four, forty-three, and twenty-nine
percent of their populations, respectively, between 2005 and 2010. Many other heavily
populated cities, like Veracruz (Mexico’s largest port city), have disbanded their police forces in
fear of the cartels (Looft 2012). Keeping in mind crime, extreme poverty, very high homicide
rates, political instability, failure of judiciaries, deterioration of law enforcement, guerilla
warfare, and the fact that officials have sought asylum; there appears to be ample evidence for
the declaration of a refugee situation. According to Liana Wyler, failed states are:
“[…] states whose governments are believed to have weakened to such an extent
that they are unable to provide basic public goods like territorial control,
education and healthcare, and legitimate institutions to their people. Most
accounts of failed states center on the ‘erosion of state capacity’ or their inability
to perform the basic functions of state responsibility like ensuring peace and
stability, effective governance, territorial control, and economic sustainability.”
With this definition, I say that several states within Central America could be considered either
failed or failing states. Taking into account the dire situation and large numbers of IDPs in
Central America and Mexico, the world has yet to address the situation as a refugee crisis. Why?
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Refugees: Institutions and Definitions
One of the most important questions that must first be answered in order to discuss this
issue is ‘What is a refugee?’ Other vital points of interest that must be addressed when analyzing
regional scenarios are ‘What constitutes a refugee situation?’ and ‘What responsibilities or
obligations do states have to accept refugee petitions?’ According to the United Nations High
Commissioner on Refugees’ (UNCHR) Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (1951),
refugees are persons who:
“[…] are owing to well founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race,
religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion,
is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is
unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a
nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a
result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.”
Given this definition, the requirements for refugee status are fairly vague and applicable to large
populations of people; for instance, citizens of Mexico and Central American countries.
The UNHCR, since its inception in 1950, has had the daunting task of finding out how to
deal with “persons of concern” or the “total population of concern”. These two terms are
synonymous categories which include seven subcategories: refugees, asylum-seekers, internally
displaced persons (IDPs), other stateless persons, returned IDPs, returned refugees, and others of
concern (Ten Years of Statistics). An asylum-seeker is defined as a person who is seeking
international protection as a refugee, but whose refugee status is still pending. IDPs are:
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“People or groups of individuals who have been forced to leave their homes or
places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of, or in order to avoid the
effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violations of human
rights, or natural/man-made disasters, and who have not crossed an international
border.” (Ten Years of Statistics).
Stateless persons are people who do not possess the nationality of any state, potentially for
varying reasons. Other people of concern are those who do not fit into any of the other
categories, but have attracted the assistance of the UNHCR for other humanitarian reasons (Ten
Years of Statistics). In 2010, the UNHCR estimated that, world-wide, there were nearly thirty-
four million people included in the global population of concern, including: ten and a half
million refugees; 837,500 asylum-seekers; 197,600 refugees who had repatriated (returned to
their home countries) in 2010; nearly fifteen million IDPs; three million IDPs who had returned
to their homes in 2010; three and a half million stateless persons; and nearly one and a half
million other persons of concern (Ten Years of Statistics).
The office was created in December of 1950 in response to the crisis of displaced
Europeans as a result of World War II and given a three year mandate with the intention of being
disbanded. In 1951, the UNHCR adopted the United Nations Convention relating to the Status
of Refugees, which was the UNHCR’s guiding document in dealing with refugees. Under this
convention, only refugees in Europe who became refugees as a result of events prior to 1951
were considered. After the 1967 Protocol to the United Nations Convention relating to the Status
of Refugees, the scope of the UNHCR was expanded by removing the geographical and temporal
limitations (Europe, prior to 1951). Since the mandate of the UNHCR was broadened, the office
has addressed massive refugee crises in Latin America, Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Middle
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East. In order to fairly assess the condition in Latin America, we must look at other refugee
situations and what constitutes or has constituted them as refugee situations. In recent years,
Africa has been the United States’s largest origin of refugees.
Area of Concern: Africa
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), as of 2011, there were nearly three
million included in the total population of concern over two million in Somalia, and over two
million in Sudan (Regional Operations Profile 2012: Africa). In the DRC, this crisis has been
largely caused by lawlessness and poverty, armed militant groups competing for resources,
warlords who recruit young children to fight or serve as sex slaves, and gender-based violence
(Regional Operations Profile 2012: Africa).
In Somalia, the large number of refugees and IDPs are largely the result of an officially
failed state. Somalia has not had an official central government since 1991 and conflict has
divided the country into three districts. Most of the conflict resides in south and central Somalia,
where the transitional government is being violently opposed by Islamist insurgents. Continued
violence has helped contribute to devastating famine which further endangers the area. Sudan
has been suffering from civil war and has recently divided into two separate states: Sudan and
South Sudan. The border between these two states has become a recent source of violence and
thousands of casualties. Eastern Sudan, which contains a high number of refugees, has become a
large smuggling and trafficking hub, adding to the turmoil of the nation (Regional Operations
Profile 2012: Africa). Asia has also been an area of concern for the UNHCR with millions of
refugees and other persons of interest.
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Area of Concern: Asia
There are nearly 200,000 people included in the total population of concern in China,
nearly 600,000 in Sri Lanka, 500,000 in Myanmar (plus nearly 800,000 stateless persons), four
and a half million in Afghanistan, and over two million in Pakistan (Regional Operations Profile
2012: Asia and the Pacific). Most of China’s refugees come from rural areas that suffer from
extreme poverty and the inaccessibility of resources (2005 Statistical Yearbook: “China”). Sri
Lanka has suffered from a twenty-six year conflict between national forces and the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam; however, recent months have seen great improvement in the nation and
(as of August 2011) over half of the IDPs and refugees have returned to their homes. Yet many
are still unable to return as a result of the destruction of infrastructure and essential services
during the conflict.
Myanmar hosts a large population of Muslims, many of which lack citizenship and access
to essential services (Regional Operations Profile 2012: Asia and the Pacific). In 2008,
Myanmar was struck by a cyclone, leaving tens of thousands homeless (The World Factbook:
“Burma”). In 2011, Myanmar also transitioned from an oppressive military government, which
had resulted in thousands of displaced persons, to a civilian government (Regional Operations
Profile 2012: Asia and the Pacific). The large number of refugees from, and IDPs in,
Afghanistan are the result of internal conflict.
Afghanistan is a country stricken by random violence, political instability, and internal
terrorism. Since 2002, nearly six million Afghan refugees have returned to Afghanistan;
however, more than forty percent of them have not successfully reintegrated into their home
communities due to violence and increasing lack of housing (Regional Operations Profile 2012:
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Asia and the Pacific). The two million included in the population of concern in Pakistan are
largely a result of socio-political instability and security insufficiencies. IDPs increased greatly
in Pakistan after the devastating floods in 2010 and 2011. Additionally, “there are currently
some 420,500 people displaced due to conflict in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).” (Regional Operations Profile 2012: Asia and the Pacific).
Area of Concern: Europe
Europe was the UNHCR’s first area of concern—and the reason for which the
commission was created. Some specific countries with refugee situations are Azerbaijan (with
over 600,000 in the total population of concern), Georgia (nearly 400,000), Russia (almost
200,000), Bosnia (over 230,000), and Serbia (438,000). Many of the refugees remain in Eastern
Europe where:
“The frequent reorganization of government departments handling border
management, migration and asylum can lead to dysfunctional asylum systems.
This sometimes results in people of concern becoming part of irregular
movements [...] Statelessness remains an issue of concern throughout the
subregion, mainly as a consequence of the disintegration of the former Soviet
Union and the difficulties facing national minorities seeking to prove their
citizenship” (Regional Operations Profile 2012: Europe).
The situation in Azerbaijan has been caused by an armed conflict with Armenia that lasted from
1988 to 1994; although, the two countries reached a cease-fire in 1994, the conflict still
continues to be an issue. Corruption and poverty are rampant in Azerbaijan, increasing tensions
within the country (The World Factbook: “Azerbaijan”). Corruption and ineffective government
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services also plague Georgia. After the “Rose Revolution”—which resulted in the removal of a
corrupt president and the installation of an elected government—tensions rose between Georgia
and Russia, resulting in periodic violence and a temporary invasion by Russia in 2008 (The
World Factbook: “Georgia”).
Russian refugees and IDPs are the product of decades of harsh dictatorial rule and
widespread poverty, which worsened after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Conflicts in western
Russia, along the Caucasus region, amongst IDPs, former USSR countries, and other people-
groups intensify the situation. The conflict in the Balkans between 1991 and 1995 displaced
hundreds of thousands of people. Bosnia is characterized by ethno-national political divisions,
resulting in widespread discrimination and human rights abuses. Essential services are generally
not as accessible to refugees as they are to nationals. Refugees face extreme difficulties in
obtaining effective citizenship with access to refugee rights and entitlements. Serbia, facing
many of the same challenges as Bosnia, hosts thousands of displaced persons due to the Balkans
conflicts (Regional Operations Profile 2012: Europe).
Area of Concern: Middle East
Finally, the UNHCR also plays a huge role in refugee situations in the Middle East. Iraq
is the source of over three million persons of concern, the Occupied Palestinian Territory is the
source of nearly 100,000, and Yemen is the source of over 300,000 persons of concern. Over
one million Iraqis are displaced as a result of poor national security, the destruction of homes, or
lack of access to services (Regional Operations Profile 2012: Middle East and Northern Africa).
Also, many refugees fled from Iraq during the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein. The Occupied
Palestinian Territory is an area of particular concern, because the Palestinian Territory is
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technically part of Israel and currently fighting for statehood. As of 2005, nearly 350,000
Palestinians had sought refuge in other countries (2005 Statistical Yearbook: “Occupied
Palestinian Territory”). Yemen, as of January 2011, contained 220,000 IDPs, but by August,
nearly 100,000 more had been added as a result of the war between the Yemen government and
the Al Houthi rebel movement. Civil unrest, violence, and conflict have caused public services to
cease in most parts of the country and escalating violence has claimed increasing numbers of
civilian lives (Regional Operations Profile 2012: Middle East and Northern Africa).
Area of Concern: Latin America
Now we will take a look at the refugee aspect of the crisis in Latin America. As
previously mentioned, Latin America has had its share of “persons of concern”, both in the past
and present. Estimates from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) say that there
are about 120,000 IDPs in Mexico, estimates of anywhere between 3.6 million and 5.2 million in
Colombia, and an “undetermined” current number in Guatemala—however, statistics from 1996
say that there were between 500,000 and 1.5 million at the time (IDMC, “Internal Displacement
in the Americas”). These four states alone are thought to contain the equivalent of half of
Africa’s twenty-one most heavily IDP populated states (IDMC, “Internal Displacement in
Africa”). To put some of these numbers into perspective, Colombia has more IDPs than the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, and Somalia (some of the world’s most highly IDP
populated areas) even with the most conservative estimates; and could possibly (at the high end
of the estimated range) contain up to the equivalent of Sudan—which contains the world’s
largest known population of IDPs (IDMC, “Global Statistics”).
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Role of the United States
The United States had agreed to abide by the 1967 Convention and grant refugee status to
any person who has a well-founded fear of persecution due to race, sex, political opinion,
membership in any particular social group, etc. According to the 2009 World Refugee Survey,
the United States hosts 161,200 refugees, with no significant number of them coming from
Mexico or Central American countries (United States Committee for Immigrants and Refugees).
In 2010, the United States received 54,300 applications for asylum (“Asylum and Refugee Status
Determination”). As of 2011, Mexico contained 17,000 refugees and asylum seekers (2012
Regional Operations Profile: Americas). In 2005, only 502 Mexican citizens were granted
asylum or refugee status in the United States (2005 Statistical Yearbook: “Mexico”). However,
4,177 citizens of Cuba—which contains fewer than 6,500 people in refugee-like situations
(UNHCR Statistical Yearbook, “Annex”)—were awarded refugee status in the United States in
2010 (“Refugees and Asylees 2008”). In 2011, there were also 6,531 refugees and asylum
seekers from El Salvador, 6,708 from Guatemala, 2,111 from Honduras, 1,610 from Nicaragua,
and 153 from Panama (2012 Regional Operations Profile: Americas). Relatively few of these
refugees and asylum seekers have requested, and been granted, permission to legally enter the
United States.
As we have seen, Latin America (particularly Central America and Mexico) is one of the
most violent and dangerous areas in the world—arguably the most. The area is facing a crisis
unlike anything this hemisphere has seen in a while and is deteriorating daily. Colombia, Peru,
and Bolivia cannot keep drug producers and traffickers from initiating the process. Central
America cannot contain the gang and cartel violence that shadows it, poverty and corruption are
rampant, and Heads of State are on the verge of giving in to cartels and legalizing drugs. Neither
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Mexico’s government nor its military are powerful enough to combat the cartels which are
terrorizing the border area between the United States and Mexico. This violence is even
beginning to overflow into the United States.
Deteriorating Conditions and Political Instability
In terms of political stability, Central America and Mexico are becoming increasingly
unstable. According to the Political Instability Index scale by the Economist Intelligence Unit,
Mexico received a political instability rating of 6.1 out of 10—ten being the most politically
unstable—up one whole point from 2007. Panama received a rating of 7.1—the highest in
Central America—up two whole points from 2007. Honduras received a rating of 6.8, Costa
Rica received a rating of 3.5, and El Salvador received a rating of 5.2—all also up two points
from 2007. Guatemala’s and Belize’s instability indices both increased one point in 2010—from
5.6 and 5.2 in 2007 to 6.6 and 6.2, respectively. Nicaragua’s instability index remained the same
and no states in Central America became more stable. (Economist, “Social Unrest”)
Cause: Institutional Deficiencies
In light of the worsening situation in Central America and Mexico—and considering its
striking resemblance to the situations in states that have among the highest numbers of refugees
and IDPs—one would believe that the numbers of refugees from Latin America would be
comparable to those of other similar states; however, they are not. All of the Central American
states and Mexico have significantly fewer refugees than comparable regions of the world in
terms of violence. Despite the few numbers of official refugees and asylum seekers from Latin
America in the United States, the numbers of official refugees granted entrance are reasonable
and proportionate when compared to the numbers of applicants from other states that are granted
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entrance. The most curious aspect of this situation is not that the United States is not granting
enough refugees permission to seek refuge; but that there are so few refugee applicants compared
to other regions with comparable circumstances. The primary fault, rather, lies with the
governments of Latin America who fail to provide it citizens with the proper venues through
which to register as refugees. In regards to Mexico, according to the IDMC:
“In 2011, no protection mechanisms are in place. There are no mechanisms to
monitor or report displacement, to ensure the physical or legal protection of
property left behind by IDPs, or to enable them to integrate in the place of
displacement or settle elsewhere. Nor has the government sought support from
international agencies such as UNHCR in setting up a response which accords to
international standards.” (IDMC, “Displacement Due to Criminal and Communal
Violence)
Exact numbers of Mexican citizens who have been displaced due to cartel violence are
unknown; however, various studies have shown that border towns have largely depopulated.
Ciudad Juarez alone is thought to have lost 220,000 of its residents since 2007. Furthermore, an
anonymous private consultancy firm estimated that over one and a half million Mexican citizens
have been displaced in the past five years as a result of violence (IDMC, “Displacement Due to
Criminal and Communal Violence). With violence levels worse than those of nations involved
in massive refugee crises, mass internal displacement and illegal immigration, yet insignificant
numbers of refugee applicants; the only explanation is that potential refugees are not receiving
proper access in order to seek refuge. This can be seen in Mexico’s unofficial migratory
relationship with the United States, statements by the IDMC concerning inadequate institutions,
and low numbers of refugees coming from Mexico.
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As I have argued throughout this essay, migration flows are instigated by various forms
and aspects of political instability. Inversely, migration flows can exacerbate political instability.
According to the International Organization for Migration:
“Around 450,000 undocumented Mexicans enter the United States every year […]
The Mexican southern border with Guatemala has become the key crossing point
for migrants coming from Central and South America, most of them in transit
towards the United States. In 2004, around 215,000 Central American migrants
were intercepted by Mexican authorities and returned to their countries of origin.”
(IOM, “Mexico”)
With the increasing migration flows that are occurring throughout Central America and Mexico,
it is becoming an increasingly significant issue for the United States. The increasing numbers of
illegal migrations is beginning to cause political…restlessness (not quite instability, yet) in the
United States. Migration patterns pose a grave danger to the economy of the United States as
well. Furthermore, it is in the best interest of the United States to give this issue its full attention.
The United States must take all measures possible to facilitate legal migration to those who are in
need of it. We must ensure that proper institutions are in place to assist refugees and asylum-
seekers, which are increasing in number in Latin America. Movement is occurring, regardless of
the attempts of governments to quell the migrations. We have the choice to either facilitate it, or
attempt to prevent it; but regardless, migration flows will continue as the conditions in Central
America deteriorate.
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Conclusion
As we have seen, the situation in Central America and Mexico is bleak. Crime, drug
trafficking, and poverty run rampant throughout the region and potentially endanger the entire
Hemisphere. This has been the primary cause for mass internal displacement and other
migratory movements throughout, and out of, Central America and Mexico. Refugees have been
an area of great concern for the UNHCR since 1951 and remain so. Refugees are found all over
the world and several nations are experiencing refugee crises. The political, economic, and
social conditions in these states are much like those that are in Central America and Mexico.
With that in consideration, one would assume that the countries would have comparable numbers
of refugees; however, as we have seen, they do not. Central America and Mexico, although
suffering from massive migratory movements, do not contain many citizens officially requesting
refuge in other states. The reason for this, I argue, is the lack of support and strong institutions
through which citizens can apply to seek refuge in other states. This is a critical issue that must
be treated as such and dealt with in an expedient and efficient manner. If citizens are not given
the proper means through which to legally seek refuge, they will resort to doing so through
illegal means—posing an even greater strain on political stability in the region.
“…we will not enjoy development without security, we will not enjoy security without
development, and we will not enjoy either without respect for human rights.
Unless all these causes are advanced, none will succeed.”
-United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annani
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