4. Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE):
A longitudinal research programme (2015-2024)
By finding out ‘what works,’ for whom, where
and why, we can better support adolescent girls
and boys to maximise their capabilities now and
in the future.
We are following the largest cohort of adolescents in the Global South
7. GAGE Ethiopia research sites
3 regions (Afar, Amhara, Oromia) plus
Dire Dawa City Administration
Research site selection based on:
• Districts with among highest rates of child
marriage as proxy for conservative gender
norms (MOWCA, UNICEF and ODI, 2015)
• Urban and rural sites
• Food insecure and pastoralist sites as a
proxy for economic poverty
• Woreda-based mapping of all kebeles
based on infrastructure and service
availability (vulnerable/ less vulnerable)
• Programming capacities of NGO
implementing partners
9. ‘My soul agitated me to get married right
way when I reached puberty... While
experiencing this feeling, I came across a
gorgeous girl and wanted to seize the
opportunity to marry her… We competed
with a lot of males for the girl… The
competition was fierce... Our rivals beat us
with stones… I beat them and married her
finally.’
(17-year-old boy, who at 14 married a 12-
year-old girl, East Hararghe)
Child Marriage
10. South Gondar
Nearly all marriages are arranged, and two-thirds of married girls would have rather married later.
The age of marriage is
increasing—and girls have
some space to argue for
delay—but most girls are still
married as children.
‘My first marriage proposal
was at the age of 13 but my
father refused as I was a
teenager and then I got
married at age 15.’ (married
17-year-old girl)
Parents’ interest in child
marriage is driven by needs
to prevent premarital sex.
‘We are afraid that they will
start a sexual relationship
before marriage.’ (mother of
married girl)
Girls often feel they must
say ‘yes’ to their parents—
even when they do not want
to marry yet.
‘I would have been cursed
and my parents would feel
sad.’ (married 15-year-old
girl)
13. East Hararghe: Complicated and shifting patterns
‘They get married because it is in their interest. You can’t enforce them not to marry if they
want to marry.’ (12-year-old girl, Bidibora)
Many respondents report that child marriage is increasingly adolescent-driven.
‘If a girl is able to carry a 20 litre jerry can, they (the parents) think she is ready for
marriage. They assume she can also manage a man if she is capable of lifting and carrying
a 20 litre jerry can.’ (KI, Nagaa Umer Kule)
Others noted that child marriage has always been common, and increasing.
‘For the child, it is husband and wife decide together for the child. Father and mother
construct house for the boy and the boy searches a girl who is suitable for him. Then after
he marries.’ (19-year-old boy married to a 12-year-old girl, Melka)
The “old” and the “new” are mixing to increase incidence and decrease the age at
marriage. Parents suggest to boys that they marry—and boys choose the
youngest girl they can find to say yes.
14. East Hararghe: Why do girls choose marriage?
Girls “choose” to marry because they have few other options, to escape violence, and
are pressured by both older boys/young men and their female peers. This narratives
about girls’ ‘choice’ are more complex than they first appear.
‘I got married because they
[referring to friends] got
married’.
(Married 13 year old girl, Nagaa
Umer Kule)
‘Girls prefer marriage than to
simply sit idle.’ (Father, Riski)
‘I beat the elder girl when she
played with boys…Then she went
to Boko town again and started
living with a boy. She was 11 years
old.’
(Father of a girl married at 11,
Melke)
‘Boys try to lure her to go out
and then beat her… with sticks
and the leaves of a plant that
makes you itch.’
(Local youth leader, East
Hararghe)
‘The reality of what is being
done in shegoye place is that
the boy gives 1,000 birr for a
person who plays a role of
mediating between the girl and
the boy. Girls can be easily
deceived by the money.’
(Teacher, Bidibora)
‘According to our culture that
males better marry with their
younger females. Males are not
interested in females who are
older.’
(Young boy, Melka)
15. Zone 5
• Nearly all marriages are arranged, and two-thirds of married girls would have rather married later
‘I cannot refuse. If I refuse the man who was
going to marry me, he would be given
permission to take me by force.’ (17-year-old
girl)
‘We have our own peculiar culture and
tradition with regard to marriage practice… It
is the absuma marriage tradition.’
(father of a married girl)
‘[My friends] advised me it is better to
kill myself than get married.’ (20-year-
old woman, married at 17)
18. Some boys are at risk as well
‘While working and living
with my parents is for my
clothes and my food, they
will not give my anything
that will help me in my
personal growth. When I get
married, they will give me
cattle or a given amount of
money for macha.’
(18-year-old, married at 16,
Aquashmoch, S. Gondar)
‘When I refuse to get married,
my parents told me that they
will reject my childhood and
even they will not teach me at
all and told me to left the
house. At that time I don’t
have any person or any choice
who teaches me other than
my parents. That is why I
accept their marriage
proposal.’
(20-year-old, married at 16,
Shumegie, S. Gondar)
Boys want independence Boys are forced Boys options are limited
‘The school located in
this area teaches only up
to 8th grade…Managing
going to school in those
circumstances was
difficult to me and I
resorted to marriage as
a result.’ (17-year-old
married boy, Bidibora, E.
Hararghe)
19. Current COVID impacts on child marriage
‘In our locality if girls are not learning they
can’t reject the marriage arranged by their
parents; however, those who are in school
can say ‘No’ and everyone will support them
not to be forced by parents. But recently
since the school is closed many girls who
were learning will marry in this season
[spring].’ (17-year-old boy, Zone 5, Afar)
‘I am going to marry a girl aged 13 who has
temporarily dropped from grade 3 due to
school closure amid COVID-19… Our wedding
will be held after 10 days and we are making
preparation for the wedding ceremony,
including HIV testing, bridal gifts and food
preparations.’
(19-year-old boy, South Gondar, Amhara)
In Amhara and Afar:
Covid-19 has led to an explosion of child marriages where lockdowns coincide with the
traditional marriage season and because with schools closed and district-level employees
prevented from traveling, surveillance and reporting mechanisms have faltered.
Girls who are temporarily out of school are especially at risk, but also boys who were
attending secondary education report being pressured to marry now.
20. Married girls’ lives and horizons are limited
1
Marriage can begin with rape:
‘I tried to oppose him. …It must happen, so he forced me…. because I did not know about it, he used to
force me initially.’ (13-year-old married girl, Shumegie, S. Gondar)
2
Most girls were shut out of school:
‘My interest was to continue my education, but they ordered me to dropout my education’. (Married girl,
Aquashmoch, S. Gondar)
3
Girls decision-making was limited:
‘When you are with your family, you can either take their order or ignore it … but … it is impossible to
refuse husband’s orders.’ (Married 14-year-old girl, E. Hararghe)
4
Many married girls are socially isolated:
‘I got sad as I was not allowed to meet with other people.’ (Married 15-year-old, Shumegie, S. Gondar)
5
Intimate partner violence is common:
‘He beats me when I make a mistake….For instance, one time I bought a drinking-glass and he beat me
for buying it.‘ (16-year-old divorced girl, Embachiko, S. Gondar)
23. Change strategies I: Working with adolescents
Civics and biology classes—as well as girls’ clubs– teach about child marriage (although
this is not consistent across schools).
‘At the wedding, husband impregnate her. Her womb cannot carry the child. So she will deliver at
health facility via caesarian. She will suffer a lot. It is double jeopardy for her.’
(18-year-old married girl, Bidibora, E. Hararghe)
Empowering girls with SRHR knowledge is key
‘She refused to marry. She told us to choose suicide rather than married. … I tried to influence her
to marry like her friends but she refused.’
(Father of an unmarried girl, Aquashmoch, S. Gondar)
Empowering girls with voice is essential
Efforts to engage boys and young men are very rare—but norm change programmes e.g.
Act with Her is helping. In Amhara, some schools have gender clubs, but none of the boys
we interviewed were members.
‘Before we take the training, we didn’t support our sisters in different works but now after the
training we started to support them. I hold her baby when she went to the market. …. I fetch
water and collect fire wood.’ (11-year-old boy, Shumegie, S. Gondar)
Engaging with boys and young men is needed to bring about transformative change
24. Change strategies II: Working with Parents & Communities
South Gondar
‘The government has been
creating awareness for a long
time, they teach us that it
creates bad complication
during childbirth.’
(Fathers’ FGD, Shumegie,
South Gondar)
East Hararghe
‘The girls’ club is working with
religious leaders to stop brokers
from using shegoye as a venue
for trapping girls.’
(Teacher, Community K, East
Hararghe)
Zone 5
‘If we teach them directly to
stop early marriage and cross-
cousin marriage, we will
provoke conflict.’
(Teacher, Community A, Zone 5)
Parents of adolescents are not well targeted – programming on parenting practices should
be expanded to include adolescent-specific developmental needs
Community engagement is varied and variably successful.
Messages are framed around girls’ health, the importance of education, and economics.
Messengers include Health Extension Workers, I:5 groups, religious leaders, and NGOs.
25. Change strategies III: Working with Systems and Services
‘Girls know how to report the case when parents try to arrange her marriage without her
interest.’ (13-year-old girl, Shumegie, South Gondar)
Schools increasingly serve as a venue for reporting—esp in Amhara (although this
was a major challenge during closure of schools in the pandemic
‘Teachers just go out even if you don’t understand what they teach…They don’t even write well on
the board. All she knows is putting make up on her face…. Even I write better than her. When she
takes our exercise books to grade our homework, she had to refer before she writes; she isn’t
good enough.’ (13-year-old girl, Abena, S. Gondar)
Schools (esp. in rural areas) are not well resourced enough to ensure girls’
academic success—which protects them from marriage.
• In South Gondar, some parents are punished for forcing their daughters to marry.
• In Oromia, officials are working to stop and punish brokers and to make sure girls are ‘old
enough’.
• In Afar, justice officials use a less punitive approach that emphasises girls’ risk of suicide.
Formal justice approaches are rare, but can work.
There is a critical need for updated surveillance and reporting mechanisms due to covid-19.
26. Contact Us
WEBSITE
www.gage.odi.org
TWITTER
@GAGE_programme
FACEBOOK
GenderandAdolescence
About GAGE:
Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence
(GAGE) is a nine-year (2015-2024) mixed-
methods longitudinal research programme
focused on what works to support
adolescent girls’ and boys’ capabilities in
the second decade of life and beyond.
We are following the lives of 20,000
adolescents in six focal countries in Africa,
Asia and the Middle East.
Editor's Notes
Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) is a nine-year (2015-2024) mixed-methods longitudinal research programme exploring the gendered experiences of young people aged 10-19 years. We are following the lives of 18,000 adolescents in six focal countries, two each in Africa (Ethiopia, Rwanda), Asia (Bangladesh, Nepal) and the Middle East (Jordan, Lebanon).
GAGE aims to generate new evidence on ‘what works’ to transform the lives of adolescent girls and boys to enable them to move out of poverty and exclusion, and fast-track social change. GAGE research involves the most vulnerable adolescents, including adolescent refugees, adolescents with disabilities, those out of school, married girls and adolescent mothers.
The results will support policy and programme actors to more effectively reach adolescent girls and boys to advance their wellbeing and what is needed to meet the Sustainable Development Goals, including the commitment to Leave No One Behind.
The GAGE consortium, managed by the Overseas Development Institute, convenes 35 research, policy and programming partners globally and is funded by UK Aid from the UK government.
3 CS Conceptual Framework
Our midline findings underscored how complex child marriage is in Ethiopia.
While about half of older girls had been married by age 18—across all three regions—girls were married in different ways, at different ages, and for different reasons.
We will discuss these in turn.
In our sample, child marriage was also not uncommon for rural boys. 13% of older rural boys had married before 18--almost entirely because they saw marriage as a way to demonstrate their adult status to their peers, their families, and their broader communities.
Amhara—despite the fact that 59% of older girls in our sample had married as children—has seen the most progress.
While most families still arrange marriages for their daughters before adulthood, primarily to ensure that sex takes place in marriage, the age at which girls marry has been steadily increasing as families commit to educating their daughters and teachers and local leaders work to cancel planned marriages.
Girls are hoping for more progress. Two-thirds of married girls would have rather waited even longer to marry.
Girls who are married before 15—which is still one quarter of the girls in our sample—are the most likely to have wanted to wait. Many are still forced into marriage, often with little warning, to men they have never met.
Even girls who admit that their marriages are voluntary often then add that they did not really feel they had an option other than saying “yes”. Their parents expect obedience.
Traditionally, in Amhara, girls were married in childhood—sometimes as infants-- to cement ties between families.
Many of these marriages were more ceremonial than “real”.
As these ceremonial marriages are abandoned the age of marriage is rising rapidly.
Land fragmentation and commitment to education are also working to reduce child marriage. Families increasingly see that agriculture is not a secure future and that children—including girls—need an education to open up other livelihood opportunities.
In 2019, the net enrolment rate for secondary school was 32% for girls and 28% for boys.
Girls who are in school are much less likely to be married as children.
That said, while the AGE of first marriage is climbing rapidly, child marriage remains very common.
Marriage at 15 or 17 is not seen as “child” marriage.
ON the whole, parents marry their daughters to ensure their sexual purity and protect family honour. Parents often believe that adolescent girls are “wild” and need sex. Parents also marry their daughters so that if they are raped they will not become pregnant before marriage.
Some marriages are to get agricultural labour for girls’ families. Some marriages are to get domestic labour for young men’s families.
Girls who are out of school often marry because it is the only route forward to adult status.
Although some older girls, particularly those who have attended secondary school, have increasing input into who and when they will marry, nearly all marriages in Amhara are still arranged. Even those who are allowed input often have quite limited input—they simply say yes or no to what their parents have arranged.
The marriages of the youngest girls are often forced.
Marriages to Priests, who must marry virgins, often involve very young girls—despite the church preaching against child marriage.
Parents in some communities reported strong social pressure to conform to tradition, with elders repeatedly pushing for marriage and even threats of violence.
Traditionally, in Amhara, girls were married in childhood—sometimes as infants-- to cement ties between families.
Many of these marriages were more ceremonial than “real”.
As these ceremonial marriages are abandoned the age of marriage is rising rapidly.
Land fragmentation and commitment to education are also working to reduce child marriage. Families increasingly see that agriculture is not a secure future and that children—including girls—need an education to open up other livelihood opportunities.
In 2019, the net enrolment rate for secondary school was 32% for girls and 28% for boys.
Girls who are in school are much less likely to be married as children.
That said, while the AGE of first marriage is climbing rapidly, child marriage remains very common.
Marriage at 15 or 17 is not seen as “child” marriage.
ON the whole, parents marry their daughters to ensure their sexual purity and protect family honour. Parents often believe that adolescent girls are “wild” and need sex. Parents also marry their daughters so that if they are raped they will not become pregnant before marriage.
Some marriages are to get agricultural labour for girls’ families. Some marriages are to get domestic labour for young men’s families.
Girls who are out of school often marry because it is the only route forward to adult status.
Although some older girls, particularly those who have attended secondary school, have increasing input into who and when they will marry, nearly all marriages in Amhara are still arranged. Even those who are allowed input often have quite limited input—they simply say yes or no to what their parents have arranged.
The marriages of the youngest girls are often forced.
Marriages to Priests, who must marry virgins, often involve very young girls—despite the church preaching against child marriage.
Parents in some communities reported strong social pressure to conform to tradition, with elders repeatedly pushing for marriage and even threats of violence.
Statistically, and at a regional level, the age at first marriage in Oromia is largely unchanged in recent years—most girls marry before the age of 18.
Some respondents—especially parents--report that the age of marriage in East Hararghe is dropping—as girls “choose” to marry in early adolescence.
Other respondents—particularly key informants-- emphasized that child marriage has always been common and that what is changing is who chooses the marriage partner. These days, adolescents are making their own matches.
Both appear to be true.
In the past, parents had more control over not only when, but who. Specifically, boys’ parents chose when their sons married, but also picked out their brides. They did not choose 11 and 12 year old girls.
These days, parents suggest to their sons that they should marry, and boys go out and find their own partners.
They very much prefer younger girls.
As younger and younger girls are asked for marriage, this has set up a feedback loop wherein girls are afraid if they don’t say yes in early adolescence, they will get “left on the shelf”.
Parents of the youngest girls report that they are powerless to stop them—and some clearly try. But many others, afraid their daughters will become pregnant before marriage, simply bow to the inevitable.
Respondents highlight many reasons that girls in East Hararghe “choose” to marry—even as very young adolescents.
For many, marriage is simply the only option they can see.
Unlike in Amhara, where girls are not only likely to attend school, but are more likely to attend than boys, adolescent girls’ access to education in Oromia is limited.
In 2019, the NER for upper primary school for girls was only 52% (vs 61% for boys).
Girls’ school drop out has been further complicated by recent drought. Families cannot afford to educate their daughters and instead have them spend up to 6 hours a day fetching water.
Quite a few girls choose marriage over endless housework and boredom.
Respondents noted that where boredom is accompanied by violence, girls have even more reason to choose marriage.
Shifts in shegoye, a traditional Oromo dance, are also highlighted as a reason for increased child marriage.
Dancing used to be seasonal but in some communities is now nightly and year-round.
Adolescents begin spending their nights dancing as early as 10—and respondents note that girls typically marry within a year or two of beginning to dance.
Some girls choose to dance—and other girls are forced by their peers to participate under threat of social exclusion.
Adolescent respondents noted that girls are often forced into sex and then marriage by their dance partners, who can be years older.
Brokers are also often involved in marriages in East Hararghe. For a fee, they “trick” girls into saying yes, by promising them things they have no intention of delivering.
The fear of being “unwanted” is large—for parents and girls—girls who marry as older adolescents may be forced to marry older men who already have children and are looking for girls mature enough to handle heavy workloads. Younger, more desirable, boys and men are not interested in older girls.
In Zone 5, the absuma system has resulted in near stasis.
Girls must marry maternal cousins and must do so when they are told to do so.
Girls have no space for dissent—unless they are prepared to flee.
Girls reported that it is increasingly common for grooms to set guards on engaged girls—to keep them from fleeing—and that attempted suicide is not uncommon.
Married girls reported very little outside support to delay marriage. Few girls are still in school at the time of marriage—and for those who are, teachers are largely afraid to intervene given how strongly attached to the absuma system local adults are.
Afar has the second lowest average age at first marriage and has seen very little progress over time.
The absuma marriage system, which is seen as central to family and clan membership, is preventing progress.
Marriage partners—for girls and boys—are maternal cousins.
Boys generally marry in early adulthood, as they must wait to be given livestock by their fathers (or relatives, if the family are poor) to lead an independent life, and have some input into which cousin they prefer.
Girls are typically made to marry during mid-adolescence and have no input into which cousin they marry.
Girls are often forced to marry much older men—boys nearly always marry younger girls or age mates.
There is some community agreement in recent years not to allow girls to attend secondary school because educated girls are refusing absuma marriages. A key informant in Daleti (Zone 5) also noted that ‘most of the families arrange and marry their daughter before grade 8. … after grade8, girls start to refuse their families’ marriage arrangement.’
Even suicide is not a way out of an unwanted marriage for girls.
Key informants were clear that absuma marriage is so inviolable in the community, that they are afraid to message against it at school or in clubs.
Across Ethiopia, it is quite rare for boys to marry in adolescence. Men usually marry when they have the financial means to support a household—in their 20’s.
That said, some boys –esp in South Gondar-- do marry as children.
Sometimes because they want to—and other times because they are made to do so by their parents.
Because age gaps between husbands and wives in Ethiopia average 7 years, boys who marry in adolescence are almost always marrying girls who are very young adolescents, or even grade schoolers.
In Amhara and Afar, marriage season falls right after Easter—so the arrival of COVID was a perfect storm. Given that teachers were the first link in the reporting chains that led to marriage cancelations, with schools closed—girls have no one to whom to turn in order to prevent arranged marriages.
While some girls are happy to be married, and have supportive partners who encourage them to dream and achieve, we are finding that most adolescent girls find marriage to be a prison.
The youngest girls and those who were forced to marry are at the highest risk.
It was not uncommon for very young married girls to report that they had been initiated into marriage by rape.
Although there is increasing space in Amhara for girls to combine marriage and school, most married girls loose access to education. Either their husbands refuse to allow schooling, or they are unable to find the time, given their heavy workloads.
Married girls also added that their access to decision-making, which many thought would improve after marriage, was instead sharply limited. They are allowed to go no where—and meet no friends—without permission, which is often not forthcoming.
Girls noted that disobedience to husbands’ demands is regularly met with violence.
Re girls
There have been numerous efforts (especially in schools) to empower girls and raise awareness about their rights, particularly around child marriage.
They have been most successful in Amhara, where 1:5 groups are stronger and girls are more likely to be in school in adolescence. We found that girls in Amhara are increasingly advocating to stay in school and to delay arranged marriages. They are using their newfound power to stake out new futures.
In Oromia, fewer girls attend school in adolescence and girls’ clubs are not as strong. In addition, we found that because fewer girls perceive that they have real options for their future, where girls feel empowered, it can lead them to demand traditional roles on their own terms rather than to seek out new futures.
In Afar, very few girls are in school in adolescence and even when they are—and schools have girls’ clubs—club leaders report limited impact. Leaders are afraid of contravening local norms if they message against absuma and child marriage and even if girls were to want different futures, there is little space for them to input.
Our research strongly suggests that while empowering girls is critical, environments must be enabling for girls’ empowerment to make a significant difference.
Re Boys
Key informants, especially in Amhara, reported that gender clubs are available at some schools—but they appear rare.
Few boys are hearing messages about gender equality and child marriage outside of school classrooms—except in communities where Act with Her is providing boys with gender sensitivity programming.
In those communities, participant boys are beginning to help their sisters with school work—so that their sisters can study and do well enough in school to pass exams and avoid child marriage.
Outside of parents participating in AWH, we found no evidence of efforts to engage parents of adolescents as parents of adolescents—where parents were targeted, they were targeted as community members.
Efforts to engage communities on HTPs, including child marriage, are widespread.
Efforts are highly varied in terms of messages and messengers.
They are also highly varied in terms of how they are paying off.
In South Gondar, the better buy-in by religious leaders—paired with shifts in agriculture—have resulted in rapid change. Health and economic risks have the most traction.
In East Haraghe and Zone 5, efforts are visible—but still nascent and not delivering at scale.
In Zone 5, there is concern about retrenchment and back-sliding, as adults wish to maintain their way of life and are willing to deny their children an education in order to do so.
Systems and services also play a role in protecting adolescents from child marriage.
School teachers are generally the first link in the reporting chain that allows marriages to be canceled. In the ideal world, girls tell their teachers of impending plans and first schools, and then kebele leaders, work with parents.
School under-resourcing, however, continues to shape girls’ risk of child marriage. Where classrooms are over-crowded, teachers teach subjects in which they are not trained, and learning supplies are limited, adolescents and parents see little point in commitment to school.
Formal justice approaches can also help, though they are still rarely implemented despite strong laws.
In South Gondar, some parents are punished—with jail time-- for forcing their daughters to marry.
In Oromia, officials are working to stop and punish brokers and to make sure girls are ‘old enough’.
In Afar, justice officials use a less punitive approach that emphasises girls’ risk of suicide.
There is a need for more age verification and to engage with traditional leaders, who continue to mete out justice outside of the formal system.
With schools closed and woreda level oversight now effectively on hold, due to COVID, the most critical need at the moment is for updated surveillance and reporting mechanisms.