AcademicDossierAdriano

Adriano Leonardi, B.Sc Architecture and Urban Planning,
Ph.D and M.Sc Urban and Regional Planning,
OAA intern architect, MRAIC
OPPI/CIP provisional member
Professional / Academic
Dossier

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Professional / Academic Dossier
adriano_leonardi@hotmail.com 416-8797668
When I arrived in Canada proceeding from Sao Paulo - Brazil, I was already used to a big city, huge populations and urban problems.
Ifeltmyselfstimulatedandenthusiasticallyimpressed-bytheurbanfabricrepresentingthefabricofCanadiansocietyinplannedcities,
wonderful parks and public spaces - to continue working with, studying economics and planning, and sharing what I learnt and what
I will learn in a country with tradition in planning is an encouraging prospect for a young researcher that came from a country without
tradition in planning.
In other words, after having been worked as an Urban Planner for ‘palliative’ solutions for urban problems, my enthusiasm was giving
place to struggle for an understanding of them. It soon became clear that the price of urban land played a central role among the
processes which rule over urban change, clearly commanding rather than following the ‘natural’ economic and local attractiveness. I
realized the following:
The history of capitalism is the continuous tendency of the re-imposition of the primacy of the
commodity form, in the first instance by the market and in the second instance by State intervention,
in a specific combination being determined by the conditions of commoditization of production
according to the stage of development of the production and relations of production. Precisely what
can and what cannot be produced as a commodity varies according to this relation, but the
commoditization necessarily includes the spatial (or urban) infrastructure (or, the built environment)
and the institutional conditions for the continued re-imposition of the capital relation.
According to this thesis, land prices are not only the capitalized form of a rent, nor are they only the
result of some interaction between supply and demand. Rather, land price is one of the means of
organization of space – including the planning level-, which, along with other means of space
organization such as legal, inductive and coercive measures undertaken by the State, helps both
production and use of urban space according to the needs of the dominant mode of production in
the economy and according to the purpose of reproduction of the structure of society.
Thus, more space needs to be created (with the generalization of the urban form) to support the
structure of production (following the development of production techniques). In the first movement,
the space will be [produced] differentiated (both by the market and the State) to drive the production
of values; and, at the second movement, the more production of homogenized space and its
regulation (by the State) through direct production of use-values [infrastructure] is required – to
re-organize the spatial production for the whole production in the next stage of accumulation.
* * *
Sao Paulo is the largest urban agglomeration in SouthAmerica, almost 20 million people. Over 5% yearly demographic growth
rates were predominantly based on immigration, a multi-ethnic city. It is the economic heart of Brazil and both its development in
general and the specific features are intertwined with the economic and social development of the country, and of course, with
the world economy. In turn, the material basis of Brazilian society is the reproduction of a peculiar modality of accumulation,
originated in the colonial status of Brazil before Independence (1822) and reproduced ever since.
A relatively new development is the mushrooming of shantytowns (favelas). These settlements were formed by invasion/
squatting on generally public land and today make up about 15% of the urban population – two and half million people. These,
together with the precarious stock of peripheral half-self-built housing coexist uneasily with big company headquarters in
energy-thirsty glass towers and tightly closed walled high income residential developments.
As to spatial organization, which provides physical support for production, whether nationwide or within the urban agglomerations,
there is unevenly distributed infrastructure, and fragmentation rather than homogenization of space. The such slowdown in
infrastructure building became ever less ambitious to the point of becoming self-effacing.

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1. Introduction
Developed nations worldwide didn’t reach their economic and social indicators without investments in research and planning. I come
from the biggest City (Sao Paulo) from a country (Brazil) where the attention given to research is that related to exportation of
commodities – how to improve the mineral/agricultural production and transportation to the harbour (fig.1).
After having been worked as an Urban Planner for “palliative” solutions for urban problems, my enthusiasm was giving place to
struggle for an understanding of them. It soon became clear that the price of urban land played a central role among the processes
which rule over urban change, although trying to explain it only by planning models proved unfruitful.
Having realized the failure of these attempts - in Brazil or elsewhere - was due to those models built usually from foreign perspective
on a vaguely defined economic basis borrowed from generic neoclassical economic doctrines, I turned to other approaches, looking
to which ‘basis’ I should focus.
I expected a contribution from classical political economy, especially as after Marx’s critique. However, the movements of the price of
urban land were not explicable on the basis of an existing theory in political economy, nor in its ‘classical’ form or in view of the Marxian
criticism. And, it proved even more difficult on the basis of theories within the current neoliberal economics.
At the initial stage of this process, I understood that the price of the land was clearly commanding rather than following the ‘natural’
economic and local attractiveness. Why in a small distance of 500m could we find land prices differed by 500%? The realization that
1. Introduction 2
2. Profile 4
3. Enlarging the Permanent Themes of Research 5
The Market and the State (the dialectic of the commodity form) 5
Stages, State intervention and Crises 5
Contemporary (or late) capitalism 6
Spatial Organization in a Capitalistic Economy 8
Sao Paulo, a Metropolis of 20 million inhabitants 13
Ideology 14
4. Research and Academic Experience 15
PhD 15
Teaching dossier 16
Disciplines and evaluations 17
INFURB 19
5. Professional experience (Urban Planning and Architecture) 22
Town of Markham 22
Urbanization/Shantytowns 22
Public Transportation 26
Architecture 29
6. How I can contribute for the program 29
7. Future 31
A. Smith D. Ricardo K. Marx

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it happened even in vacant lands (reserved to become future upper class districts, for ex), would mean that the high land prices would
prevent other users from settling there. In the end of the first year of the Doctorate program, I realized the following:
The history of capitalism is the continuous tendency of the re-imposition of the primacy of the commodity form, in the first
instance by the market and in the second instance by State intervention, in a specific combination being determined by
the conditions of commoditization of production according to the stage of development of the production and relations of
production. Precisely what can and what cannot be produced as a commodity varies according to this relation, but the
commoditization necessarily includes the spatial (or urban) infrastructure (or, the built environment) and the institutional
conditionsforthecontinuedre-impositionofthecapitalrelation.
In other words, the market and the State command a dialectic defined by its antagonistic relationship regarding the
generalization of commodity form. However, there are limits for a complete commodification, and the question of internal
crises of capitalism proves that the consumption cannot follow indefinitely the commodity production. The cycle of re-
imposition [of the primacy above] requires the State intervention to ensure the maximum enlargement possible [again] of
the market [providing the needed infrastructure, for ex, but not only], although producing directly use-values the State
approaches [again] to the interference at market regulation level in terms of exchange-values.
According to this thesis, land prices are not only the capitalized form of a rent which is a would-be excess profit intended
by landowners, nor are they only the result of some interaction between supply and demand. Rather, land price is one of
the means of organization of space, which, along with other means of space organization such as legal, inductive and
coercive measures undertaken by the State, helps both production and use of urban space according to the needs of the
dominantmodeofproductionintheeconomyandaccordingtothepurposeofreproductionofthestructureofsociety.The
levelandconditionsofpenetrationbythecommoditiesproductionintowholesocialproduction–resultofthedevelopment
ofantagonismatdialecticalcommodity-form isresponsibletodeterminewhichdevelopmentstageisperiodizedthewhole
production (or, accumulation) – and of course, the planning level.
Thus, more space needs to be created (with the generalization of the urban form) to support the structure of production
(following the development of production techniques). In the first movement, the space will be [produced] differentiated
(both by the market and the State) to drive the production of values; and, at the second movement, the more production
ofhomogenizedspaceanditsregulation(bytheState)throughdirectproductionofuse-values[infrastructure]isrequired
– to re-organize the spatial production for the whole production in the next stage of accumulation.
I did first an attempt to understand this by a theoretical capitalistic approach, then I tried to compare the interpretation into the built space
from a country (Brazil) in process of development, and now, I intend to analyze it studying the process in a developed country
(Canada). The doctorate was the biggest advance as I began my career in research. I give thanks to my coordinator and his patience
to teach me about thinking dialectically. My theme of research follows his theory, initiated at Cambridge University (UK) in 1982, and
he researches it until today.
fig. 1: Railways and the export of commodities, province of Sao Paulo, Brazil, 1900 e 1940
Individual connections between private coffee farms /capital/harbour. There is no railway system unifying
(ex:radial) the territory. Saes (1981,p51,apud:Schiffer,1992). Including the road system, there’s no significant
difference nowadays.
1900 1940

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Keywords:
Research impact: Spatial Organization in the Capitalistic Society – The territorial dimension of the economy; or, the
organization of space in capitalism through an account of the price of urban land.
Teaching excellence: Professor’s assistant under supervision (PAE program) of Economic Development and Urban
Planning disciplines.
Future plans: Research, Teaching and Pos-doctorate; permanent contact with my colleagues at INFURB.
How I can contribute for the program: an international professional and academic/research perspective of experience
in cities of the global south; case studies, criticism; an interpretation about how and in what the composition of the price of
land (as the final form of the payment for location) materializes in the contemporary capitalism, in cities of developed
countries and ex-colonies of global south; the particularities of local societies.
2. Profile
13 years of combined experience in the public and private sectors in Sao Paulo, Brazil, in two streams – professional and academic.
4 years of experience working as an Urban Planner; 6 years as an Urban Planner Researcher (member of INFURB - Centre for
Research in Urban Information – University of Sao Paulo/Brazil); and 5 years of teaching experience as anAssistant Professor at the
post-secondary level.
The academic/research stream includes urban planning research and teaching urban planning; urban design and architecture at the
undergraduate level at the University of Sao Paulo; research, analysis and project support in the Centre for Interdisciplinary
Research aimed at Urban and Regional Spatial Structures (INFURB) - involving socioeconomic, institutional, and technological
aspects. My teaching experience includes activities such as planning work, planned tutorial lectures, instructions, overseeing laboratory
work, supervising group projects and field surveys, conducting seminars, case studies and discussion groups, teaching introduction
to critique and research methodology; reports and grading exams.
My permanent themes of research are:
1. The Market and the State – The Market and the State Intervention in the Capitalist Spatial Organization
2. Economics and Contemporary Capitalism – Crisis, Globalization of the Economy and impacts on the Urban Structure
3. Rent theory and the Price of Urban Land - Spatial Organization in a Capitalist Economy
4. Urban Planning – Public Investments in Transportation, Urban and Social Infrastructure
5. Public and Private Urban Spaces – Value and Price of building and/or not building public infrastructure
6. Ideology
The professional stream includes diversified experience in the city of Sao Paulo, a metropolis and a Greater Area of 22 million
inhabitants: land use research and planning involving official plans, zoning by-laws, subdivisions, site plans; urbanization and
renovation, shantytowns; public transportation; infrastructure network; housing policy; urban policy analysis; community development
strategies, growth and settlement analyses; economic feasibility studies; surveys and field surveys; environmental education,
environmental impact; public consultation. Performed tasks such as project tendering, contracts, supervision, estimating, planning,
design and layout, liaising between stakeholder groups, specifications and reports.
Both tracks are areas of my academic research, teaching and professional expertise. In addition to my technical expertise, I bring the
background of having been working in a country within the worst income distribution in the world - the singular experience of designing
urbanization of shantytowns and private palaces. Skills that I can match with theory and with my traveler experience to transform it into
applied knowledge.

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3. Enlarging the Permanent Themes of Research
The Market and the State (or, the dialectic of the commodity form)
Use-values are produced qua commodities, that is to say, as exchange-values, and the primacy of exchange-
value over use-value is extended to all production.
One of the innermost driving forces of capitalism - the generalization of the commodity form - remains the process that brought it into
being, through the transition from feudalism. While under feudalism the latter was restricted to the surplus, produced by the serf and
appropriated by the feudal lord (in the form of rent) and taken to the market in the towns, the means of reproducing the labors were
provided through production for subsistence. Under capitalism both the means of production and the means of subsistence become
commodities, along with labor itself.
Capitalism was gestated with the enlargement of the use-values production while commodities, and its historical movement lies into
tendency to the generalization of the commodity form – the maximum commodification possible as a proportion of the whole social
production. There are limits to the commoditization of the production, which imposes the presence and state intervention1
.
The market and the state command a dialectic defined by its antagonistic relationship regarding the generalization of commodity form.
The State intervention intends to ensure the maximum enlargement possible of the market (providing the needed infrastructure),
although producing directly use-values, the State approaches to the interference at market regulation level. In other words, the
tendency of generalization of the commodity form (from the market) induces its countertendency which materializes in the State
intervention.
Not everything can be produced as exchange-value, though. The market can organize a portion of social production, but it cannot
organize social production as a whole. Precisely what can and what cannot be produced as a commodity varies according to
historically specific stages of capitalism, but the commoditization necessarily includes the spatial (or urban) infrastructure (frequently
referred to as the built environment) and the institutional conditions for the continued re-imposition of the capital relation. The part of the
product which cannot be commodified is produced directly as use-value under the direct intervention of the State.
In this understanding, generalization of the commodity form can be stated as dialectic process, rather than a linear or ‘evolutionary’
process. Thus, capitalism is characterized by the tendency towards the generalization of the commodity form, which requires the need
for State intervention and the direct production of use-values. While it preserves the commodity form (by ensuring the conditions for the
functioning of the market), it is also antagonistic with the same market since it imposes a limitation to the expansion of the commodity form
- even while working in the way to preserve it. Therefore, the tendency towards the generalization of the commodity form gives rise
to its countertendency, to widening State intervention and the direct production of use-values - this is called the dialectic of the
commodity form.
As the commodity production increasingly develops, the greater the need for State intervention. At the intensive stage – in which the
enlargement of the commodity production is essentially restricted to the increase of the productivity, the State role enlarges until the
critical point to stunt the market.
Stages, State intervention and Crises
Crises of capitalism may be seen as periods in which the development of the antagonism within the dialectic of the commodity form
reaches stages in which the primacy of the commodity form is threatened. In these crises, the countertendency (State intervention) itself
raises its opposite, leading efforts to re-impose the primacy of the commodity form. Although crises of capitalism appear to mark
repetitive cycles, actually after each crisis, transformations occur at which point do not return back to the previous period (stage2
or
‘cycle’), but in a new stage of development of the antagonism of the commodity form. It has been said that the history of capitalism is the
1. The main areas of State intervention are: institutions (property), violence (monopoly), ideology, infrastructure and
spatial production, new and obsolete industries.

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history of its crises. More specifically, it may be said that the history of capitalism is the history of the re-imposition of the primacy of the
commodity form.
In the extensive stage of accumulation the rapid growth of commodity production in a combination (in extension) of proper accumulation
through non-capitalist production systems (independent producers, slave labor, production for subsistence etc.) helped to avoid a
serious interference into the primacy of the commodity form. By contrast, in the intensive stage in which the growth of commodity
production is limited to the increase in the productivity and consumption, the generalization of the commodity form has an effective
challenge3
. It’s why crises in the intensive stage bring ever more attention to the widening role of the State (Aglietta, 1979).
This is the contemporary context of widening State intervention, one of the key areas being intervention in space, that is to say,
production/ transformation of spatial structures. Urban planning was born with the intensive stage in the second half of the nineteen
century, and the interest in the built environment increased with the beginning of the crisis in the 1970s - which followed the exhaustion
of the post-WWII boom and which is still to be overcome.
Questions such as housing, land prices and the status of property in the urban agglomeration became major concerns of urbanism.
More generally and ultimately, attention is focused on the relationship between the transformation of space and the accumulation
process itself.
In this perspective, our understanding is that, the amount of market regulation/State intervention/or planning (that interests us) there
are in any society, is not a technicality (of efficiency, etc) or a question of will of any social group, or due to a crisis of the market in a
capitalistic country, centrally planned society or centralized planning (planified economy from socialists countries), but an historical
necessity of the productive process. The former planified Russia also had its exhaustion of intensive stage culminated in the end of
1990s, and what we see of exuberance from China is related to one of the last two big countries (China and India) in its extensive
stage.
Contemporary (or late) capitalism
Commodification (or re-) is not the same as privatization, the market alone can not produce accumulation at
whole level, and accumulation crises are not solved only by (re-) commodification.
We have already said that the primacy of the commodity form and the process of reification of social production require that the
regulation of capitalist production is achieved in the first instance by the market and in the second instance by State intervention, in a
specific combination being determined by the conditions of commodification of production according to the stage of development of the
production and relations of production.
2. In its first stage of development (extensive stage), the enlargement process of remunerating the work force was
extending through the gradual elimination of the communal lands (‘enclosures’) and its transformation into property –
reason for its name extensive. When there’s no more space for the enlargement of the commodity production and
respective accumulation in this way, capitalism enters in its intensive stage, in which the expansion of the commodity
production is restricted to the increase of productivity, which depends on the progress of productive techniques and by
the increase of subsistence level of the work force – in education and consumption levels. In other words, the
accumulation process here has to enlarge from inside the process, no more acquiring new lands, new workers, new
consumers, etc – hence, the name intensive. In the intensive stage, the tendency to the generalization of commodity
form is surpassed by the countertendency of State expansion, and the antagonistic of the dialectic between the market
and the state reaches its maximum level – in direction to a crisis of demand.
3. The neoliberal policies from the end of the 1970s and beginning of the 1980s (known as ‘Reaganism’ and ‘Thatcherism’)
by governments from some central countries represented an attempt of ‘re-commodification’ of its economies and
dominated the political scene, economic debate and policy for over a decade. The capitalistic State has to try it due to
its obligation to ensure the commodity production, even if it will have to produce directly use-values ahead. The
problem is that, privatization is not the same as commodification. The current crisis signals the demise of the US
hegemony and its impending transmission to another nation-State. The last transmission of capitalist hegemony (from
Britain to the US) took half a century and two (or both) World Wars. It’s not at random that we are hearing (around the
last 9 years) about the ‘emergence’ of the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India and China): their importance is less related to
their economic power, but specifically by the potential of a still non saturated consumption market, in comparison to
those from developed countries. According to this view, it’s not at random too, that the last Olympic Games were in
China, the 2010 Soccer World Cup will be at South Africa, the 2014 in Brazil, and in 2016, the Olympic Games will be
in Brazil – the first time in History that countries outside of North America and Europe are chosen.

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We have already said too, that the shrinkage of the market sphere gets critical as of the exhaustion of reconstruction post-WWII. The
development of productive techniques and crescent automation rapidly saturate the intensive stage4
, represented by an overproduction
crisis which was increasing more and more, and its collapse is just postponed due to the continuous enlargement of the credit from the
State through of indebtedness and insolvency – we had a sample of it starting in 2007 (fig.2,3).
The characteristics are the continuous expansion of the State intervention, the impressive enlargement of the productivity capacity
through technological development, resulting in overproduction, diminishment of the employees in industry and its relocation in the
services sector (‘tertiarization’) – in other words, the consumption market cannot follow the commodities production; but another
question is, how much can the expansion of services be produced as commodities?
The crisis generated a reaction in forms of neoliberal policies, which tries to impede the narrowness of the commodity production
through privatization and re-commoditization. Its ideology focus on two ways: presenting itself as an inevitable tendency of a new
stage of capitalism (instead of its regular crises); and, trying to disqualify the State as the representative of public interest. But, these
policies cannot reconstitute the market ambit, and they were resumed in movements of dismantlement of the welfare State, in concentration
of capital and incomes, and at the unsustainability of the continuous sustainment of consumption through floating the debit (in public and
private sectors).
The discussion of the crisis and the current stage of capitalism lie around the fact that a substantial portion of the social production may
not be produced as individualized use-value transformed into exchange-value. In other words, the question of the crisis of capitalism
is the question of the limits to the generalization of the commodity form5
– which demands necessarily increasing the role of collective
production and regulation in social production. An illustration of both the extent of the current crisis and of the reactions it brings about
is the state of the financial system, which attracts open concern of such bodies as the General Accounting Office of the American
Congress. A study by GAO shows worries over the financial institutions of the US, as reported by the Financial Times:
4. Late capitalism is another name to call the actual crisis deriving from the second and more developed stage of
capitalism (intensive). The formulation was coined after the 1929 crisis (Natalia Moskovska, Zürich, 1943) and Mandel
(1972) gave it visibility.
5. Political Economy was able to isolate and to restrict itself to the analysis of the commodity sector of the economy at
the ‘economy of the price’. It gradually excluded both the State and the spatial organization from the development and
accumulation. Uno (1964, and Sekine 1977) reached the conclusion that ‘a purely capitalist society’ will never quite
develop due to it ‘can only be approximated by reality’ (because of the limits to the commodification of the economy).
6. This comment was after an article which discussed recent ‘caution’ of money lenders and the recent jump of the real
interest rate from 2.9% in January to 4% in June (US); the Financial Times (in 1994) found that with the interest rate back
at 4%, to be a borrower of funds is a risky business, even for governments. This is true when interest rates are greater
than the likely real rate of growth of an economy. An interest rate going above the profit rate means that there is a crisis,
in which production slows down in need to be re-organized (classical political economy).
fig. 2: Governments are spending even more to finance the indebtedness for public and private sectors

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FMI, cit.in: Leonardi, 2007,p97
“The fragmented structure of regulations of the United States is badly organized to deal with the fast growing
derivatives markets. The result: the markets became dominated by a small number of big operators of derivatives,
some of which are totally un-regulated”. (…) “The bankruptcy of any one of them could bring the American –and
by implication, the global– financial system to its knees” (Richard Waters, Financial Times, May 19, 1994)6
.
There are 39 new automobiles factories in the world (construction and project); 30 are in China, Russia and
India (IMF, RC Consultants, McKinsey Global Institute, HFR, Isda, 2007).
‘Accumulation crises’ can be overcome by a general devaluation of capital and reorganization of production and of reproduction (in a
process which, itself, is not free from State intervention). The tendency towards the increase of State intervention needs to be
strengthened with the development of production at social and individual levels. But, the dialectic of the commodity form is not simply
a pendulous movement in which periods of retraction of the commodity form can be followed by its re-establishment merely by
repositioning it as the dominant form both in production and social relations. What interests us, more space needs to be created (with
the generalization of the urban form) to support the structure of production (with the development of techniques of production). In the
first movement, the space will be [produced] differentiated (both by the market and the State) to drive the production of values; and, at
the second movement, the more production and regulation of homogenized space (by the State) through direct production of use-
values is required – to re-organize the spatial production for the production in the next stage of accumulation.
Meanwhile, the antagonism between the commodity form and State intervention remains the moving force in the intensive accumulation,
reflecting into the spatial process.
Spatial Organization in a Capitalistic Economy
Marx left a misleading legacy apart from his theory, the notion that England was the ‘model country’ in the development of capitalism,
that other countries would follow a development along the English pattern7
. ‘Peripheral countries’ as opposed to those at the ‘core’ of
worldwide accumulation shows that economics cannot explain by itself.
A periodization of capitalism according to early and mature stages, respectively by predominantly extensive, and predominantly
intensive accumulation, allows for regarding England as unique rather than as a model, a country to which the early stage of capitalism
was restricted and whose development would be followed nowhere. When capitalism spread over the world through a number of
centres of accumulation, it was already in its mature stage, or in other words, it had practically jumped the extensive phase. Germany,
fig. 3: Government spending for the main crises from 1990s and 2000s (US dollars)
Centralbankshelpthefinancialmarkets.
7. Throughout the early stage of expansion of capitalism in England, agriculture was the main industry where
‘production at a location’ meant ‘production on land’ - locus of production of the excess product. The payment for location
remained identified with the payment for land. At this time, “production” was not yet fully commoditized and the payment
for location took the subsidiary form of ‘rent’, approaching with the category rent as taken from feudalism. These
structural representations of production developed in the early stage remained strong and survived into the twentieth
century.
8. This perspective opens to the building of some simple categories that form a basis of an analysis of spatial
organization of production in contemporary capitalism, such as (1) location and space as economic categories; the (2)
transformation of the individual process of production and technical progress – in direction to the intensive accumulation;
and (3) the nature, the extent and limitations of the role of the State as an antagonistic complement to market regulation
of commodity production and the production of space.

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Japan, France and the United States followed specific paths, a period when spatial organization of both production of commodities and
of the reproduction of society were already a concern8
.
After pointed this and have cleaned and understood concepts about the concrete process of spatial regulation of production, I focused
that the transformation of production on land goes until it encounter the limits of market regulation.According to this interpretation, these
limits coincide with the historical emergence of the conditions of planning and State intervention (initiated by Germany, 1825)9
(fig.4).
The commodity form and State intervention become inextricably interlaced to give rise to the urban process, being in fact the concrete
materialization of the stage of development of the antagonism between the commodity form and collective production10
.
Urban space arose with the spread of the commodity form within unified markets over the territory of nation-states. The process of
unification of the market itself required the building of necessary infrastructures that connected the territory into one homogeneous and
differentiated space. This first stage is characterized mainly by expansion (extensive, basically England) rather than transformation of
constituted spaces (intensive; Germany, Japan, the United States and France).
As wage labor expanded, these new centres developed within a territory rapidly structured into urban space in which concentration
gave rise to the formation of urban agglomerations within the dialectic differentiation / homogenization of space. Organization of space
increasingly meant retransformation of an urban space already constituted rather than by connecting new territories to it, under the
requirements of technical progress which became the main source of the expansion of productivity - and therefore, of accumulation.
The payment for location took directly the price form, the form consistent with commodity production and full control of the conditions of
production by capital. Location itself is posited as a commodity and is consumed in this form, whereas it arises as a result of production
of space which can only be performed at the collective level - through State intervention. Planning became a practice in spatial
organization so as in other areas of State intervention, and even in commodity production (to some extent).
In other words, the production of commodities and of reproduction of society carried out within spatial and institutional structures are
built and continuously retransformed by production. Until here,
1. The ‘economic’ and ‘spatial’ regulation of production are subject of the antagonism valorization / devaluation of
fixed capital, and this antagonistic process arises from the increase in the productivity (fig.6, 7);
2. A correspondence between the historical forms of the payment for location and the stages of development of
capitalism;
3. The nature, extension and the limitations of the market regulation, requiring intervention from the State.
4. The ideology that evolves and permeates the processes and periodization above (irony, at fig.8).
Such elements are held together within the framework of the inherent antagonism of capitalism; the direct production of use-values and
their transformation into commodity form (exchange-value/price) manifests itself at the collective and the individual levels of production,
respectively. At the level of the individual process of production it takes the form of the antagonism between the development of the
concrete productive process and the instruments of production, that is, between technical progress and fixed capital, in which the
process of valorization of capital leads to its devaluation.At the collective level in turn, it takes the form of the antagonism between the
commoditization of production and the necessarily collective production of the conditions for commoditization.
Therefore, the price of urban land begins first and foremost from the recognition that land itself is a particular form of location, both as
a means of subsistence that must be alienable in capitalism (floating capital) and as a location which is a condition of production (fixed
capital). In each way land commands a price - the dominant form of payment for location in mature capitalism.Alongside with price, a
subsidiary rent form (including here leasing) subsists to allow production in industries whose products, at a particular stage of
development, cannot be fully commoditized. Thus, the analysis of the price of location bears on two levels:
9. Patrick Abercrombie, the leading British planner of the time stated in 1913: “Germany has concretely achieved more
modern Town Planning than any other country” (quoted in Sutcliffe 1981, p9). In Britain, the improvement of the conditions in
urban agglomerations emerged as an imperious need to ensure the conditions of reproduction of the labors. “Probably the
South African [Boer] war did more than anything else to increase the urgency of the demand for further improvement of the
health of towns, because of the high proportion of prospective recruits for the army who were found to be physically unfit”.
The example of Germany also appeared in another light: “Town planning was advocated [in England] ...for fear of Germany:
unless we at once begin at last to protect the health of our people by making the towns in which most of them now live, more
wholesome for body and mind, we may as well hand over our trade, our colonies, our whole influence in the world, to
Germany” (Ashworth 1954, p168-9).
10. The fact that Brazil has only just reached the stage of intensive accumulation (while at the worldwide core of capitalism
the intensive stage is in direction of its final phase of development and crisis), makes Sao Paulo and other urban agglomerations
in countries at similar stages of development favourable ground for observation of the urban process.

10
fig. 4: German - Planning and implementation of the Railway System
1835 / 1840 (457.45 km) / 1845 / 1850 / 1855 / 1860 / 1870 / 1885 (36,911.46 km)
1835
1845
1855
1870
1840
1850
1860
1885
www.ieg-maps.uni-mainz.de/map5.htm

11
fig.5: Beijing, China, 2007 - 13,570 million inhabitants
Forecasting:
The actual Urban Plan for dowtown was designed during the Ming Dynasty Restauration (1651);
there are working five ring roads (in yellow, within the ground, above and underground levels) and two under
construction (in pink); the subway follows the rings, under the soil.
[LEONARDI (2007), The Dialectis of the Spatial Organization and the Metropolis of an Elite Society’, USP, Sao Paulo]
Although my research is related to Spatial Organization in Capitalistic economies, an example of urban planning in a
planified economy - planning is an exigence of the productive process and its stages of economic development, non
specifically from the market, capitalistic or socialists States.

12
fig.7: Obsolescence of individual process of production
A location with a price can perform as a fixed capital. With the market price decreasing according to the increasing of
productivity, diminishes the return R from a individual process of production (a above), and consequently the return tax from
your circulating/floating capital (b above). When the latter falls to the assumed rate of profit, the technique becomes obsolete
and must be substituted. In this point, the respective fixed capital is completely devaluated (dark area in diagram a:
contribution of fixed capital for the return R).
fig. 6: Intensity of land use: individual optimization
(above, a): the cost of the location by unit of built area is a decreasing function (hyperbola, in green) from the coefficient
of utilization, summed up to the crescent cost of building (in red), resulting in a total unit cost (in black) - this price require
a minimum use which corresponds to the optimal density * for this location and constructive technique .
(above, b): influence of the variation of location price: for the prices L1
, ... L4
there are the optimun density 1
,... 4
,
increasing following the price of location - dashed curve
1. At the level of the individual process of production of commodities, the price of location enters the price of
production of commodities and thus mediates the regulations of commodity production by the market – under the
restrictions of whatever State regulation may be in effect – in terms of quantities, techniques and localization. This
analysis can account for the relationship between the price of the location and the transformation of the individual
process of production through ‘economic’ laws that is to say through laws derived from competition, to a fair extent.
(cont. of p9)

13
2. At the social level the price of location is the pivot of articulation of market and State regulations within spatial
organization. Here, at the level of spatial organization, the analysis must centre on State intervention. The price of
location is determined first by the level of differentiation of urban space produced by the State. In a second
instance, the same is determined by the built infrastructure and by regulations of the State bearing on spatial
organization – now, focusing on the homogenization. Finally, the price of the location is established by competition
within the remaining freedom of the market regulation/competition. State intervention is thus determined by the
stage of development of the conflict between the forces and the relations of production or, more specifically,
between the commodification of production and the limits to commodification. In other words, the price of the
location is determined by the balance between market regulation and state intervention.
Sao Paulo, a Metropolis of 20 million ihnabitants
Sao Paulo is the economic heart of Brazil and thus both its development in general and the specific features of this development
are intertwined with the economic and social development of Brazil as a whole. Of course, the connections of Sao Paulo with
the world economy materialize through the mediation of the nation-state it belongs to.
Sao Paulo started a transition from being a predominantly industrial region to become a major commercial, financial and
services centre in South America. Such trends reflect broader trends at the national level: in consequence of a fall in
demographic growth rate coupled with an already high level of urbanization (80% in Brazil, being 98% in the State of Sao
Paulo - 2000), the times of high rates of urban growth were gone. On the other hand, manufacturing started losing its share
in GDP nationwide (as it did, indeed, worldwide) at the expense of finance and services.
Sao Paulo is the largest urban agglomeration in South America, with a population of almost 20 million people. Over 5% yearly
demographic growth rates were predominantly based on immigration, a multi-ethnic city with over a million-strong Italian and
Portuguese, somewhat lesser German and Japanese communities and over a dozen lesser groups from Europe and Asia,
which arrived from 1890 to 1930. A relatively new development is the mushrooming of shantytowns (favelas) since the mid-
seventies. These settlements were formed by invasion/squatting on generally public land and today favela dwellers make up
about 15% of the urban population of the Metropolitan area – two and half million people. These, together with the precarious
stock of peripheral half-self-built housing coexist uneasily with big company headquarters in energy-thirsty glass towers and
tightly closed walled high income residential developments.
Brazilian society is sharply different from the societies of the countries in the centres of world capitalism. The roots of such
extreme differences both in resident’s income and the quality of the environment go back to the origins of Sao Paulo and
Brazilian society itself. In turn, the material basis of this society is the reproduction of a peculiar modality of accumulation, or
development, originated in the colonial status of Brazil before Independence (1822) and reproduced ever since. In this
process, the surplus produced by society is divided into two parts: one of which is reinvested in the expansion of production
(and to this extent, it is expanded reproduction, an accumulation process); while the other part is constantly sent abroad –
expatriated– under such titles as profit remittance, service on foreign debt, unfavourable terms of trade and chronic deficit in
‘services’ (freight and insurance payments). Accumulation, therefore, but not of all the surplus produced, hence its name,
hindered accumulation (Deák, 1988) – in other words, a variation of stop-and-go. The distinctive features of such an
economy: soaring profit rates, no long-term credit or stable currency, denationalization of production, especially in the key
branches of industry and precarious infrastructure, as structural weaknesses of the economy.
As to spatial organization, which provides physical support for production, whether nationwide or within the urban
agglomerations, there are chronically precarious and unevenly distributed infrastructure and fragmentation rather than
homogenization of space. It is to be noted that such slowdown in infrastructure building became ever less ambitious to the point
of becoming self-effacing.
A generally precarious infrastructure coupled with a concentration of investment in limited areas which then become ‘privileged’
induces more differentiation than homogeneity into the urban space. Price differentials are high and there’s a spatial segregation
according to household income. Traditional fragmentation of space leaves many age-old barriers in Sao Paulo waiting to be
transposed to allow a better integration of its isolated portions. Most times it is merely lack of investment, and in some cases
however, there is deliberate barrier-reinforcing through investment. One of the main consequences of the acute lack of
transport facilities –apart, of course, of the cost and loss of time spent in travelling, increased air pollution, noise and other
environmental costs– is the decay of the town centre (downtown), which became gradually inaccessible by car on the ever
more saturated road structure and therefore to the whole wealthy south western sector.

14
The crisis of hindered accumulation at nineties. By the mid-seventies in Brazil, the stage of extensive accumulation –with high
rates of excess produce, easily split into a part to be expatriated while other part still could be accumulated– came to a halt.
The country became predominantly urban, wage labour had been generalized and expansion of production henceforward
became restricted largely to technical progress and the associated increase of productivity. If the process of hindered
accumulation was feasible in the extensive stage with rapid growth, it became problematic with the exhaustion of this stage and
the concomitant fall of the rate of surplus, by about the mid-nineteen seventies. This is the underlying cause of the dead end
Brazilian society finds itself, of economic stagnation and social disarray.
The loss of manufactures – or of manufacturing jobs – in Sao Paulo (and other parts of the world) can only partly be ascribed
to decentralization: another part of it is tertiarization. As for the latter, again, it is the local manifestation of a general tendency
of world capitalism. The prospects regarding one of the greatest concerns of the metropolitan agglomerations – unemployment
(chronically at 13,6% in Sao Paulo slightly above Brazilian average at 12,8%; or, before the 2008-9 downturn, compared to
8,7% in the UE and 6% in the US) - also depends on the interpretation of those tendencies regarding deindustrialization/
tertiarization around developed countries.
On this score Sao Paulo is only slightly better off than Brazil, which is among the most unequal income distributions in the
world. In spite that, the most developed part of South America in 2010, the core of Mercosul, must be one of the few large
countries, along with China and India, which possess ample room for growth not dependent on conjunctures of the ‘world
economy’ or exports because based on the expansion of the home market. Just how much of the potential development of their
metropolises shall materialize will rise or fall depending crucially on their own development plans, on the development policies
of their respective nations and even on the development and the level of integration of the Mercosul region as a whole.
Ideology
The ideas’ victory is the victory of the material carriers of these ideas (Brecht)
Theory comes before Ideology. Theory is the rationally constructed system of general empiric and/or scientifically abstract/conceptual
ideas intending to explain and/or represent the reality (or phenomena), before or after observing the reality - through data, facts, etc.
One way to build theories is deductively and/or inductively. It can be expressed in symbolical logic (mathematical) and/or in common
verbal language (typically of social sciences), and intends or tries to make distinctions, classifications, assertions, laws and statements.
There’s an attempt to test/measure the consistency of a theory according to the results (usually quantitative) of its application, although
the diverse requirements for this can be questionable, insufficient or even tendentious. There’s a risk of proximity between theory and
sophisms, axioms, assumptions and ideology (Althusser).
There are a lot of questions, many of them related to the problem of finalization. The logical induction can’t affirm that even based on
a sequence of facts, the latter is an obligatory consequence of the first. Or, the deductive system cannot affirm that even if there’s a
sequence of ‘clear’ evidences it can reach a secure conclusion.
Trying to command its ‘natural’ counterbalancing praxis, there’s an attempt to build a theory before or after the observation (of the
praxis) – but, once they are dialectically merged, this takes us to another group of questions related to which reality (or, subject
matter)? - in other words, the theoretical reality or the concrete? Beyond the difficulty, forecasting (theorizing before) limits a lot, is
very reductive for the purpose of a theory. If theorizing after, the purpose of the theory can be changed into obviousness, irrelevance
or uselessness. Under and with the intention to ‘appear’ as a conceived theory, the bases for the gestation of Ideology are almost the
same of the theory – but here, with an intentional objective, that is to say, directing specifically a theory.
The ideology’s purpose is to elevate some specific interests into public interest 11
. As more as well constructed, less necessary are
forms of coercion (violence, for ex) for reproduction of the status quo. The principal method of this ‘active consent’ of the hegemony
is the lacunar discourse (Althusser) - a series of propositions (never falses) sugests a series of other, which are (falses). Thus, the
essence of lacunar discourse is that non said (however suggested).
Stages of development and correspondent Ideological nomenclature:
Extensive stage - liberalism
Intensive stage - social-democracy
Contemporary capitalism - neoliberalism
11. Planning in another way, and according to my academic Research and Professional career, is in the strict sense
and within the historical dialectic between the State and the Market, the somewhat explicit formulation of the intervention
in social production/reproduction. Planning has one concrete objective – to ensure the conditions of social reproduction
into accumulation.

15
4. Research and Academic Experience
PhD
Before analyzing theories about urban planning, I studied fundamental concepts of economics (rent, value, price, profit, surplus,
leasing, commerce, etc), sociology, ideology, property, State, democracy, etc., in order to understand concepts about space (such as
location, density, land use, homogenization versus differentiation, speculation, regulation, taxation, etc). This thesis is an attempt to
expose the concrete, in order to understand its antagonisms while trying to move towards trends, not precarious certainties, a mistake
I made during part of my Master’s dissertation - I leave the attempts to provide certainty to the natural sciences.
At first, a historical and conceptual analysis of the capitalistic process, progressing from the general to the specific, in order to
understand the spatial organization of the capitalistic production, as follows: (1) The capitalistic way of producing (Smith, Ricardo,
Marx, Aglietta); (2) The Market and the State in the spatial organization of the capitalistic production process; (3) The dialectics of
obstructed accumulation in Brazil. And then, the reverse path: Spatial organization in obstructed accumulation, following from the
specific to the general, to reach a concrete analysis of the dialectics of spatial organization observed in the Greater Sao Paulo area.
That is to say, I studied spatial organization in the modern urban agglomeration. It departs from the view that ‘location’ and ‘space’
acquire a meaning only as a support for economic activities, and conversely, the economic laws governing production and consumption
have to account for their understanding of the territorial dimension of the economy - considering that as a necessary condition for all
economic activity. A reciprocal correlation between ‘space’ and ‘economics’ occurs within the urban process through payment for a
location. This leads the inquiry to focus upon the price of the land as the form in which the payment for location materializes in
contemporary capitalism.
From the former, I developed the concepts of location and space as deriving from the rise and differentiation of commodity production.
Starting from the analysis that the effect of competition on the transformation of the techniques of production can be extended to include
the role of location as one of the ‘techniques of production’. Then, the price of location becomes a result of the same competition that
regulates the production and it is incorporated into the cost-price of commodities. Thus, the following issue was that the limits of market
regulation are reached when the production of space itself cannot perform its best way without State intervention. Accordingly, I
realized that the analysis of the urban process should explore the limits and the interaction of both Market regulation and State Planning
- in spatial organization.
The conditions and the balance between economic and extra-economic means of regulation are achieved under specific historical
circumstances and regimes of growth. While it’s obvious, understanding the processes was the challenge. I concluded that Planning
is seen while necessary and aimed at State activity to coordinate the forces of market competition (including its self-regulation) and state
interventions - through land use zoning, taxation and public enterprises and resources. Therefore, the price of the land becomes the
core of the junction between the market and state regulation in the capitalist spatial organization, a guided/monitored junction by the
stage of development of the antagonism between commodity form (exchange-value) and direct production of use-value – in other
words, stages of capitalism development.
fig. 8: Ideology in the production of space

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Main References:
AGLIETTA, Michel; ALTHUSSER, Louis; AMIN, Samir; ANDERSON, Perry; ARON, Raymond; BALL, Michael; BRAUDEL, F; DEAK, Csaba;
DOBB, Maurice; KEYNES, John M; HARVEY, D; LEFEBVRE, Henri; LUKÁCS, Georg; MANDEL, Ernest; MARX, Karl; MILLS, Wright;
MERRINGTON, John; MASSEY, Doreen; POLLOCK, Friedrich; POULANTZAS, N; SMITH, A; SWEEZY, Paul; RICARDO, D; UNO, Kozo.
Teaching Dossier - Urban Planning
Assistant Professor under the PAE program (Teaching Improvement Program for enrolled postgraduate students) of the University of
Sao Paulo. The Program focuses on preparing professors in three ways: (1) preparatory course (Pedagogy Applied to
Architecture and Urban Planning, code AUP5863); (2) scholarship and (3) internship as assistant professor. I was a registered
assistant (PAE) for four semesters and a volunteer for three semesters. The three subjects focus on Planning, Urban Planning
and Urban Design. The teaching staff consisted of four to five professors and one to two assistant professors for an average
of 166 undergraduate students per class each semester.
As PAE assistant professor, I had to study all the professors’ subjects (one professor was specialized in history, another in urban
legislation, another in building code, public transportation, urban economy, and so on), being ready to answer questions about their
topics, to show security, confidence and command, in both class theory and class management. In addition, to teach subjects ranging
from History, the human scale or technical measurements, AutoCAD, or on developing urban plans, laws, using real examples from
within the city. As a professor, I could never be behind a public notice or debate, city dilemma, new legislation or amendments in the
building code, historic or trendy examples of urban planning around the world, the funds involved in a city budget, urbanization,
renovation or public/private partnership, etc. Other tasks were acting as a liaison between teaching staff and students with respect to
grade evaluations, attendance charts, misunderstanding of theories, etc.
I was always interested in research and teaching. My first related position was one year as a monitor during my undergraduate years
in 1992 in the subject of Scientific Methodology. After that I worked as an assistant professor teaching History of ClassicalArchitecture
during my Master’s program in 2002. During my Doctorate program, the PAE program provided me with the opportunity to handle
increasing responsibilities in teaching12
, as well as to be in constant contact with my coordinator and his research group, the INFURB.
It’s not easy being a planning teacher in a country without a tradition of Planning. In contrast to Canada, Brazil had only a short period
of 25 years of planning and implementation (1950-1975). Impressively, what we see working there until today was built only 25 and,
35 years ago. Basically, I try to transmit in class the notion that many urban problems arise from urban issues, although the urban fabric
concentrates and materializes the benefits and problems of the entire social production. From the general topics that I teach which can
be applied / evolved by any capitalistic society, the most important (in our disciplines) are:
Urban Sprawl: originated by speculation over the land; and (in Brazil) by the obstruction for a large population to
enter in the labor market, consumer market, and land market (in other words, unequal income distribution).
Infrastructure: there are some resistances from the market to provide non-profitable services, and production of
infrastructure (as basic services) reach one of the limits of commodification – if the State doesn’t build or subsidize,
probably there would be a serious public health problems (in one ex). If the market does not provide affordable
housing, address infrastructure, education, etc, public policies need to address this inequity as they are fundamentals
to personal well-being and are vital for social cohesion.
12. I learnt teaching, patience, different paces of student learning, dealing with people, the importance of critical reviews
(feedback), debate. Planning of teaching work - program, charts, grade examinations; theory, History of planning, urban
planning, urban design, in distinct cultures and processes; legislation and building code in depth, Official Plan, second
plans, zoning by-laws, and land use policies. Before that, I had the typical idea (or preconception) that practical/
technical experience could ‘only’ be obtained by working in an office, and that the University was the unique hub for
theory/academic experience. Beyond this common idea, my association between these two ‘apparently’ distinct fields
has enriched my continuous learning: academic research has improved my ability to synthesize (in objective and
subjective matters), and the office has taught me to deal with budget, personnel, scheduling, and client satisfaction
issues, those things known as ‘real life’. As I matured, I discovered that I was well-rounded by the ‘real life’ since I could
move away from the fragility of my prejudices. To stimulate continuous learning (for students and professors), and even
in the same subject, the teaching staff was changed with each new semester, and I had to learn the new professor’s
specialty, teaching with confidence, using mediation and public speaking to manage the subjects from beginning to end,
even while criticizing the methodology (the Assistant is trained to take a position). This included moving around different
faculties and libraries, from internal to external departments to provide secure information. I believe that beyond my
research theme, my promptness and versatility working as an assistant led me to be invited to be a member of
INFURB, expanding my area of research in planning.

17
State intervention: in a capitalistic economy, the objective of the intervention is not to constrain the market, but to
create the conditions for its reproduction and competitiveness. In the same way, investments in social infrastructure
are a good way to generate and multiply values in productive long-term values, mainly during economic downturns.
Public Interest: the majority of the population, not a group of people or specific area. Thus, the tactical use of the
City’s existing resources (land, buildings, public transportation), and construction of infrastructure to encourage
clear direction of planning are strengths to direct public/private investments to focus on public interests.
Speculation: there’s space for it where / when there’s no planning at the collective level from the State (fig.9).
Homogeneous versus Heterogeneous Space: space unified or not by infrastructure, main reason for differentiation
of land price (fig.10).
Disciplines
Urban Organization and Planning (AUP272)
Objective
Introduce students to the analysis and interpretation of the main characteristics of urban space production. Locally, show that the
homogenization and/or differentiation of the space are the result of contrasting disputes between the inherent forces of each society
(case study of Brazilian society) in its current capitalist stage of development.
Methodology
Using the case study of the Greater Sao Paulo Area, the course stimulates in students the urban experience, changing it into formal
knowledge of the concrete urban process. The teaching activities include classes, field surveys, and supervised individual and group
projects.
Content
History of Sao Paulo urban agglomeration – connection between the urban sprawl evolution and stages of capitalist
development in Brazil.
Urban development and socioeconomic issues – development rates, income distribution in urban areas, formation and
incorporation of suburbs;
Morphology of the urban fabric – land use (residential, commercial, industrial), centre and sub-centres polarization, network
and transportation infrastructure, real estate.
Official Plans and sector-based projects – exercise of criticism of spatial production (public and private interests, transportation,
parks, affordable housing, centre revitalization, public transportation, etc), and zoning master planning.
Patterns of settlement – spatial differentiation and homogenization, economic development ‘over’ the land, density.
Matter of law, legal and institutional matters – public policies, land use legislation (zoning by-laws), building code, municipal
authorities jurisdiction and management.
Laboratory work and assessment criteria (teaching evaluations)
1) Individual research paper of student’s choice supervised by the professor.
2) Group Design including analysis of selected urban areas, interpretation, and proposal of intervention in three steps:
i) Scope definition of intervention and work methodology - preliminary presentation;
ii) Proposal development (design), and evaluation of conditions for implementation;
iii) Final evaluation – presentation and work delivery in A2, A3 or A4 format.
Final grade: average grade of research paper (weighting: 5), preliminary presentation (weighting: 1), development (weighting: 2)
and final presentation (weighting: 2). This subject requires a minimum passing grade - if it is not reached, the student has to repeat the
semester.

18
The Development of National Space (AUP270)
Objective
Introduce the elements of formation, consolidation and difficulties to develop a unified market and its correspondent national built space,
and again, as a result of the capitalist stage of development. Reveal that the antagonistic actions of planning and non-planning the
national space focusing on a unified consumer market is determined by socioeconomic specificities.
Methodology
The process of national planning is approached by studying the historical plans and their development stages. The interpretation of the
planning process lies on State action and the individual production processes, involving the entire social production. Thus, the
resulting space is a comprised of State and Market interests, not always working together or/and in the same stream – in Brazil or in
any capitalist country; although that in a capitalist economy, the objective of the State intervention is not to constrain the market, but to
create the conditions for its reproduction and competitiveness. The teaching activities involve classes, individual research paper,
laboratory work and group seminars.
Content
Capitalism, capitalist society and elite society.
Characteristics of capitalist social reproduction directed at accumulation - production, distribution and consumption.
Stages and periodization of capitalist development.
Hindered and unobstructed accumulation – tools for reproduction in each case.
The exhaustion of extensive and intensive stages of capitalism heading towards the current crisis
Formation of unified markets inside the national territory.
Dialectics between State and Market in the capitalist regulation.
Transparent and hidden economic policies.
Homogeneous space versus heterogeneous/differentiated space.
Neoliberalism and contemporary currents in political economy and rhetoric.
History of national development plans - case studies of Brazil, England and Germany.
Laboratory wok and assessment criteria (teaching evaluation)
1) Individual research paper of the student’s choice supervised by the professor.
2) Group design: analysis, interpretation, and critique; proposal of national planning for development (or, sector-based planning),
in three steps:
i) Scope definition of the intervention and work methodology - preliminary presentation;
ii) Proposal development (design), and evaluation of conditions for implementation;
iii) Final evaluation – presentation and work delivery in A2, A3 or A4 format.
Final grade: average grade of research paper (weighting: 5), preliminary presentation (weighting: 1), development (weighting: 2)
and final presentation (weighting: 2). This subject requires a minimum passing grade - if it is not reached, the student has to repeat the
semester.
Urban Design and Projects of City Spaces (AUP274)
Objective
Study the historical relations between built and non-built urban spaces in relation to an egalitarian production of the city for citizens.
Introduce students to diverse interactions and disputes between public and private stakeholders, citizens and the resulting urban

19
space – economical activities, social land use, natural environment, spatial perception, urban legislation and building codes, etc.
Considering the complex management of this task, the idea is that the Municipality has to coordinate and stimulate the spatial production
through Urban Design within civil society in order to build a structured and democratic urban space.
Methodology
The course is organized into classes, field surveys and exercises of urban intervention. The final exercise includes the following steps:
1) a survey of the physical area, a survey of social groups living in the area, 2) a diagnostic study, a study of viability involving legal,
socioeconomic and urban aspects, 3) an intervention program, and 4) an Urban Design project in the Sao Paulo downtown area -
volumetric mass plan and proposed buildings. The intention is to match (as much as possible) the influences of spatial production –
physical environment, socioeconomic disputes, economic conditions (real estate, price of land, land use), juridical issues, etc.
The central area is known for its good infrastructure, vitality and daily commercial activities, although there are serious conflicts
regarding land use. The central area has a higher demand for low income housing, it has intense commerce, a high number of vacant
lands, blocks in degradation, and the most important public buildings and institutions of the Municipality. In brief, it is a melting pot of
contradictions and opportunities, and it has the typical conflicts regarding land production and land use in the built space of big cities
– it is a strong example of academic reflection and real exercise in urban design.
Content
The Urban Design concept as a tool for planning and projecting city spaces.
Economic development and land use planning.
Research techniques, collection and analysis of data, forecasts and indicators.
Targets, land needs, population growth, housing needs, employment.
The understanding and evaluation of built or non-built urban spaces mean a relationship between the environment, the urban
structure and the human scale. The Urban Design works with the social dynamics that influence the spatial production and
must consider diverse forms of involvement by the public authorities, private initiatives, and civil society in order to reach
a design solution.
Laboratory work and assessment criteria (teaching evaluations)
The evaluation includes 1) three urban design exercises, 2) two seminars and 3) the final project delivered in A3 format. This
subject requires a minimum passing grade - if it is not reached, the student has to repeat the semester.
INFURB
Centre for Research in Urban Information – University of Sao Paulo; including the following activities: research and analysis, policy
formulation, review of development proposals/policies, development of implementation strategies.
INFURB-USP is a centre for interdisciplinary research aimed at research into urban and regional spatial structures. It was founded in
1992, and has brought together researchers from the USP (University of Sao Paulo) departments around two main areas of research:
processes of urban transformation and systems of infrastructure and network services. The Centre develops research involving
political economy, socioeconomics, institutional and technological aspects, related to spatial organization (municipal, regional, or
national). Since 1992, INFURB has had the collaboration of over 30 qualified researchers from the following areas: architectural
technology, urban planning, economics, urban geography, civil engineering, hydraulic and sanitary engineering, economic law,
administrative law, political science and sociology. The INFURB research department has four permanent members, four to six
students on a scientific scholarship and a diverse number of postgraduate students.

20
There are permanent partnerships with the Technological Centre for Civil Construction from the Polytechnic School of USP, with the
Urban Political Secretariat (now part of the Brazilian Ministry of Planning and Budget Affairs), IPEA – Institute of Applied Economic
Research (part of the Brazilian Ministry of Planning and Budget Affairs) and with the Foundation for State Data Analysis Services–
SEADE. Foreign partnerships include Delft Technology University (Netherlands), “Alfa-Ibis” program and Public Services International
Research Unit–PSIRU (London, England).
I enrolled at INFURB during and after the Doctorate program, to conduct research, analysis and provide project support to senior staff
in ongoing projects and/or related to the permanent research themes described in profile13
.
My functions included diverse tasks such as: analyzing corporate and/or operational policy issues; formulating research objectives,
designing and developing research projects from an interdisciplinary perspective; evaluating alternative models and approaches;
applying an understanding of qualitative and quantitative research methodologies; research into diverse areas including corporate
policy development, intergovernmental relations, government practices and procedures, civic engagement; data collection instruments,
reviews and analyses of statistical data, external reports and studies, existing and proposed polices14
.
Beyond the technical description above, I realized the power of information and media information, the political or interest-based way
of creating, forging or manipulating situations, numbers, and explanations in a pre-determined way. INFURB is a non-profit organization,
funded by public resources, with a lot of volunteer work by academics. Part of our time was to deconstruct false, biased or incomplete
surveys/indicators run by big media agencies, giving an independent interpretation. In Brazil, only about five groups control all the
media, and impressively ‘guide’ the direction of information.
13. I learnt: research and methodology techniques, analyzing data, models and indicators, policy formulation; writing
reports and justification of needs; employment, population, industrial, commercial forecasts; land needs; demands;
economic and socioeconomic interests and opportunities; public policies, strategic development, targets; economic
development and land use planning; steps and hierarchies of data analysis; understanding and distinguishing of
relevant information; feasibility and environmental impact. Ability to undertake independent research and analysis
within defined objectives; strategic and critical thinking in addition to analytical and organizational research.
14. In addition, assisting senior staff in identifying options, assessing implications and developing implementation
strategies, analyzing and assessing impacts of government policy, legislative and budgetary proposals; preparing
written comments and presentations, reports and summaries on research topics, liaising with program staff and
external organizations in the course of research and analysis. The group is especially interested in my impression of
the Canadian repercussions of the global economic crisis.
Prestes Maia Avenues Plan
city of Sao Paulo, 1930

21
TRANSITION LINES
TRANSITION
AREA
AT1
TRANSITION
AREA
AT2
FRONTIER OF
SPECULATION
price in AT1>AT2
3
1
2
HIERARCHY/SEQUENCEOFOCCUPATION
DOWNTOWN
ZONE 1
ZONE 2
BORDER/LIMIT OF ZONE 2
BORDER/LIMIT OF ZONE 1
URBAN AREA
FRONTIER OF
SPECULATION 1
FRONTIER OF
SPECULATION 2
CENTRIPETAL
EXPANSION
fig. 9: Movement of speculation on urban land
Without (or few) State intervention, the pattern of occupation is as follows: the location prices will be bigger at the frontiers
in direction to downtown (transition area -AT1), and lower at locations in external direction (AT2). This movement will
continuously repeat from the next hierarchy of land uses, resulting in a pattern of spontaneous growth in which the frontiers
within land uses will be constantly moved centrifugally, and delivering to the State the function of connecting the locations
with infrastructure. The result is a speculation pressure upon a transition line between intermediary corners/locations which
will dislocate above the last frontier and before the next (in red). The movement follows a hierarchy (1o, 2o, 3o), resulting
in high prices in the locations inside the desired rows.
fig. 10: Variation of location’s price and infrastructure
The graphic shows (in red continuous) the variation of location’s price (more expensive as close as downtown -
areas with better infrastructure and homogenized space). The red dashed shows that the cheaper location goes in
direction to the illegality and periphery. In blue, the expected curve of a normal relation between price and a non
huge gap between homogenization/heterogenization of the urban space.

22
5. Professional Experience
5.1 Town of Markham – Planner / Urban Designer
Evaluation of consultant’s background studies, implementation plans, Secondary/Community plans, such as South Unionville,
Markham Centre, Milliken, Center North (Times Group, Remington Group and Aryeh Construction), large provincial studies
(Places to Grow–Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe, Greenbelt Plan, etc), methodologies for Parkland dedication,
regarding sustainability with intensification of land use, mixed use and transit. In other words,
Creation of communities that offer mixed use for living, working, learning, shopping and playing
Provision of housing and social housing to meet the needs of people at any age
Curb urban sprawl and protection of farmland and green spaces
Reduce traffic gridlock by improving access to hubs and public transportation
Evaluation of public / private development applications regarding urban design, Planning Act, site planning (setbacks,
massing, street lighting, signage), architecture, materials, landscape, streetscape, street furniture and built form guidelines;
Recommendation Reports to Senior Management; Official Plans, Secondary Plans, Community Plans, Precinct Plans,
Zoning and By-Laws, Amendments, Subdivisions, Condominiums and Common Elements, Agreements, Commissions of
Adjustment, AMANDA, Parkland Dedication. The same for the new communities: Angus Glen, Cathedral, Markham Centre
and South Unionville, Milliken, Wismer, until now.
5.2 Urbanization, Shantytowns, Environmental Education Program and Public Transportation
5.2.1 Shantytowns, Environmental Education Program
Environmental Sanitation Program for the Guarapiranga Water Basin (affected dwellings: 1,339; area: 105,995m2)
Partners:
Governo do Estado de Sao Paulo - Government of the State of Sao Paulo;
BIRD – Banco Internacional de Reconstrucao e Desenvolvimento do Grupo Banco Mundial / IBRD – World Bank Group,
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development;
Prefeitura do Municipio de Sao Paulo – City Hall of the Municipality of Sao Paulo;
Secretaria de Habitacao e Desenvolvimento Urbano - Secretariat for Housing and Urban Development;
Programa de Saneamento e MeioAmbiente da Bacia do Guarapiranga - EnvironmentalSanitationProgramfortheGuarapiranga
Water Basin;
Joao Walter ToscanoArquitetos e PlanejadoresAssociados – Joao Walter ToscanoAssociatedArchitects and Planners.
Habitar Brazil Program - Urbanization of Parque Sao Bernardo / Novo Parque shantytown (affected dwellings: 2,316; area: 19,470m2)
Partners:
Programa Habitar Brasil - Habitar Brazil Program
Projeto de Recuperacao deAreas Degradadas - Project of Recovery of DegradedAreas
BID – Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento – IBD Interamerican Development Bank
SHAMA– Secretaria de Habitacao e MeioAmbiente do Municipio de Sao Bernardo - Housing and Environment Secretariat of
the Municipality of Sao Bernardo
Joao Walter ToscanoArquitetos e PlanejadoresAssociados – Joao Walter ToscanoAssociatedArchitects and Planners
These Programs are ongoing projects jointly developed by the Government of the State of Sao Paulo and the Municipalities, with
resources from international banks and agencies. The objective is to restore the water quality of the water basins, which are
responsible for the water supply of 3 million inhabitants of the south region of the city of Sao Paulo, as well as to improve the living
standards of people living in the area. The Secretariat for Housing and Urban Development carries out activities related to environmental
and urban rehabilitation that are under the responsibility of the Municipalities.

23
fig.11: Parque Amelia Shantytown
In yellow, the dwellings in risk area which will be
demolished. In blue, the new pattern of streets, sidewalks,
stairs, alleys and cul-de-sac.
[http://www.habisp.inf.br/aspnet/aspx/EspacoHabitado/
FavelaDetalhe.aspx?ins_idt_instancia=A7888153-36A9-47AF-BD20-
D49B7373B687&tipo=n]
One of the main objectives of the Program is to transform the occupied and degraded areas into neighbourhoods. It includes the
urbanization of shantytowns, landscaping, construction of dwellings, schools, community centers, entertainment areas, and the supply
of infrastructure for the destitute quarters, leading to the improvement of living standards and better water quality of the rivers and
streams that feed the reservoir. The general objectives are from three areas:
1. Sustainable physical conditions: implementation, maintenance and expansion of the water and sewerage
system, drainage of rainwater and streams, regular collection of solid waste, recovering of banks, elimination of
risk areas, paving of roads, alleys, sidewalks, stairs, improvement of the public transportation system, and public
lighting.
2. Sustainable social inclusion: to ensure the social inclusion of the population and sustainability of the urban
interventions; creation of employment and economic development; creation of entertainment areas and community
centres; construction of new dwellings; creation and regularization of plots of land based on amendments to theAct
regarding the Protection and Recovery of the Guarapiranga and Billings Water Basins; community support for
affected populations.
3. Sustainable development of ecologically fragile areas - Environmental Education Program.
Internal views and aerial view

24
fig.12: Jardim Souza Shantytown
Here, the dwellngs in risk area were already removed, and we
have the final configuration. In purple and green, new pavimentation
of streets and cul-de-sac, in black, the alleys. In grey, the stairs.
[http://www.habisp.inf.br/aspnet/aspx/EspacoHabitado/
FavelaDetalhe.aspx?ins_idt_instancia=EAE2578A-2793-485A-84D2-
05260F6BE09F&tipo=n]
External, aerial views, and
high-income neighborhood

25
Until now (2009), this has been the most impressive experience of my career. As a typical member of the middle class, I had never
been in a slum.
Brazil is one of the countries with the worst income distribution in the world (usually in third position). The proportion of dwellings within
slums in the Brazilian capitals is between 20% and 49% (22% in Sao Paulo). The municipalities have decided to urbanize the slums
to have some control over social demands and to avoid the ‘invasion’ of the best locations of central areas (of cities) by this population.
Poverty and unequal income distribution in Brazil is a chronic, historical, intentional and structural way to control society, despite
serious regular rural and urban disputes. Among the Brazilian elite society, the expansion of social and infrastructure services (such
as the urbanization of shantytowns, sanitary improvements, health care, etc.) is not an ongoing institutional goal or objective to be
achieved, but a ‘palliative’ and ‘philanthropic’ way to keep out, under control, and far from the central locations a huge number of
citizens.
Once in a while, depending on the political group in power (municipal, state or federal) and the intensity of social agitation, there are
some attempts to increase social inclusion with parcels of income distribution and/or social infrastructure improvements. But once the
social complaints die down, or the group objectives in power changes, this process is ceased. The result is that the shantytowns in the
cities’ suburbs (but not only) are an immense explosive area involving the city.
The Urbanization of Shantytowns15
program and many other social programs in Brazil are used as ‘vote grabbers’ by politicians.
There is no interest from the private sector and 100% of it has to be funded by public resources. It is fertile ground for corruption.
Frequently, the approved design/budget is not the cheapest or more efficient, but, on the contrary, the most expensive: influential
relations determine the winners for the service contracts. Similarly, my position was controversial and had undesired effects - following
public intervention, the informal / illegal price of land and houses (it was public land) increased significantly. In addition, once I was
representing the municipal authority to work and ‘legalize informal / illegal’ parts of cities, I had to put into perspective what I had learnt
about official plan analysis, zoning by-laws, building codes, etc16
.
Although peculiar, many of these issues are not exclusive to Brazil. The decision-making power and advance information about
municipal decisions for urban land, land use, new legislation, or public investments are tools for speculation over the land (even in
shantytowns located on public land) - that cause urban processes such as sprawl, high expenses with new public transportation and
infrastructure, high differentiation in the price of land, social and spatial social exclusion, vacant lots inner cities and environmental
issues, among others.
It should be mentioned that the large slums have their own rules and regulations, culture, as well as their own economic development
that I had to understand prior to planning. In other words, large slums are quite different from formal society (fig.11,12). I had to
understand this even if I believed that I was working with the best intentions in mind17
. After more than 2 years working on it, I could
learn how to anticipate what to expect and/or to avoid, possible problems and solutions (both physical, social and environmental), and
in particular, disputes of interest between stakeholders that would limit my work and service to the affected populations. This gave me
a sense of relief (I knew what to do and how to coordinate) and frustration: although I worked hard as a liaison during public meetings,
presentations, discussions, and negotiations, the final decision was usually made following political and economic negotiations by a
small group: the politicians and the owners of the shantytown.
15. In the city of Sao Paulo, about 1/3 of the total area of the Guarapiranga water basin is occupied by approximately
200 illegal allotments and 186 shantytowns, which are responsible for part of waste carried to streams, degrading the
quality of water and putting at risk the Guarapiranga reservoir as a source of water supply. The problem is made worse
by the precarious housing conditions of those families, whose houses are permanently exposed to land slides, flooding
and diseases caused by the lack of basic sanitation.
16. Similar was my experience working on the assessment and design of Metropolitan Bus Terminals in environmentally
protected areas (fig.12). 70% of these terminals were/are located in ecologically fragile areas with limited or no
infrastructure systems. The high price of land in the inner city areas forces the low income population to sprawl into
environmentally protected areas usually owned by the State. Having no means or interest to cease this urban sprawl
process, attempting to avoid a worsening deterioration of the local environment, the municipality chooses to urbanize
the area, in a move against the environmental protection legislation that forbids the settlement of these areas. Thus,
amendments have to be made to the legislation to permit construction where it was not permitted before, and at the same
time introducing a new direction for land speculation – the process of invading first, with the opening of new allotments,
and waiting for the ‘amnesty’ from the municipality, thereby adjusting the Law. It is the same dilemma facing the
urbanization of shantytown areas.

26
On the other hand, human behaviour can be astonishing. The urban planner has to draw on many abilities as a planner, architect,
economist, psychologist, sociologist, teacher, social worker (and so on). The liaison and arbitration stages are very difficult, with
political, economic, electoral interests: internal disputes between civic leaders, dwelling owners, small and big sellers, traffickers,
municipal departments, contractors and subcontractors, etc. Many times the lines of communication to achieve a common vision have
to be practically ‘traded’ against areas of influence as a last opportunity to advance the ‘public interest’, bringing things dangerously
close to the ethical frontier. I had to grow and quickly make decisions and remember what the focus was – the population – even when,
in times of difficulty, government agencies or companies tried to escape from their responsibilities (forgetting the population).
Environmental Education Program - As the member with communication and presence since the beginning at all stages of the
urbanization plan, I assisted the senior staff with the creation, implementation and co-ordination of the Environmental Education
Program, regarding the protection of natural resources program, including: survey of contaminated pounds, streams and soil,
deforestation, waste removal, risk analysis, photographic surveying, presentations to the community and continued community
support.
17. These are places where the police, or even the army, cannot enter without having unpredictable results. During this
long urbanization project in which I participated, the work team coordinated by the municipality had to wait for
negotiations with the shantytown owners (usually drug traffickers or civil leaders – sometimes they are the same
person). Even so, three topographers were murdered, postponing our field work for two months until new negotiations
had been concluded. After that, and before entering the area again as the survey coordinator and liaison (between the
municipality, the office and the population), I had to be coached and introduced by one of these owners – another
reference of political support. Another moment that I cannot forget is myself with a microphone at 19 years of age,
standing on school tables in the community centre yard, describing the plan to about 200 people who did not want to
hear me: they just wanted to know whether or not their house would be demolished.
5.2.2 Public Transportation
Plano de Estruturação de Sistemas de Média Capacidade da Região Metropolitana de Sao Paulo (RMSP), Corredor Oeste – Restitution Plan of
Average Capacity Systems of the Greater Sao Paulo Area, West Corridor;
Partners:
EMTU – Empresa Municipal de Transportes Urbanos - Municipal Urban Transportation Company
FUPAM – Fundacao para a PesquisaAmbiental - Foundation for Environmental Research
Oficina ConsultoresAssociados - Atelier ofAssociated Consultants
Survey, mapping, appraisal and research, the following public transportation requirements for public and municipal evaluation for
design and layout: environmental impact, neighbourhood characteristics, attendance and functionality, mobility of population (time and
number of daily journeys), measurement and estimating of stations, platforms and components (according to building code and safety
legislation), specifications and quantitativeness, budget, structural design; physical inspection of the entire site, landform and land
elevations, removals and demolitions, paving, landscaping, sidewalks, stairs, pipes, rainwater, water and sewage net, anchorage
walls, gutters, etc (fig.13).
The name and built areas of the terminals are: Carapicuiba (17,546.01m2), Osasco South (10,216.00m2), Osasco North (9,237.55m2),
Cidade Kemel (7,577.93m2), Remedios (7,327.28m2), Jandira (6,148.00m2), Polvilho (5,937.56m2), Barueri North (5,844.06m2),
Barueri South (1,190.00m2), Itapevi (5,390.11m2), Caieiras (2,403.00m2), Lapa (18,181.95m2), Sacoma (14,089.30m2).
LRT – Light Rail Transit (Streetcar Tramway Renovation)
Partners:
Prefeitura Municipal de Santos – Santos City Hal
Emplasa – Empresa Paulista de Planejamento Metropolitana SA – São Paulo Metropolian Planning Company SA
CET - Companhia de Engenharia de Trafico – Traffic Engineering Company
FUPAM – Fundacao para a PesquisaAmbiental - Foundation for Environmental Research

27
The LRT system is a vast regional and transportation project covering the Santos area, with extensions from Vila Caiçara in the south
and Valongo in the north. The system connects and integrates other methods of modal and intermodal transportation, joining employment-
generating municipalities in the region such as Cubatão, Santos and Guarujá (fig.14).
From an environmental and urban point of view, the LRT system permits future demand and proper physical entry into historical
conservation and consolidated urbanization areas. Moreover, part of the trip through an historical conservation area of the city of
Santos was restored (blocks, transportation lanes and old buildings) to also be used as a tourism streetcar that is already in use [http:/
/www.santos.sp.gov.br/bonde/index.html]. The system is 33 km long and has 22 stations in three stages. There are 12 restored stations
in the first stage, 5 new stations in the 2nd stage, and 5 new stations in the 3rd stage. There will be a connection to the bus terminals
in 3 stations: Frei Gaspar, Barreiros and Imigrantes, as well as an area with offices and administration.
The objective directed to the teamwork that I was member was to promote the better use of the existing urban infrastructure (through
re-development and re-urbanization), with intensification and density of land use, and to reduce the use of private automobiles. A
relevant question that remains unanswered is how to avoid undesired gentrification – the construction is ongoing. The long-term
project and construction involved floating from the State, three municipalities, and cooperation from several City Departments from
different cities. [http://www.emtu.sp.gov.br/PlanoDeExpansao/simcarac.htm]
The project proposes 5 station types related to necessary demand, disposable areas for implementation, bus conexion, commuters
demand, and size of canopy. In addition to the structure, the project proposes seats, public telephone, litter bin, lighting and visual
communication, such as orientation panels and orientation maps. I learnt History of Santos, Official Plan of Santos, Coffee Era and
subjects and stages related to rehabilitation and restoration of deteriorated downtown areas – in addition, that the pace of work is
slower than a normal design or construction in non heritage-protected area. It was my first survey and analysis related to implement
a Tourism Strategic Plan. Like shantytowns or the bus terminals, all my experience is related to large long-term projects in areas with
long-term problems needing public resources. Therefore, ten or 15 years is little time for all the stages, electoral interests, waves of
public investment, etc.
Like the previous examples, I learnt the tactical use of the City’s existing resources (land, buildings, public transportation), and
construction of infrastructure to encourage clear direction of planning in order to direct public/private investments to focus on public
interests. In the same way, investments in social infrastructure are a good way to generate and multiply values in productive long-term
values.
Polvilho Carapicuiba Caieiras
fig.13: Assessment for Bus Terminals in environmentally protected areas

28
fig.14: Assessment and Design for LRT - Light Rail Transit / Streetcar Tramway Renovation - City of Santos

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