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Analysis of the United States Economy 
 
 
Byron Poplawski 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Dear Mr. Sanders, 
As your economic advisors, we think it is important that you are aware of the current 
state of the U.S economy. Our goal is that your initiatives are put forth with a holistic                                 
understanding of current economic developments.  
 
Six and a half years since the Great Recession, the U.S economy appears to be                             
prosperous once again. After six consecutive quarters of decline from the third quarter of 2008 to                               
the fourth quarter of 2009, real GDP has increased in every quarter since then and, as of March                                   
2016, is at a high of $16.4 trillion ​(BEA)​. Additionally, the unemployment rate has fallen below                               
5.0% for the first time since November 2007. This is encouraging because the natural rate of                               
long term unemployment is 4.9%, suggesting that the economy is now at full potential output. It                               
is also a far cry from the 10.0% unemployment in October 2009 ​(BLS)​. Furthermore, inflation has                               
been consistently low. After reaching an average of 3.0% in 2011, the percentage change in                             
prices has been slowly growing at a rate of 1.2% for the past four years ​(BLS)​. According to the                                     
Federal Reserve, consistent inflation leads to a) the public making accurate, long term economic                           
decisions and b) avoiding deflation, which is “a phenomenon associated with very weak                         
economic conditions.” Lastly, the stock market has surged: the Dow Jones Industrial Average                         
increased nearly threefold from March 2009 to July 2015 while other markets have also seen                             
similar gains ​(BEA)​. In short, all these figures suggest that the economy has made a complete                               
recovery.  
The National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) concluded that the recession ended                       
in June 2009. Based on the information above, we agree with their conclusion. However, because                             
the NBER’s conclusion depends substantially on GDP growth, it overlooks problems that still                         
persist for many households. We know that the unemployment rate, often cited as the holy grail                               
of economic recovery, has improved vastly. However, this figure is misleading for a few reasons.                             
Since the recession, many workers have given up trying to find a job. The civilian labor force                                 
participation rate in December of 2008 was 66.0% ​(BLS)​. As of March 2016, this figure measured                               
63.0% (see Figure 1). Additionally, if one accounts for workers employed part­time for                         
economic reasons in addition to the unemployed, the recovery does not appear as convincing.                           
Data from December 2007 show the unemployed and underemployed population at 7.8% ​(BLS)​.                         
Almost nine years later, this number remains stubbornly high at 10.5% suggesting that there are                             
still many households who have not felt the recovery (see Figure 2)​. ​For many who have taken                                 
part in the recovery and regained their full­time jobs, they have returned to find that real income                                 
and wages are growing at an abnormally slow pace. In 2007, wages increased at an annualized                               
rate of 4.0%; since then, the rate has slowed from 3.0% in 2008 to a near halt at 1.5% in 2012                                         
and only barely picked up to 2.1% 2015 ​(BLS)​. The first months of 2016 show promise, with                                 
wage growth increasing to 2.3%, but this is still far from pre­recession levels.  
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Economic theory suggests that as the ​economy approaches the natural rate of                       
unemployment, employers must increase wages to attract the scarcer supply of workers.                       
However, this does not seem to be happening. It could be in part because there are more                                 
part­time workers in the economy, ​who may ask for more hours before they ask for a raise.                                 
Adding to this mess, state and local governments have cut the number of public sector workers.                               
Since the recession, even accounting for public sector hiring, there are 375,000 fewer public                           
sector employees. While we agree with the NBER’s conclusion that the Great Recession ended                           
in June 2009, many full­time, high­paying positions have been eliminated and have been                         
replaced by part­time jobs. For those who remain full­time, wages are growing much slower than                             
in the past. So, while the economy has recovered, it has also fundamentally changed, leaving                             
millions of Americans worse off than they were in 2007.  
The result of this changing economy is that wealth inequality has increased, skewing                         
most of the economic gains to the wealthy. Since the end of 2008, corporate profits after tax have                                   
nearly tripled from $671 billion in 2009 to $1.8 trillion in 2015, mirroring the gains made in the                                   
stock market (see Figure 3). At the same time, real median household income in the U.S                               
decreased from $55,313 in 2008 to $53,657 in 2014 (the most recent figures available­ see                             
Figure 4). A truly healthy recovery is one in which a majority of the population sees gains, and                                   
this is clearly not the case. Compare the unemployment figures for minority populations to that                             
of Whites and it is even more clear that the gains from the recovery have not been equal. While                                     
unemployment rates for Whites have almost returned to pre­recession levels, those of Black and                           
Hispanic populations remain nearly two percentage points higher (see Figure 5). It appears that                           
the dramatic increase in wealth inequality since the recession has impacted minority groups even                           
more.  
To understand why income inequality has increased in the U.S, we must analyze the                           
monetary and fiscal policy decisions enacted during the recession. Additionally, we will analyze                         
the impact of these decisions on the national deficit and debt as well as current trade policies.                                 
Specifically, we are interested in how effective these decisions were in ending the recession and                             
whether or not they contributed to the increased wealth inequality we see today.  
Monetary Policy 
The Federal Reserve combated the financial crisis by implementing a series of 
expansionary monetary policies. According to the Fed, the goal of these reforms was to support 
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the liquidity of financial institutions and prevent, as former chair Ben Bernanke put it, “a global 
economic meltdown” ​(Bernanke).  
The first measure taken by the Fed involved reducing the federal funds rates in order to 
promote short­term liquidity for banks ​(Rudebusch)​. This tactic is not profound: it is designed to 
lessen the cost of borrowing for banks, leading to more lending by the banks themselves and thus 
increasing the money supply. However, it should be noted how aggressive these measures to ease 
the burden on banks were. Bernanke commented on the dramatic rate reductions by saying, “in 
historical comparison, this policy stands out as being exceptionally rapid and proactive.” 
Additionally, the Fed implemented other reforms designed to promote short­term liquidity for 
banks. In particular, the Fed created the term auction facility, which auctions credit to banks for 
three months, and approved bilateral currency swap agreements with foreign central banks to 
facilitate global financial liquidity ​(“Response to Financial Crisis”)​.  
The second expansionary measure taken by the Fed involved the use of open market 
operations. Prior to the crisis, the Fed policy mainly relied on manipulating the federal funds 
rate. The Great Recession changed this. Even after the Fed cut the target rate to zero percent, 
banks, whether it was to General Motors or to the local general contractor, remained hesitant to 
loan out money; they opted instead to invest in safe 10­year Treasury bonds. So, the Fed turned 
to an unconventional policy. Quantitative easing (QE) describes the process by which the Fed 
purchased risky mortgage backed securities from banks, in addition to buying 10­year Treasury 
bonds. These two actions served to “ease” the pressure of bad debt weighing on the bank’s 
balance sheets and decrease the annual yield of the 10­year Treasury bond in order to discourage 
the banks from investing in them. Freed of troubled assets and discouraged from safe investment, 
the banks were now incentivized to lend to businesses in the real economy, thus achieving the 
Fed’s goal of increased credit. The Fed implemented quantitative easing in three stages that 
lasted from November 2008 to December 2013. Over the course of five years, the policy 
expanded the Fed’s balance sheet by over $4 trillion dollars ​(Kohn)​.  
As the economy emerged from the recession, the Fed incrementally decreased its asset 
purchases until October 2014 ​(“Response to Financial Crisis”)​.​ ​As for interest rates, the Fed has kept 
them consistently low. In their most recent meeting held in March of 2016, the Fed decided to 
once again keep the rates between ½ and ¾ percent ​(FOMC)​. This trend is in line with the Fed’s 
strategy regarding interest rates at the beginning of the recession. In January 2009, Ben Bernanke 
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remarked, “the Committee expressed the view that economic conditions are likely to warrant an 
unusually low federal funds rate for some time” ​(Bernanke)​.  
The Fed’s policy decisions in response to the Great Recession can be explained through 
long­run and short­run economic models. Regarding interest rates, long­run classical models 
suggest that when interest rates decrease, investment spending by firms will increase. Short­run 
models show that an increase in money supply through open market operations will lead to an 
increase in the LM (Liquidity Preference/Money Supply) Curve represented in the IS 
(Investment/Savings)­LM Model. This will then lead to an increase in aggregate demand, which 
will raise output. The implications of this are two­fold. First, as stated in Okun’s law, an increase 
in output should lead to a decrease in the unemployment rate. Second, as the economy transitions 
from the short­run to the long­run, prices should rise as output and employment are restored to 
previous levels. We will discuss whether these changes occurred in response to the monetary 
policy decisions later when we discuss the monetary and fiscal policy implications in tandem.  
Fiscal Policy 
The government recognized that monetary policy alone would not be enough to restore 
the economy. Expansionary fiscal policies were needed. In October of 2008, Congress 
implemented the first major fiscal policy measure to fight the Great Recession: the Troubled 
Asset Relief Program (TARP) ​(Amadeo)​. This $700 billion stimulus package, approved by then 
president George Bush, prevented many of the largest US banks–such as Goldman Sachs and 
Morgan Stanley–from defaulting on their loans. The program also bailed out major automobile 
companies such as General Motors and Ford. In essence, TARP was enacted because the 
government determined that these corporations, however reckless they may have been, were so 
vital to the U.S. economy that to let them fail would have caused even further economic damage.   
In February 2009, President Obama implemented his first economic stimulus package, 
the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA). The goal of the $787 billion spending 
plan was to restore confidence in the U.S. economy by stimulating spending and reaffirming trust 
in the financial markets. The plan had three major components. First, the ARRA cut taxes by 
$288 billion, tying into the plan’s goal of stimulating spending. Second, it allocated $284 billion 
in unemployment benefits to help those affected by the economic downturn. Lastly, $275 billion 
was distributed in the form of federal contracts and loans to create jobs ​(Freeman)​.  
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The expansionary measures taken by the government during the recession involved a 
combination of increased government spending and decreased taxes. In the short­run, these 
policies are designed to increase the IS curve, which then increases aggregate demand. As 
mentioned when explaining the theory behind the monetary policies, increases in aggregate 
demand should lead to higher output, higher prices and lower unemployment. The problem with 
the IS­LM model is that it ignores a few factors such as treatment of expectations and the lack of 
a microeconomic foundation. So, in addition to evaluating the impact of the fiscal policies on 
output, prices and unemployment, we will take into account whether they affected consumer 
confidence and business expectations.  
These massive stimulus packages, while beneficial to the economy, rapidly increased the 
budget deficit. As a result of the TARP and ARRA, the government deficit increased to $1.4 
trillion in 2009. In the years following the recession, the Obama administration has successfully 
lowered the deficit. The latest budget analysis from March 2016 projects a deficit of $457 billion 
for the first six months of the current fiscal year ​(BEA)​.  
Compared to last year’s deficit at this time, total receipts, which can be viewed as income 
generated by the government, increased by 4 percent. This increase came despite corporate 
income taxes declining by $10 billion. Total outlays, which is another word for total government 
spending, were also up 4% in the first half of 2016. The main reason for this was an increase in 
net interest on public debt, which surged 19 percent ​(“Monthly Budget Review”)​. The Congressional 
Budget Office (CBO) cited differences in inflation rates as the main cause of this development. 
Additionally, spending for Medicaid, Medicare, and Social Security all increased by a total of 
$37 billion. Regarding the budget projections for the entirety of 2016, the CBO projects the 
deficit to settle at approximately $534 billion, with revenues and outlays accounting for roughly 
$3.4 and $3.9 trillion respectively ​(CBO)​.  
We mentioned that total receipts are expected to increase despite a $10 billion decrease in 
corporate income taxes. The CBO reasoned that this occurred because there were lower taxable 
profits in 2015. Moreover, they also mentioned that most corporations have yet to make quarterly 
estimated payments for taxes in 2016, suggesting that this figure will increase in the coming 
months. Meanwhile, individual income taxes and payroll (or social security) taxes increased by 
$49 billion during this time. $43 billion of this total was due to an increase in the amount of 
money withheld from workers’ paychecks, which was as a result of higher wages and salaries 
(“Monthly Budget Review”)​. While this is not to suggest that money is being stolen from people, it is 
5 
perplexing why the majority of workers bear the brunt of paying taxes while corporations do not 
have the same responsibility.  
Current fiscal policy also hinges on managing the country’s escalating national debt.  
While the Obama administration has reined in the deficit, the national debt continues to grow. 
The federal debt, which is projected to be $19.3 trillion in 2016, has increased 85% since 2008 
(U.S. Department of Treasury)​. This trend is concerning for a few reasons. High debt puts privileges 
such as Medicare and Social Security at risk because it raises questions about the government’s 
solvency and monetary stability ​(Bohn)​. In addition, escalating federal debt puts pressure on the 
government to decrease funding to state and local governments, forcing them to raise taxes or cut 
services to meet their obligations ​(Hubbard)​. Another problem is research shows that increases in 
debt may lead to increases in real interest rates, and while we don’t go much further in detail, this 
may lead to greater reliance on foreign saving ​(Engen & Hubbard)​.  
Evaluation of Monetary and Fiscal Policies 
In terms of countering recessionary forces, fiscal and monetary policy were effective. The 
Fed’s aggressive monetary policy was successful at increasing bank lending and investment. 
Loans by banks and other financial institutions increased in every month starting in November 
2010 while investment increased from $1.8 billion in 2009 to $2.8 billion in 2015 ​(BEA)​.​ These 
effects, in addition to the stimulus packages, ultimately increased aggregate demand, as 
evidenced by increases in real GDP in every quarter since late 2009. Additionally, recent 
research indicates that had no action been taken, the recession would have been even worse 
(Blinder & Zandi)​. The study determined that real GDP would have fallen 14% from its peak to its 
trough as opposed to four percent, 17 million more jobs would have been lost, and that the 
recession would have lasted twice as long. Moreover, another study found a positive link 
between the policies and measures of inflation and GDP growth expectations ​(Carvahlo)​. These 
studies demonstrate that the aggressive fiscal and monetary policies were at the very least 
successful in mitigating the disaster.   
However, compared to White House predictions, the fiscal policies in particular fell short 
of expectations. For instance, the White House anticipated GDP to grow 4.5% by 2012, yet GDP 
ultimately grew only two percent that year. Additionally, the American Recovery and 
Reinvestment Act set a goal to reduce unemployment to below 8.0% by 2011, a goal that 
ultimately took an additional two years to meet. Furthermore, the ARRA anticipated that the 
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deficit would only account for 3% of GDP, yet until 2013, the deficit accounted for roughly 7% 
of GDP ​(Freeman)​.  
Despite its criticisms, we still believe the fiscal and monetary policies were successful. 
However, we believe the policies that aided the recovery benefited some more than others. For 
instance, in lowering the federal funds rate, the prudent savers of the economy suffered as 
interest rates declined. The elderly were also negatively affected as they generally have large 
savings accounts. In addition, while quantitative easing successfully increased credit availability 
for the public, it also implicitly rewarded banks for their risky behavior that caused the recession. 
In buying the banks faulty mortgage backed securities, the Fed took the hit for ​their ​irresponsible 
lending practices. The fiscal policies implemented in response to the recession also came with 
mixed results. The TARP act, pushed through Congress with the message of “save our great auto 
industry,” bailed out many of the same financial institutions that contributed to the housing 
market crash. While the taxpayer funded bailout has been repaid, the underlying message that 
large scale fraudulent behavior goes largely unpunished is troubling for the future of our society.  
Mr. Sanders has been very opinionated as to his views of both the Federal Reserve and 
recent fiscal policy measures. Regarding the Fed’s policy of quantitative easing, Sanders has 
stated that while “well intentioned” it requires reformation to better serve every day Americans 
(Sanders)​. He pushes for the removal of conflicts of interest within the Fed writing “unfortunately, 
an institution that was created to serve all Americans has been hijacked by the very bankers it 
regulates” ​(Sanders)​. Additionally, Sanders is opposed to raising interest rates because he believes 
that will hurt small business owners looking to make investments. As for his views on fiscal 
policy measures, Sanders was extremely critical of the TARP Act of 2008. In particular, Sanders 
was displeased with the idea of a bank bailout, however he did not oppose the bailout of the 
automakers because that would have led to a loss in thousands of middle­class jobs ​(Sanders)​. 
Regarding other figures in the political field, both Hillary Clinton and Ted Cruz agree on 
the need for a balance budget. Cruz has introduced a balanced budget amendment and Clinton 
urges voters to “Look back to 1990s to see how [she would] be fiscally responsible” ​(Clinton)​. 
The candidates differ in their views of the Fed. Cruz views their actions as guesswork and insists 
that “they are debasing the currency with QE1, QE2, QE infinity!” ​(​Cruz​)​. However, he 
acknowledges the necessity for a lender of last resort. Clinton appears more moderate, 
advocating the effectiveness of the Fed’s actions and firmly supporting QE. 
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Trade Policy  
Trade policy is a subject in which there is surprising agreement among the current 
political candidates. Mr. Sanders consistently opposes free trade, having voted “no” on the 
Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), North American Free Trade Agreement 
(NAFTA) and the most recent Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP).  He views these policies as, 
“shipping good­paying American jobs to low­wage countries overseas” and accelerating the 
“race to the bottom for American workers” ​(“Bernie Sanders on Free Trade”)​. In some respects, he is 
not wrong. Since 2000, the U.S has lost over five million manufacturing jobs and while some of 
this is a natural result of globalization, free trade agreements are partially to blame ​(Long)​. 
Clinton opposes the CAFTA and NAFTA for similar reasons, but contends that the “global 
economy needs trade” suggesting a more flexible position on free trade policies ​(“2016 Presidential 
Candidates on International Trade”)​. While she currently opposes the TPP, she has only recently 
come out against the agreement after initially supporting it as Secretary of State. Possibly the 
most vocal of the three candidates, Donald Trump firmly opposes the NAFTA and the TPP 
saying “ I think our current deals are a disaster” ​(Garver)​. While Trump is a free trade advocate, 
he states that for effective policy, “you need smart people representing you” which is hardly a 
revolutionary idea.  
Though their consensus is understandable, free trade is not the evil that many make it out 
to be and to impose trade restrictions would be a mistake. When a country imposes restrictions 
on imports, net exports increase causing the home country’s currency to appreciate. This in turn 
decreases their own net exports. Taken in tandem, global trade decreases which harms the global 
economy. Moreover, free trade has led to cheap imports for many consumer goods, raising the 
standard of living for low and middle­income households. On a macro level, free trade has many 
other benefits: free trade increases development, allows businesses access to new markets, and 
encourages competition, which boosts efficiency and lowers prices ​(“10 Benefits of Free Trade”)​. So 
although free trade does hurt workers in certain industries, the overall benefits outweigh the 
costs. 
 
Conclusion 
8 
With these factors in mind, we have suggestions about the fiscal, monetary, and trade 
policy measures that you should support as well as three campaign slogan proposals. Since we 
cited increasing income inequality as a troubling economic development, you should support 
increases in taxes for higher­earning individuals as well as some decreases in taxes for 
lower­income households. Additionally, you should regulate offshore tax havens brought to light 
through the Panama Papers leak and rigorously pursue domestic tax evasion. Regulation that 
reigns in tax evasion will increase tax revenue, lessening the burden on the middle class and 
contributing to a lower federal deficit. These policies will decrease both the deficit and the debt 
for a few reasons. Higher revenue from increased taxes will not only decrease yearly deficits, but 
they will fund long­term investments that will promote economic growth in the future. We also 
think increasing government spending towards infrastructure and renewable energies will lead to 
both short­term increases in aggregate output and long­lasting effects. In monetary policy, you 
should continue to support low interest rates because a hike in rates will be yet another burden 
for small businesses and middle­class families. Regarding trade, we think you should reverse 
your position because the benefits of free trade, while sometimes tacit, undoubtedly help the U.S 
economy. Lastly, we came up with three campaign slogans that are in line with your views and 
that speak to the majority of Americans: A Recovery Felt by All, Putting Dark Days Behind for 
Good, and Prosperity for Many, Not the Few.  
 
Appendix 
Figure 1­ Civilian Labor Force Participation Rate 
 
 
 
Figure 2­ ​Total Unemployed, Plus All Marginally Attached Workers  
Plus Total Employed Part Time for Economic Reasons 
9 
 
Figure 3­ Corporate Profits After Tax 
 
Figure 4­ ​Real Median Household Income in the United States 
 
Figure 5­ Unemployment Rate by Race 
  
We know you don’t read past the 10th page. But, you read past the page limit last time. If 
you liked what you saw, we added a few more graphs for your viewing pleasure.   
10 
 
Figure 6­ Federal Funds Rate  
 
Figure 7­ Commercial and Industrial Loans, All Commercial Banks 
 
Figure 8­ Real Gross Private Domestic Investment 
 
Figure 9­ Federal Government Budget Deficit or Surplus  
 
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16 

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CopyofProject3FinalAnalysisofUSEconomy