The document contains 7 charts that propose a restructuring of the Hong Kong SAR government secretariat. The charts show a new organizational structure with policy bureaus divided under deputy secretaries for administration, public services, and financial secretaries. Other existing government units like ICAC and the audit commission would remain unchanged.
Chairman of the UK Parliament Committee, Rt Hon Sir Richard Ottaway MP, says he's disappointed on the Government's response:
"In our report, published earlier this month, we said that the UK Government should stand up more strongly for Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy. In our view, the UK Government's lack of clarity on constitutional reform in Hong Kong threatens to damage its reputation there. The Government’s decision to reject several of our key recommendations is a matter of deep regret for the Committee. We remain concerned about the issues raised in the report, and hope that our successor Committee will continue to hold the UK Government to account for its handling of relations with this important partner."
The document summarizes the current political situation in Hong Kong regarding electoral reform. It states that the proposed 2017 Chief Executive election reform is expected to fail to pass as it lacks the necessary votes. This disagreement between Hong Kong and Beijing leaves the future of political reform uncertain and could prolong political instability and protests in Hong Kong. It also discusses the positions of the pan-democratic camp, pro-establishment camp, and Beijing's central government on the issue. The chairman expresses concern that passing the reform bill in its current form would not resolve underlying issues and could further dissatisfaction in Hong Kong.
This document summarizes proposals from the Hong Kong Democratic Foundation regarding reforms to Hong Kong's electoral system for the 2017 Chief Executive election. It discusses alternative proposals for forming the Nominating Committee, the nominating process, requirements for candidates, and voting procedures. It also references discussions between the Foundation and other officials regarding how to balance universal suffrage with Hong Kong's status under the Basic Law and China's sovereignty. The goal is to find a democratic path forward that does not threaten China's control over Hong Kong or undermine the "one country, two systems" principle.
The document discusses Hong Kong's democratic future in the context of the proposed electoral framework for selecting Hong Kong's chief executive in 2017. There is concern that the framework is overly restrictive and will not result in a real choice for Hong Kong people. This has led to protests in Hong Kong called the Umbrella Movement. The document examines Hong Kong's system of governance under the "one country, two systems" principle and the tensions between autonomy and China's role. It considers reactions in Hong Kong and implications for democratic reform and the city's political future.
This document proposes a method for selecting Hong Kong's Chief Executive in 2017 by universal suffrage that aims to balance democratic principles with the political realities of the situation. Key aspects of the proposal include restructuring the Nomination Committee to replace corporate votes with individual votes while keeping the existing sector allocation, a multi-stage nomination process involving Legco members to select 2-3 candidates, a public vote requiring over 50% support to elect the Chief Executive, and final appointment by the Central Government in Beijing. The proposal seeks to offer a genuine choice without pre-selecting candidates and conform with international electoral standards while addressing Beijing's national security concerns.
1. The document is a response from the Hong Kong Democratic Foundation (HKDF) to a consultation on selecting the Chief Executive in 2017 by universal suffrage.
2. The HKDF urges finding a solution that offers a genuine choice without allowing the Nomination Committee to pre-select candidates, and conforms with international standards for free and fair elections.
3. The HKDF is dismayed by limitations in the consultation and calls for enhancing the 2016 Legislative Council elections to pave the way for a more representative 2017 process.
The document summarizes key developments in Hong Kong during July to December 2014, a tumultuous period that included mass protests. It discusses:
1) The Chief Executive's report to Beijing on constitutional reform which concluded universal suffrage for the Chief Executive election in 2017 was desirable but faced criticism for not quantifying public views.
2) Beijing's restrictive August decision on electoral reform, setting parameters for the 2017 election that disappointed democracy advocates and sparked large protests.
3) Weeks of protests including class boycotts and occupations that brought international attention to Hong Kong's political reforms and rights.
The document contains 7 charts that propose a restructuring of the Hong Kong SAR government secretariat. The charts show a new organizational structure with policy bureaus divided under deputy secretaries for administration, public services, and financial secretaries. Other existing government units like ICAC and the audit commission would remain unchanged.
Chairman of the UK Parliament Committee, Rt Hon Sir Richard Ottaway MP, says he's disappointed on the Government's response:
"In our report, published earlier this month, we said that the UK Government should stand up more strongly for Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy. In our view, the UK Government's lack of clarity on constitutional reform in Hong Kong threatens to damage its reputation there. The Government’s decision to reject several of our key recommendations is a matter of deep regret for the Committee. We remain concerned about the issues raised in the report, and hope that our successor Committee will continue to hold the UK Government to account for its handling of relations with this important partner."
The document summarizes the current political situation in Hong Kong regarding electoral reform. It states that the proposed 2017 Chief Executive election reform is expected to fail to pass as it lacks the necessary votes. This disagreement between Hong Kong and Beijing leaves the future of political reform uncertain and could prolong political instability and protests in Hong Kong. It also discusses the positions of the pan-democratic camp, pro-establishment camp, and Beijing's central government on the issue. The chairman expresses concern that passing the reform bill in its current form would not resolve underlying issues and could further dissatisfaction in Hong Kong.
This document summarizes proposals from the Hong Kong Democratic Foundation regarding reforms to Hong Kong's electoral system for the 2017 Chief Executive election. It discusses alternative proposals for forming the Nominating Committee, the nominating process, requirements for candidates, and voting procedures. It also references discussions between the Foundation and other officials regarding how to balance universal suffrage with Hong Kong's status under the Basic Law and China's sovereignty. The goal is to find a democratic path forward that does not threaten China's control over Hong Kong or undermine the "one country, two systems" principle.
The document discusses Hong Kong's democratic future in the context of the proposed electoral framework for selecting Hong Kong's chief executive in 2017. There is concern that the framework is overly restrictive and will not result in a real choice for Hong Kong people. This has led to protests in Hong Kong called the Umbrella Movement. The document examines Hong Kong's system of governance under the "one country, two systems" principle and the tensions between autonomy and China's role. It considers reactions in Hong Kong and implications for democratic reform and the city's political future.
This document proposes a method for selecting Hong Kong's Chief Executive in 2017 by universal suffrage that aims to balance democratic principles with the political realities of the situation. Key aspects of the proposal include restructuring the Nomination Committee to replace corporate votes with individual votes while keeping the existing sector allocation, a multi-stage nomination process involving Legco members to select 2-3 candidates, a public vote requiring over 50% support to elect the Chief Executive, and final appointment by the Central Government in Beijing. The proposal seeks to offer a genuine choice without pre-selecting candidates and conform with international electoral standards while addressing Beijing's national security concerns.
1. The document is a response from the Hong Kong Democratic Foundation (HKDF) to a consultation on selecting the Chief Executive in 2017 by universal suffrage.
2. The HKDF urges finding a solution that offers a genuine choice without allowing the Nomination Committee to pre-select candidates, and conforms with international standards for free and fair elections.
3. The HKDF is dismayed by limitations in the consultation and calls for enhancing the 2016 Legislative Council elections to pave the way for a more representative 2017 process.
The document summarizes key developments in Hong Kong during July to December 2014, a tumultuous period that included mass protests. It discusses:
1) The Chief Executive's report to Beijing on constitutional reform which concluded universal suffrage for the Chief Executive election in 2017 was desirable but faced criticism for not quantifying public views.
2) Beijing's restrictive August decision on electoral reform, setting parameters for the 2017 election that disappointed democracy advocates and sparked large protests.
3) Weeks of protests including class boycotts and occupations that brought international attention to Hong Kong's political reforms and rights.
This document summarizes a book about social innovation. It describes hundreds of methods for social innovation being used around the world.
The book is divided into three sections. Section 1 maps out the process of social innovation from prompts and ideas to scaling and systemic change. It describes methods used at each stage. Section 2 covers methods for connecting people, ideas and resources. Section 3 examines ways to support social innovation in the public, private, nonprofit and informal sectors.
The goal is to help those involved in social innovation by documenting existing methods and encouraging cross-pollination of ideas. The book aims to accelerate innovation by blending methods from different fields and sectors.
This document provides an overview and introduction to the book "Capacity Development in Practice" edited by Jan Ubels, Naa-Aku Acquaye-Baddoo, and Alan Fowler. The book is a collection of chapters written by practitioners in the field of capacity development. It aims to make capacity development more effective by sharing practical experiences and illustrations. The introduction previews some of the central themes of the book, including understanding capacity as stemming from connections between different types of actors and levels of society, and crafting the content for a broad audience of capacity development practitioners.
This document summarizes China's recent efforts to centralize some of its regulatory bureaucracies up to the provincial level in order to curb "local protectionism" and standardize policy implementation nationwide. This "soft centralization" has been partially successful but has also strengthened the power of provinces relative to Beijing. While curbing localism, it has contributed to the emergence of "perverse federalism" with more power concentrated at the provincial level through personnel and budgetary resources rather than being fully centralized under Beijing's control. The document discusses the goals of centralization, the bureaucracies that have been centralized, and analyzes the outcomes and implications of this shift to "soft centralization."
- The signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Future of Hong Kong by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and the Premier of the People's Republic of China was a memorable occasion that underscored both governments' firm commitment to implement the agreement.
- The Prime Minister found his talks with the Premier to be useful and interesting, marking the beginning of a new phase of closer consultation and cooperation between their governments, including developing trade and economic relations.
- The Prime Minister expressed his warmest thanks to the Premier for the outstanding hospitality extended to him and his delegation during their all too brief stay in China.
UK Cabinet meeting on the White Paper on "A Draft Agreement between the Government of the UK and China on the Future of Hong Kong" (i.e. The Joint Declaration)
The document summarizes Alan Lung's testimony to the UK House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee regarding relations between the UK, Hong Kong, and China. Lung argues that the UK, Hong Kong, and Beijing should pursue cooperation based on "hope" rather than "fear" to further democratic development in Hong Kong. He also asserts that a democratic Hong Kong would benefit China by providing a model for political reform and helping address social issues from economic growth. The UK could help by increasing innovation cooperation with Hong Kong and allowing more exchanges between Hong Kong and UK organizations.
The document summarizes testimony from Jitendra Joshi and Francis Moriarty of the Foreign Correspondents Club in Hong Kong regarding press freedom in Hong Kong. They agree with the Hong Kong Journalists Association that 2014 was one of the "darkest" years for press freedom in decades. They cite incidents of intimidation, violence against journalists, and increasing self-censorship due to commercial and political pressures. While press freedoms are legally protected, they argue enforcement has been insufficient and the climate is increasingly hostile toward open reporting, especially on issues relating to China's influence in Hong Kong.
This document summarizes a report on crowdsourcing for democracy. It begins with an introduction stating that the report examines how crowdsourcing has been used in various policy making processes, such as participatory budgeting. It then provides definitions of crowdsourcing, explaining that crowdsourcing is an open call for public participation in online tasks. The remainder of the report provides examples of crowdsourcing applications and analyzes its role and potential impact on democracy.
This document compares the nomination process for the Chief Executive election in Hong Kong in 2012 and 2017. The 2012 process involved nomination by 1/8 of the Nomination Committee members, no screening stage, and election by the Election Committee. The 2017 process added a screening stage involving Legco members to narrow the candidates to 2-3, and requires over 50% Nomination Committee approval of the final list. It aims to find a process that offers choice, is acceptable to Beijing and Hong Kong, and meets international standards.
The document proposes several recommendations for the 2016 Legislative Council elections and 2017 Chief Executive election in Hong Kong:
1) For the 2016 elections, it recommends replacing corporate votes in functional constituencies with individual votes, allocating existing district council seats to geographical constituencies, and increasing the total seats to 80.
2) For the 2017 Chief Executive election, it recommends forming a nomination committee of 1,200-1,600 members through direct district elections or including all district councilors. Candidates would require nominations from the committee or 100,000 voters.
3) It believes the current distribution of seats in the nomination committee lacks proportionality and should be rebalanced, particularly by increasing representation from district councilors. It also recommends
This document summarizes a book about social innovation. It describes hundreds of methods for social innovation being used around the world.
The book is divided into three sections. Section 1 maps out the process of social innovation from prompts and ideas to scaling and systemic change. It describes methods used at each stage. Section 2 covers methods for connecting people, ideas and resources. Section 3 examines ways to support social innovation in the public, private, nonprofit and informal sectors.
The goal is to help those involved in social innovation by documenting existing methods and encouraging cross-pollination of ideas. The book aims to accelerate innovation by blending methods from different fields and sectors.
This document provides an overview and introduction to the book "Capacity Development in Practice" edited by Jan Ubels, Naa-Aku Acquaye-Baddoo, and Alan Fowler. The book is a collection of chapters written by practitioners in the field of capacity development. It aims to make capacity development more effective by sharing practical experiences and illustrations. The introduction previews some of the central themes of the book, including understanding capacity as stemming from connections between different types of actors and levels of society, and crafting the content for a broad audience of capacity development practitioners.
This document summarizes China's recent efforts to centralize some of its regulatory bureaucracies up to the provincial level in order to curb "local protectionism" and standardize policy implementation nationwide. This "soft centralization" has been partially successful but has also strengthened the power of provinces relative to Beijing. While curbing localism, it has contributed to the emergence of "perverse federalism" with more power concentrated at the provincial level through personnel and budgetary resources rather than being fully centralized under Beijing's control. The document discusses the goals of centralization, the bureaucracies that have been centralized, and analyzes the outcomes and implications of this shift to "soft centralization."
- The signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Future of Hong Kong by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and the Premier of the People's Republic of China was a memorable occasion that underscored both governments' firm commitment to implement the agreement.
- The Prime Minister found his talks with the Premier to be useful and interesting, marking the beginning of a new phase of closer consultation and cooperation between their governments, including developing trade and economic relations.
- The Prime Minister expressed his warmest thanks to the Premier for the outstanding hospitality extended to him and his delegation during their all too brief stay in China.
UK Cabinet meeting on the White Paper on "A Draft Agreement between the Government of the UK and China on the Future of Hong Kong" (i.e. The Joint Declaration)
The document summarizes Alan Lung's testimony to the UK House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee regarding relations between the UK, Hong Kong, and China. Lung argues that the UK, Hong Kong, and Beijing should pursue cooperation based on "hope" rather than "fear" to further democratic development in Hong Kong. He also asserts that a democratic Hong Kong would benefit China by providing a model for political reform and helping address social issues from economic growth. The UK could help by increasing innovation cooperation with Hong Kong and allowing more exchanges between Hong Kong and UK organizations.
The document summarizes testimony from Jitendra Joshi and Francis Moriarty of the Foreign Correspondents Club in Hong Kong regarding press freedom in Hong Kong. They agree with the Hong Kong Journalists Association that 2014 was one of the "darkest" years for press freedom in decades. They cite incidents of intimidation, violence against journalists, and increasing self-censorship due to commercial and political pressures. While press freedoms are legally protected, they argue enforcement has been insufficient and the climate is increasingly hostile toward open reporting, especially on issues relating to China's influence in Hong Kong.
This document summarizes a report on crowdsourcing for democracy. It begins with an introduction stating that the report examines how crowdsourcing has been used in various policy making processes, such as participatory budgeting. It then provides definitions of crowdsourcing, explaining that crowdsourcing is an open call for public participation in online tasks. The remainder of the report provides examples of crowdsourcing applications and analyzes its role and potential impact on democracy.
This document compares the nomination process for the Chief Executive election in Hong Kong in 2012 and 2017. The 2012 process involved nomination by 1/8 of the Nomination Committee members, no screening stage, and election by the Election Committee. The 2017 process added a screening stage involving Legco members to narrow the candidates to 2-3, and requires over 50% Nomination Committee approval of the final list. It aims to find a process that offers choice, is acceptable to Beijing and Hong Kong, and meets international standards.
The document proposes several recommendations for the 2016 Legislative Council elections and 2017 Chief Executive election in Hong Kong:
1) For the 2016 elections, it recommends replacing corporate votes in functional constituencies with individual votes, allocating existing district council seats to geographical constituencies, and increasing the total seats to 80.
2) For the 2017 Chief Executive election, it recommends forming a nomination committee of 1,200-1,600 members through direct district elections or including all district councilors. Candidates would require nominations from the committee or 100,000 voters.
3) It believes the current distribution of seats in the nomination committee lacks proportionality and should be rebalanced, particularly by increasing representation from district councilors. It also recommends
More from Hong Kong Democratic Foundation 香港民主促進會 (13)
7. 香 港 民 主 促 進 會
香港在各方盤算和可能作出誤判之中
能否就行政長官普選找到正確的答案?
1. 香港能否在 「民主抗共」 的論說以外找到出路?
2. 如何找到不影響中國對香港的主權和中央政府
政權的民主發展道路?
(見: The Coming Collapse of China, by Gordon Chang)
3. 香港如何在尊重「人民自決亅和 「 一國兩制 」
的前題下、 提出不影響內地人民要求更多民主
但未必反對共產黨一黨專政的態度?
(見: Robert Harmel and Alexander Tan, One Party or Multi-Party Competition: Chinese
Attitudes to Party System Alternatives)
4. 香港應否同時盤算中央政府保護香港主權的
決心和在香港實行民主的善意?
請參閱香港民主促進會 2009年12月29日文章
http://www.hkdf.org/newsarticles.asp?show=newsarticles&newsarticle=253
8. 香 港 民 主 促 進 會
總結:
1. 對中央政府來說「民主建國」總比「民主抗共」
容易接受!
2. 提名程序需要符合「國際人權公約」:
是「合法亅還是「比較」的意義 ?
3. 符合的原則 (Source -- Carole Petersen, University of Hawaii):
i. 符合「國際人權公約」 第 25條 和「基本法」第 45條;
ii. 提名委員會的組成必須是透明,公眾可以理解和可以代
表選民;
iii. 提名程序必須透明的和有合理地低的門檻;
iv. 如果以上的缺乏認受性, 香港可能出現不穩和管治問題;
v. 無需更改「基本法」 。