Ethnic identity development in interracial adoptees

Running Head: ETHNIC IDENTITY AND INTERRACIAL ADOPTION 1

The Influence of Ethnic Identity in Interracial Adoptees
Corrina Wang
Dr. Richard Volpe
Ontario Institute of Study in Education
January 9 2016


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While adoption has existed for many generations, cross-ethnic or transracial adoption
is a relatively recent phenomenon. Adoption becomes cross-ethnic when the adoptive parents
are of a different ethnicity from the adoptive child (e.g. white Canadian parents adopting a
white French child or black Ugandan child) and it is transracial when the adopted child is
evidently perceived as racially different from the adopting parents (e.g. white parents
adopting an Asian child) (Boivin & Hassan, 2013). Consequently, the implication behind
transracial adoption arguably provides institutionalized children an opportunity to thrive after
given a stable and nurturing home. This may not always be the case and studies in this field
suggest unique challenges experienced by transracial adoptees, particularly regarding
children’s ethnic identity development. In addition to coming to terms with being adopted, it
is also necessary for this group of adoptees to forge resiliency that can combat feelings of
loss from their birth culture. This is an important point to consider. While parents may want
to rear their cross-ethnic, transracial adopted children using a “colour-blind” approach,
disconnecting a child from their ethnicity is a profound disregard to a child’s identity
development (Boivin & Hassan, 2013).
Issues of identity involving race and ethnicity are especially salient for adopted
children of colour, and how parents choose to respond to these situations are closely tied to
development in self-esteem and general well-being (Friedlander, 1999). Preventing parental
neglect in a child’s expression of cultural identity can strengthen their emerging sense of self
and their resiliency when facing social stigmas such as racism, discrimination and ethnic
marginalization. Overall, children adopted internationally can and do blossom in their
adoptive countries with which is guaranteed by high levels of commitment, flexibility, and
open-mindedness from their adoptive parents. This paper will address the “colour-blind”
approach of transcultural adoption and its connection to emotional neglect by focusing on


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parent-child attachment theory, identity formation, and post-adoption services and possible
intervention.
Questionnaire Interview
To illustrate intergroup rearing differences, the memories of four adult interracial
adoptees in their mid-late twenties was included. Their responses are unedited and are quoted
from thirteen open-ended questions. All interviewees, “Abbie,” “ Holly,” “Christian,” and
“Kim,” were adopted from Korea into various parts of North America prior to their first
birthday. Their names are changed to protect their identities.
Attachment theory
In infancy, forming a secure attachment relationship is major milestone that
determines a healthy developmental trajectory for a child (Bowlby, 1982 as cited in van
Londen, Juffer, & van Ijzendoorn, 2007). The sensitivity parents demonstrate when
responding to their child’s emotional demands structures the child’s self-identity as belonging
to a supportive, stimulating environment (Santelice et al., 2011). The formation of a child’s
attachment is defined by three categories: secure, insecure avoidant and insecure ambivalent
(Bowlby, 1982 as cited in van Londen et al., 2007). Consequently, parents who have the
ability to nurture and form appropriate attachment quality with their infants could foster
neurological processes and stimulate growth on numerous developmental domains. Securely
attached children exhibit more curiosity during moments of exploration and resiliency
towards distress. Having a secure parent-child relationship also stimulate children’s own
confidence and also impacts their ability to influence the world around them (van den Dries,
Juffer, van Ijzendoorn, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2008). Alternatively, findings suggested
the reverse seen in insecurely attached children, in which they depict anxious like behaviours
and incompetency in social situations (Santelice et al., 2011).


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Attachment, Epigenetics, and Adoption
In the past, adoption was seen as a solution to solve the issues of unwanted
pregnancies, the parentless child, and the childless couple. What was neglected was the
developing psyche of the adopted child during their life-changing move. Depending on the
degree to which a child was physically or psychologically neglected prior to their adoption,
contributes to the severity of the overall harm (Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2013, p.154). As early
attachment is encompassed by the social, physical and emotional connection shared by the
caregiver and infant, it makes the situation for transracial adoptees exceptionally unique.
When caregivers are readily available to respond appropriately to the child’s signals, it
improves a child’s feeling of security. It is likely that children have experienced multiple
transitions in care and caregivers before entering their adopted home (Niemann & Weiss,
2011). Unfortunately, as little information is often given about a child’ pre-adoption life, and
the environment between each institution varies greatly, it becomes difficult for the adoptive
families to have a firm understanding on their child’s pre-adoption experience. Inaccuracies
in birth records was emphasized by Abbie:
I initiated a birth search in the Summer of 2012. I visited Korea for the first time in August
2012 and had the opportunity to visit my adoption agency and review my file for the first time
as well. This experience was a little disheartening as the information in the file was very
different than the information that my adoptive parents had (what I had grown up knowing). I
learned that my birth father was much older than my birth mother. I also learned that he was
married and had children and that I was the result of an affair that he had had with my birth
mother. I left a letter and photos in my file at the agency in case they ever visited (personal
communication, December 15 2016).
Early institutional or orphanage rearing are typically characterized by psychosocial
deprivation associated with adjustment difficulties (Pitula et al., 2014). These early life
experiences are formidable years, and largely shape a child’s knowledge and expectations
with their adoptive parents. As forms of neglect are easily overlooked, without appropriate
details to a child’s pre-adoption exposure creates consequential risks that the adoptive child
must carry into adulthood. Contributions to maladaptive development is not only resulted


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from institutional neglect, but also from fetal development (e.g. mother’s use of drugs or
alcohol) to hereditary family illnesses that failed to be reported (Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2013,
p. 156). Kim also expressed being affected by a lack of information given about her
biological family:
Since I don't know what kind of medical history would my birth family have, I have always been
pretty unwilling to have children of my own and still am to this day (personal communication,
December 23 2016).
This concern is an example for how limited records are affective not only from the child-care
perspective. It also demonstrates the negative affect of children’s reconciliation for their life
decisions as adults.
In addition to the quality of pre-adoption condition, from processing the legality for
children’s relinquishment, citizenship and immigration process, it is not uncommon for the
child to be in their first or even second year of life (Government of Canada, 2016). The
immigration process poses as one of the main contributors that challenge adoption and
attachment. Specifically, according to Bowlby’s attachment studies (1969/1982 as cited in
Niemann & Weiss, 2011) by the first year of life most children have already shaped an
attachment style to their pre-adoptive caretakers. This indicates that, chronologically,
adoptees are building an attachment relationship with their adoptive parents at a later age
than children with their biological parents. Thus creating further challenges in solidifying the
parent-child emotional connection.
Developing a secure attachment relationship with a parent or caretaker has continuously
been found to show long-term benefits towards a child’s later adaptation and growth (van den
Dries et al., 2008). Corresponding to brain development, the differences in caretaker-infant
relationships are distinguished by sensory input parents elicit, triggering individual
differentiations in plasticity and gene-expressions to the maturing brain (Stanley, Brain
development, p.1). Moreover, neurobiological studies suggest that high stress environment


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can influence brain development and attachment behaviours that may cause persistent
cognitive and socio-emotional delays (van den Dries et al., 2008). The most extreme
instances of neglect are depicted by the cases of neglected Romanian orphans revealing
severely harmful consequences in a child’s development on all respects – sensory, language,
cognitive, social, and emotional (Fox, Almas, Deganan, Nelson, & Zeanah, 2011). Therefore,
environmental exposure cultivates children’s genes that can increase or decrease a child’s
reactivity towards environmental adversity or enrichment recognized as early year impact
(Bouvette-Turcot et al., 2015; Kohn et al., 2013). Information such as this is often veiled
from the adoptive parents. Evidently, interactive and environmental influences, or the lack of,
could alter gene-expression conditioning and unique variations in the genes that are
embedded into a child’s DNA during the sensitive period (Bouvette-Turcot et al., 2015).
Although severity of a child’s psychological well-being is contingent on quality institutional
care, epigenetic research also creates promise for committed adopting parents. In many cases
interracially adopted children have exhibited secure attachment patterns to their adoptive
parents overtime, making progress by way of parents’ efforts to implement support with high
level of nurturance and sensitivity. Abbie recalled her relationship with her parents:
My relationship with my adoptive parents was very strong. I've always been close with both
my mom and dad and we've always had very open communication and relationships. My mom
has always been my best friend ever since I can remember, and I've become even closer with
my dad over the years. This is something I wasn't expecting, but I'm very appreciative of and
thankful for our relationship… My parent's openness and positivity made it easy. I never felt
unwanted by my birth parents or anything like that. I grew up always feeling very lucky for
my adoptive parents and the life I had with them (personal communication, December 15
2016).
By observing animal behaviours in non-human primates, a striking characteristic from
child maltreatment or child nourishment is its transmission across generation (Maestripieri,
2005). Mirroring the concealment of pre-adoption information that is handed to the adopting
parents, abuse victims are confounded by long-term alterations. This is seen in genotypic,
intergenerational transmission of similar behavioural patterns to their successive infants


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(Bouvette-Turcot et al., 2015). However, studies looking at cross-fostering baby animals with
foster mothers who are exceptionally nurturing show a change in the infant’s genetically
predisposed developmental trajectory. Changes included a decrease in children’s congenially
anxious-like behaviours and increase in comfort during social situations (Suomi, 2009, p. 44;
Ahmadiyeh, Slone-Wilcoxon, Takahashi, & Redei, 2004) Consequently response to nurturing
parent-child interaction also created a positive feedback loop in which children will exhibit a
similar parenting style as adults (Gonzalez, Jenkins, Steiner & Fleming, 2012). Therefore,
the adoptive parents’ role in enriching a child’s developmental pathway is especially crucial.
Aside from forming secure attachment patterns, these behaviours are predictors that can
impact children’s perception of the self, as well as social adjustment. These findings reveal
the importance of understanding the risks associated with interracial adoption. To a degree
adoptive parents are the key interventionists of any maladaptive trajectories created from
their child’s pre-adoption life, and are responsible for cultivating and fostering a child’s post-
adoption development.
Identity Formation
According to Bronfrenbrenner’s Ecological System’s Theory (1979), a child’s
immediate interactions are typically with members in their microsystem. The microsystem
consists of individuals with which the child has direct interaction (e.g. family, peers, child
care setting) (Bronfrenbrenner, 2005). These interactions compose of individuals who are
able to support and sustain, or hinder and harm successful development directly. The
Ecological System’s theory expands into the macrosystem, which is one’s social or cultural
ideology (e.g. ideological differences between Canadian children and European children)
(Bronfrenbrenner, 2005). Particularly for adopted children, the shaping of their ideological
constructs influences how children resolve their individual identity as “adopted.” To further
illustrate the dynamic within Canada, children growing up in an Aboriginal community are


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reared with a different social ideology than children growing up in an affluent suburban city.
Along with their emerging sense of self, how do transracial adoptees come to terms with
being adopted and appearing different from their family, and perhaps their community? For
some adoptees they may choose to return to their birth country in order to gain cultural
understanding and strengthen their foundation for who they are. This was the case for Kim:
In my case, the identity questioning started when I was about 15 years old and grew deeper when I
started living on my own around age 16. I experienced getting to know Asians for the first time
around then so the cultural divide between them and I might have heightened that sense of loss of
identity. In some ways, I started questioning whether I really belonged in the 'beautiful white
world' I grew up in and started wanting to get answers… After entering university, I started dating
a Korean guy and I applied for an adoptee scholarship to go study in Korea over the summer. I
thought it really was just an excuse to learn Korean and have fun for 3 months but I ended up
staying there for 7 months. Making Korean friends and relationships for the first time gave me a
strange sense of belonging which I grew addicted to (back then) but it also made me realize that
my upbringing made me very un-Korean and reinforced the fact that I did belong with my family
and in Canada (personal communication, December 23 2016).
Moreover, research has suggested that transracial adoption contributed to weaker
ethnic identity for adoptees as compared to same-race adoptees and non-adopted children
(Boivin & Hassan, 2013). Holly expressed a similar sentiment:
Being an international adoptee is being born from or into trauma, wherein you are denied the
culture, language, religion, etc. of your birth, and wherein the history written into your blood
and bones erases you from its narrative. Adoptees like this must forge an entirely
unprecedented identity in a world where they may not feel like they have a true “home”
anywhere in the world, and where people are constantly telling them that they owe a debt of
gratitude for things that are a natural right to anyone else (e.g., their parents’ care or love). I
don’t know if my journey has a beginning or end. It took me decades to accept myself as a
person with a future that I have some power to forge (personal communication, December 23
2016).
Holly’s emotions and memories of discrimination, shared by many other adoptees, are found
to be as pertinent to the development of problem behaviours as pre-adoption adversity (Lee &
The MIAP, 2010). These are growing concerns that internationally adopted children will
suffer from feelings of loss or grief from their birth culture and are left without the resiliency
to battle against racial discrimination (Harf et al., 2015).
Transracial Adoption Paradox


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Ethnic identity is a multidimensional construct. It is defined as a process where an
ethnic person is consistently assessing their adequacy between the self and the their social
system (Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990 as cited in Yoon, 2004). Consolidating one’s
self-definition is reciprocally influenced by one’s personal and ethnic identity. Faced with the
issue of belonging, internationally adopted children offer an unusual perspective as they
belong to many places: their country of birth, their place of early interaction, their receiving
country, and where they live (Harf et al., 2015). Children are in a dissociative state where
they invisibly fit into a majority group (i.e. family setting), however while being also visibly
minority due to their physical appearance. Christian and Holly noted their challenges of being
different:
I don’t think I ever [reconciled my ethnic differences growing up]. I just pretended it didn’t
exist and never brought it up. I just never wanted to be different. I didn’t really have anyone
to relate to growing up so I think that’s part of the reason I decided not to bring it up… I did
feel a loss after going to Korea for the first time after my freshman year for an exchange
program. I had never been completely surrounded by people that looked like me. I felt like I
belonged…. It definitely was a little bit of a culture shock (Christian, personal communication,
December 13 2016).
I’ve never had any real attachment to my birth community, so rather than alienation, I just felt
like someone else’s garbage/recyclables. While I’m entirely culturally American, I never felt
American growing up because I didn’t perceive that I was treated like I belonged there (Holly,
personal communication, December 23 2016).
This disconnect is defined as the transracial adoption paradox (Lee, 2003 as cited in Harf et
al., 2015). Without racial identity awareness, it is arguable that an adopted individual could
risk feelings of conflict through poor self-definition, poor psychosocial development and
maladjustment (Yoon, 2004).
Ethnic Identity and Lessons from the Past and Present
Confusion in one’s cultural identity is comparably similar to the consequence of
assimilation of the First Nation tribes. A healthy tribal family encourages the development of
a group identity as well as an individual identity. Therefore, individual uniqueness and
expression within the context of a group is promoted (Prilleltensky, Nelson & Pierson, 2001,


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pp. 355). Beginning in the 1900s, as part of the colonization initiative, Native children were
enrollment into mandatory residential schooling. Within the residential schools, children
were immersed into a system learning language, beliefs, and values that completely contrast
their traditional roots (Prilleltensky et al., 2001, pp. 360-361). As traditional practices are
diffused into a more “civilized” society, it has become increasingly difficult for Aboriginal
children to identify with a group or define their self-identity. The lack of ethnic
consciousness or reference group on an individual level promoted problems such as identity
confusion, low-self esteem and hopelessness (Prilleltensky et al., 2001, pp. 364-366).
Another relatable social group faced with racial and ethnic conflict are the children
from immigrant families. Ethnic self-identification is crucial in the acculturation process for
immigrant children, who are socialized with their parent’s birth culture and the culture of
their receiving country (Paat & Pellebon, 2012). Whether the immigrant child is native born
or foreign born they must assert their ethnic affiliation in foreign environment. Therefore
forming an ethnic identity is fundamental for coping with a variety of unpredictable
environmental stressors. It is found that having a positive ethnic identity corresponds to better
self-concept and psychological adaptation (Paat & Pellebon, 2012). One the other hand, the
affiliation to which children identify with their ethnicity should be confronted and naturally
unfolded by the child. The degree to which the child identifies with either their parent’s
country or their host country contributes to the overall shaping of their sense of self. It is
necessary to note that having a ethnic label does not equate to feelings of affirmation to child
and their receiving society, but rather familial support as a critical source towards immigrant
children’s cultural maintenance or abandonment (Paat & Pellebon, 2012).
Interracial adoption and Ethnic Identity
Corresponding to the aforementioned ethnic groups, interracial adoptees fall under a
similar umbrella. It is noteworthy that intergroup differences in attitudes toward one’s birth


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culture vary through personal experience. However, salient constructs such as adoption,
ethnicity and competence play a vital role in a transracial adoptee’s self-esteem during
adolescence. Being adopted is a key element that is often incorporated into the formation and
exploration of a child’s self-concept (Tan & Jordan-Arthur, 2012). A child’s experience,
memory, and feeling about their adoption have great implications on their self-evaluation and
global self-esteem (i.e. worthiness and competency). Complete abandonment of an adoptee’s
ethnicity tears down one of the multivariable building blocks – place of birth – that help
shape the child’s overall identity.
A big concern underlying interracial adoption is the adoptive parents’ ability and
preparation to reflect knowledge or appreciation when rearing a child of a different racial
background (Spence, 2013). Historically, transracial adoption was not well accepted and was
argued as “a form of race and cultural genocide (Lee, 2003).” Unlike immigrant children,
ethnic identification for transracial adoptees is not reinforced naturally through daily
interaction with the family. As parents are considered outsiders to their children’s birth
cultures, there is increasing concern that acculturation could lead to the perpetuation of
stereotype and culture appropriation (Spence, 2013; Tan & Jordan-Arthur, 2012; Boivin &
Hassan, 2015). In terms of the general adjustment for transracial adoptees as compared to
their same-race counterparts reveal a higher likelihood of suffering from identity confusion.
This sheds light on similarities with aboriginal children’s experience of complete assimilation
while they were in residential schools. Without a reference culture, children are not given the
choice to learn and develop a self-concept incorporating their birth heritage. Alternatively
children may fail to respond or express a lack of desire to learn about their birth culture in an
effort to blend into their adoptive culture, as experienced by Christian:
My parents gave me the option to learn more about my heritage but I was disinterested at the
time. I actually regret this quite a bit... I wish I had someone to relate to growing up. I
probably would have been more proud of being Asian/Korean in comparison to somewhat
being ashamed of it (personal communication, December 13 2016).


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Racism and Discrimination:
By late childhood to early adolescence, adopted children are becoming more aware of
the implications behind prejudice and discriminatory comments (Huh & Reid, 2000 as cited
in Lee & The MIAP, 2010). When considered developmentally, ethnic identity affirmation is
correlated positively with an individual’s global self-esteem (Tan & Jordan-Arthur, 2012;
Mohanty, Keoke & Sales, 2006). It is also speculated that fostering ethnic identification can
increase feelings of security defending against ethnic marginality, possibly as a resistance
strategy against negative stereotypes (Phinney, 1991 as cited in Tan & Jordan-Arthur, 2012;
Butler-Sweet, 2010). This is especially necessary as this population of adolescence is shown
to have higher levels of internalizing problems (Pitula et al., 2014). Feelings of
discrimination and race differences in their surrounding community were a major theme
among all the interviewees. Abbie commented:
I don’t want to say I've felt embarrassed or disgraced to be Korean, or different than other
however, it does become exhausting when people are continually pointing it out and inherently
making you feel bad for it. It makes you feel embarrassed and disgraced to simply be
DIFFERENT. Something that I've noticed throughout the last few years that I've found
interesting is the fact that men will describe me as "the hot ASIAN" or "the most beautiful
ASIAN woman they've ever seen." I can't just be seen as a woman, as I would if I were
white… I’m aware that I’m different because I’m Asian, I just wish that more people would
realize the affect this can have on both people of different nationalities and adoptees (personal
Within the complex network of an interracially adopted child includes the relationship
between peer victimization and negative emotional development. This is especially
challenging for later adopted children. Problems with peer victimization and acceptance
mirrors challenges navigating their social landscape (Tan & Jordan-Arthur, 2012). Holly also
provided some evidence for this:
If I were white, I’m sure that my childhood could be described as completely normal,
unremarkable, standard. I grew up in that town only. I remember being unhappy a lot,
although looking back there were a lot of times where I enjoyed myself, too. I tried hard in
school for my own sake and to please my parents; I usually had one or two close friends at a
time; I was a loner, spent a lot of time reading books, and had difficulty connecting to other


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people most of the time. I feel like if there’s something greater than all of this, I’m repressing
it (personal communication, December 23 2016).
Limitation in social awareness and peer acceptance is predictive of internalizing feelings as it
relates to depression and anxiety (Pitula et al., 2014). Focusing on ethnic centrality, it is
speculated that cultural knowledge may serve as a buffer against racial discrimination (Yip et
al., 2008).
Responding to Post-Adoption Support and Identity Development
Examining the components of interracial adoption under the microscope, it is evident
that matching a child with parents of a different ethnicity poses unpredictable challenges that
are difficult to address. However, ignoring a child’s right to learn about their racial origin
denies the emotional stimulation and responsiveness necessary to open communication and
foster securely attached behaviours (Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2013). The adoptive parent’s role
is critical for recognizing their child’s heritage while simultaneously emphasizing their
child’s place of belonging in the adoptive family. This protects the adoptee’s psychological
well-being (Boivin & Hassan, 2013). Kim stated the following:
My parents have always treated me the same as my brothers and sister (if not better, since I am the
last child - I was spoiled!!). We have always had a good and close relationship although my
teenage years weren't always easy (I blame puberty)… I was blessed to be adopted by an extremely
cultural family as my parents traveled all over the world and often took me with them. They gave
me many books to read about Korea, showed me videos of my adoption and home country. They
also took me to Korea when I was a teen as a graduation gift (personal communication, December
23 2016).
The use of post-adoption services includes the use of general support such as ongoing
meetings with social workers or support groups. It also involves clinical services such as
individual, family, and/or crisis counseling (Win et al., 2007 as cited in Adkison-Bradley,
Hawkins DeBodse, Terpstra & Kenan Bilgic, 2004). Although intergroup differences in
attitudes towards one’s birth culture vary through personal experience, consistent parental
sensitivity and open-mindedness are pivotal for adoptees’ ethnic pride and familial
relationship (Yoon, 2004). Rather than focusing on a child’s ethnicity, it is more relevant to


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discuss how familial support during one’s exploration will translate into an integral building
block of their self-concept. A study examining the use of adoption services in the United
States of America revealed that transracial adoptive parents were more likely to use general
support groups (e.g. meeting with social service agencies) than parents of same race children.
This demonstrates how racial minority children, usually adopted by White parents, struggle
with racial identity (Adkison-Bradley et al., 2004). Despite the challenges, adoptees have
better developmental trajectory as compared to their non-adopted counterparts (van den Dries,
2008). Adoption, rather than institutionalization, reveals a more effective intervention
protocol.
Issues with Familial Adjustment & Maternal/ Paternal Benefits
Creating a family through transnational adoption suggest a reciprocal process that
results in redefining the family’s identity. This idea of creating a hybrid family is perhaps
overly optimistic; however navigating the post adoption process does have a bidirectional
relationship. Although research on the association between mental health and one’s ethnic
identity have been ambiguous, feelings of discrimination has consistently be found to lead to
poorer mental and physical health (Bhui et al., 2005; Brody et al., 2006; Yip, Gee, &
Takeuchi, 2008). The link between personal discrimination and a positive individual’s ethnic
identification is well documented as buffer for stress and adjustment in adoptees. Another
area to consider is the link between parental perceptions of discrimination and child outcome.
When talking about her parents’ perception on racism Holly stated:
I’m from a very white town with parents who were well meaning but ignorant to the
magnitudes of racial injustice, and all the people with their various opinions on the fact that I
was adopted made it pretty difficult at times to accept myself. I don’t remember having
positive feelings about being adopted (personal communication, December 23 2016).
Based on the Stress Proliferation Theory, the stress experienced from one individual could
become a shared experience by others; marginalization and discrimination could overlap into
the family context (Lee & The MIAP, 2010). For Holly, her parents’ inability to relate to her


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experience caused friction in their relationship and resulted in her internalization of negative
emotions towards herself. Parents’ perception and response to discrimination, measured by
the frequency of inappropriate racial and adoption comments, was associated with
internalizing and externalizing problem behaviours in their adopted children (Lee & The
MIAP, 2010). Feelings of discrimination in the family functions as a post-adoption risk factor
associated with children’s emotional and behavioural development, especially if the overall
stress affects parenting abilities.
According to the Canadian federal government in Ontario, mothers of an adopted
child would not qualify for maternity benefits. They would receive the 37 weeks of parental
benefits once they have filed their adoption papers, rather than a total of 54 weeks biological
mothers receive (Ontario Ministry of Labour, 2015). While the 17-week discrepancy appears
to be justifiable, as biological mothers would need to recover from the process of giving birth,
adoptive parents are also equally responsible for engaging in personal self-care. A lack of
sleep and rest are significantly correlated with major depressive disorders in adoptive
mothers (Foli et al., 2015). Furthermore, the attachment piece within the adoption literature
builds a case for equal leave benefit. An adoptee arriving from a foreign institution may
require longer adjustment and transition time as adoption for the child implies separation,
loss, and creating attachment behaviours to new parents. A study exploring this subject
reported that, for children who have encountered forms of maltreatment prior to adoption,
adoptees placed after their first birthday may be more prone to develop disorganized
attachment. Contrasting the findings children adopted before the age of one was able to form
secure attachment styles to their adoptive parents that mirrored non-adopted children (van
den Dries et al., 2008). Allocating more time for parents to be at home with their new child
allows the family to foster their child’s psychological development by attending to the child’s
attachment behaviour, as well as recovering from the physical strain of the transracial


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adoption process (i.e. jet lag). Children who are able to experience a trusting, secure
relationship with their parents are associated with healthy development. Allowing adoptive
parents to receive equal benefits buffer the initial attachment and bonding challenges that are
especially salient for older transracial adoptees.
Open Communication about Heritage
Raising an adopted child to be unaware of their ethnicity diffuses a part of a child’s
identity and closes up communication between parent and child. It further breaks down as a
lack of sensitivity and responsiveness to the adoptees expression for concern, as well a
neglect to protect the child from environmental and own psychological challenges. Of course,
severity of psychological impairment is contingent upon multiple factors such as the quality
of pre-adoption care and age of adoption. Evidently, it is impossible to ignore the physical
differences. Kim addressed her relationship with her parents:
I used to joke that I was a hidden princess from South Korea. My parents always told me that being
adopted means I got "chosen" which is a privilege that not many children have. From an identity
perspective, it was difficult to cope with the idea that there was someone somewhere who was
biologically related to me and who either didn't want me or had issues that forced them to leave me.
I always wondered who I looked like and where some of my facial features came from. What made
it easier was that my family always gave me opportunities to read and learn about Korea and they
have never hidden anything from me. There were many times when I was confused but they've
always been very supportive and open to talk about anything (personal communication, December
23 2016).
For transracial adoptees, having a strong sense of their native culture and identity play
in moderating healthy psychological adjustment (Tan & Jordan-Arthur, 2012). As adoptive
outsiders, parents have limitations for how much cultural input they are able to instill upon
their child. Embracing in their child’s ethnic background through support and communication
reveals parent’s commitment and readiness writes an unending story allowing the family life
to unfold day-by-day.
Communication challenges about race faced by families formed through transracial
adoption is one of the shortcomings that is widely debated. There are criticisms centered on
the concern that White parents cannot prepare children of colour to live in a society where


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racism persists. Parents’ lack of effort and warmth to respond to children’s racial experience
closes the door to conducive communication. This results in topic avoidance, increasing an
adoptee’s behaviour of internalizing and privatizing negative feelings. Children avoiding the
topic of race are categorized by parent unresponsiveness. It can further be broken down into
two themes of subcategories: perceived parent unresponsiveness and past parent
unresponsiveness. This label reflects parents’ inability to, or children’s perception for a lack
of, support in a way that is helpful (Docan-Morgan, 2010). An account of this is was stated
by Holly:
There were times when their White insensitivity to the struggles I face as a person of color and
their refusal to acknowledge that I would know that part of my experience better than them
caused a huge rift in our relationship for years. When I was getting bullied in school, if I
complained about it, I was told to “try harder to get along with them” and that I needed to be
more tolerant/my personality made it hard for people to make friends with me. Having none of
that, I stopped telling them about the times when people were bullying or harassing me
(personal communication, December 23 2016).
Reasons for self-protection described as the desire to “fit in” or “blend in” with the
surrounding white community also explain why adoptees did not disclose their experiences
with racial derogation with their parents (Docan-Morgan, 2010). An example of this
commented by Christian:
I grew up in a small town consisting of almost all Caucasian families. I always felt very
different amongst my peers because of this and thought I needed to work harder/be nicer to
just to fit in… I felt a little disconnected with my parents. They don’t quite understand why I
want to go back to Korea so often. Or why I tend to only date Asian girls since high school
(personal communication, December 13 2016).
On the contrary, familial openness and affectionate communication categorized by
parents’ consistent emotional expressiveness, emotional/instrumental support, and regular
routine interaction promotes positive experiences and children’s security and comfort self-
disclose their experience (Caughlin, 2003 as cited in Docan-Morgan, 2010). Examples of
parental willingness and openness to the shared adoption experience with their child was
illustrated by Abbie:


18
My parents really embraced the fact that I was adopted. They bought a lot of books about
adoption and made sure I understood it from an early age. They always reiterated the fact that
my birth parents wanted me to have a better life than they could provide. Additionally, they
weren't able to have birth children themselves, and I remember that they explained this to me
and explained that that was why they adopted a baby that needed a family (personal
Overall, these ideas address some critical implications for how communication is developed
in families and suggests pre- and post- adoptive training to elevate inclusivity in the family.
The Adoption Mentoring Program
The Adoption Mentoring Partnership (AMP) is a program that focuses on matching
preadolescent adoptees with adopted college students of similar racial and/or ethnic
background. It was developed in collaboration with the Big Brothers Big Sisters (BBBS)
mentoring program. The unique nature of this program is that it prioritizes the need of a
community for transracial adoptees, thereby formulating a social identity. Interaction with
like-minded social group facilitates the process of exploration and meaning making around
ethnic identity with other adopted persons of shared experience. Reflection of adoption
experience shared between mentors and mentees is associated with four domains of identity
issues: (1) personal ethnic identity exploration, (2) communication with family members
about ethnicity and adoption, (3) social exchanges, and (4) seeking new personal meaning of
ethnicity. AMP is not only associated providing mentees with a reference group, it is also a
space where mentors can solidify and express their perceived ethnic identity. Transmission of
years’ worth of histories and experience facilitates connection and support. While findings
suggest that there still remains some apprehension of ambivalence and ambiguity surrounding
the topic of ethnic identity, feedback from participants indicated a stronger sense of self
among adoptees (Garber, French & Grotevant, 2015).
Conclusion
The role of a parent is to act as a protector and educator, and thus it becomes even
more complex to cohesively contextualize and unite multiple cultures in the home. While


19
rearing challenges are not uncommon, the approach in which parents choose to refine their
skills and to accommodate to the needs of the child is especially crucial. Providing a child of
a different heritage with a home is an incredible endeavor. It is imperative for parents to
understand the risk factors associated and to prepare for a life-long journey with their migrant
child. A reconceptualization for the goals of parenting an interracial child is a necessary
consideration. Rather than framing adoption under the assumptions that children will shape
their sense of self and culture exclusively to the environment in which they are exposed, it is
beneficial for parents to accept and share the struggles of forming a bi-cultural identity as a
family. This process is about balancing and negotiating the fundamental issues that surrounds
transracial adoption and evolve to transform the concept of the family by placing emphasis
on growing a child’s ethnic identity. While this task is seemingly straightforward, it can be
quite daunting. From issues of emotional and social self-esteem to internalizing behaviours
are demonstrative of similar consequential overlap with neglected children (Miller-Perrin &
Perrin, 2013, p 153). A great amount of pressure is placed upon the parent and child in
growing a positive self-identity documented outside their birth culture. Sensitivity, flexibility
and open-minded communication are among the strongest response tools to better connect
with the adopted child, as well, to comprehend and embrace the uniqueness of the situation.


20
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