Black lives dont matter debate

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Jost,Kenneth."Racial Profiling."CQResearcher22Nov.2013: 1005-28. Web.11 Feb.2016.
Police officersdon’tpatrol anarea because the race of people inthe area,theypatrol there
because of the rate of crime that happensinthat area. The stop-question-friskmethodhasbeenusedin
NewYork city.Studieshave shownthatmostof the stopswere predominatlyblackorHispanic,but
because of these stopthe crime rate has decreasedfrom4.8 to 3.9 per 100,000 inhabitants.During
these stopsmanypeople won’tbe chargedwithanythingbutthe onesthatthe police dofindillegal
stuff onwill be chargedand likelyjailed,meaningtheyare off the streetsandunable tocommitany
more crimes.
Rockantansky,Darwin."BlackLivesDon'tMatter."FreedomOutpost(2015). Web.11 Feb.2016.
Rockantanskytalksabouthowall livesmatternotjustblacklives.He saysinorder forany life to
mattertheyhave to have done somethingtobettersocietyaroundthem.Unlikegreatpeoplelike
Martin LutherKingJr. the people whowere shotbypolice were nothingtosociety,theywere justthugs
whofoughtagainstthe police.
Book
Adams,Nick.RetakingAmerica:CrushingPolitical Correctness.N.p.:PostHill Press,2016.N. pag. Web.
11 Feb.2016.
Thisbookhas a sectionthattalksaboutthe percentage of blackmurdersare committedbyblack
people.Numbersshowthat93 percentof black killingsare performedbyblackkillers.He makesa
comparisontocases inanothercountry.
Website
Becker,Michael.Joe forAmerica.N.p.,12 Dec.2014. Web.12 Feb.2016.
Beckertalksaboutthe shootingof Michael Brownandcomparesit to anotherlesscontroversial
murderof DeonGilbertJr.Gilbertwasone of hisschoolsbeststudent.Afterschool one dayhe gotintoa
fightthat costhim hislife.He waskilledbyanotherblackmanandnobodyreallycaresabouthisdeath,
because he waskilledbyanotherblackmale.Now if he waskilledbyawhite manor perhapsa police
officer,the storywouldbe all overthe media.Thisjustgoestoshow that the slogan“blacklivesmatter”
isnot a legitimate sloganbecause eventhe blacksdon’tcare aboutall the black lives,onlythe ones
takenby whites.

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https://nyti.ms/2YBa4UG Because reform won’t happen. By Mariame Kaba Ms. Kaba is an organizer against criminalization. June 12, 2020 Congressional Democrats want to make it easier to identify and prosecute police misconduct; Joe Biden wants to give police departments $300 million. But efforts to solve police violence through liberal reforms like these have failed for nearly a century. Enough. We can’t reform the police. The only way to diminish police violence is to reduce contact between the public and the police. There is not a single era in United States history in which the police were not a force of violence against black people. Policing in the South emerged from the slave patrols in the 1700 and 1800s that caught and returned runaway slaves. In the North, the first municipal police departments in the mid-1800s helped quash labor strikes and riots against the rich. Everywhere, they have suppressed marginalized populations to protect the status quo. So when you see a police officer pressing his knee into a black man’s neck until he dies, that’s the logical result of policing in America. When a police officer brutalizes a black person, he is doing what he sees as his job. Now two weeks of nationwide protests have led some to call for defunding the police, while others argue that doing so would make us less safe. The first thing to point out is that police officers don’t do what you think they do. They spend most of their time responding to noise complaints, issuing parking and traffic citations, and dealing with other noncriminal issues. We’ve been taught to think they “catch the bad guys; they chase the bank robbers; they find the serial killers,” said Alex Vitale, the coordinator of the Policing and Social Justice Project at Brooklyn College, in an interview with Jacobin. But this is “a big myth,” he said. “The vast majority of police officers make one felony arrest a year. If they make two, they’re cop of the month.” We can’t simply change their job descriptions to focus on the worst of the worst criminals. That’s not what they are set up to do. Second, a “safe” world is not one in which the police keep black and other marginalized people in check through threats of arrest, incarceration, violence and death. I’ve been advocating the abolition of the police for years. Regardless of your view on police power — whether you want to get rid of the police or simply to make them less violent — here’s an immediate demand we can all make: Cut the number of police in half and cut their budget in half. Fewer police officers equals fewer opportunities for them to brutalize and kill people. The idea is gaining traction in Minneapolis, Dallas, Los Angeles and other cities. History is instructive, not because it offers us a blueprint for how to act in the present but because it can help us ask better questions for the future. The Lexow Committee undertook the first major investigation into police misconduct in New York Cit ...

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Vanessa Schoening February 13, 2014 Module 2 Revised Annotated Bibliography Revised 1. Bureau of Justice Statistics (1999). Number of homicides and population for cities with estimated population 100,000 or more, from 1985-1997. This paper begins by acknowledging that most studies carried out into crimes have focused on the features of the populations such as age, employment and average earnings. The writers hold that the fact that population density has not been studied much represents a knowledge gap. The paper tries to find out whether population density has a negative or positive correlation with crime. Through sifting through previous studies, the paper tries to find out the nature of crimes that are rampant in varying populations. 2. Christens, B., & Speer, P. W. (2006). Predicting violent crime using urban and suburban densities. Behavior and Social Issues, 14(2), 113-127. Christens and Speer go through past research and statistics and try to show the varying nature of crimes in different settlements areas. Their main focus is on violent and crime and they try to show that densely populated areas are more likely to see violent crime due to increased chances of conflict. Their other argument is that low-income areas are likely to see more violent crime. 3. Duany, A., Plater-Zyberk, E., & Speck, J. (2000). Suburban nation: The rise of sprawl and thedecline of the American dream. New York: North Point Press. The authors of this book are founders of a movement that calls for an improved planning of settlements to avoid further spread of sprawls or informal settlements. The book highlights the effects of these settlements including economic and social ills. The book gives real life examples of how unplanned and congested settlements coupled with low income can cause crime. The book also offers solutions on how to improve the planning of cities and suburbs 4. Fulton, W., Pendall, R., Nguyen, M. & Harrison, A. (2001). Who sprawls most? How growth patterns differ across the U.S. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution. This book takes a look at population densities in various cities across the US between 1982 and 1997. The book also acknowledges that as cities grow, they continue to add previously unused land into their metropolitan territory. The book tries to compare the rate at which this land is being urbanized against the population growth. The book holds that cities in the west of the US have highly populated metropolitans and goes ahead to outline some of the challenges that may pose. 5. LaFree, G., Bursik, R.J., Short, J. & Taylor, R.B. (2000). The nature of crime: Continuity and change. Criminal Justice 2000, 1, 261-308. The authors of this article begin by pointing out that the nature of crimes and reaction of societies towards various crimes do not remain constant. The writers hold that changing legislations and people’s attitudes can affect the nature of crimes. The availability of IT for instance creates a new ...

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Black Rage in new ORleans This page intentionally left blank L o u i s i a n a s t a t e u n i v e r s i t y P r e s s B a t o n r o u g e Black Rage in new ORleans Leonard n. Moore Police Brutality and African American Activism from World War II to Hurricane Katrina Published by Louisiana State University Press Copyright © 2010 by Louisiana State University Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing Designer: Michelle A. Neustrom T ypefaces: Chaparral Pro, text; Vonnes, display prinTer anD binDer: Thomson-Shore, Inc. Library of congress caTaLoging-in-pubLicaTion DaTa Moore, Leonard N. (Leonard Nathaniel) Black rage in New Orleans : police brutality and African American activism from World War II to Hurricane Katrina / Leonard N. Moore. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8071-3590-7 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. African Americans—Louisiana—New Orleans—Social conditions—20th century. 2. Police-community relations—Louisiana—New Orleans—History—20th century. 3. New Orleans (La.)—Race relations—History—20th century. I. Title. F379.N557M66 2010 363.2'32—dc22 2009030247 The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. �� For Thaïs, Jaaucklyn, Lauryn, and Len This page intentionally left blank vii Contents List of Tables ix Acknowledgments xi Abbreviations xiii IntroductIon Police Violence, New Orleans, and the Postwar Urban Landscape 1 1 negro PolIce WIll AId In lAW And order The Fight for Black Police in the Crescent City 17 2 or does It exPlode? The Black Freedom Struggle Comes to New Orleans 43 3 “We WAnt An end to PolIce BrutAlIty” The Black Panthers, Desire, and Police Repression 70 4 the PolItIcs of self-defense Mark Essex, the Soul Patrol, and Black Vigilantism 96 5 the rIght to orgAnIze The Black Organization of Police, Mass Protest, and the City Council Hearings 115 6 BlAck PoWer PolItIcs Ernest “Dutch” Morial and the Limits of Police Reform 140 7 “We Are lIvIng In A PolIce stAte” The Algiers Tragedy, the Maturation of Community Protest, and the Politics of a Civilian Review Board 164 8 BlAck-on-BlAck crIme The Consequences of White Flight, the War on Drugs, and Political Indifference 203 viii c o n T e n T s 9 “A neW dAy In BABylon” The Professionalization of the New Orleans Police Department and the Claiming of Urban Public Space 220 ePIlogue Policing Katrina 249 Notes 257 Bibliography 281 Index 293 Illustrations follow page 114 ix tabLes 1. Year of First Post-Reconstruction African American Police Appointment in Selected Southern Cities 31 2. Black Police Organizations in Select Cities and Year Established 117 3. Police Chiefs of the N.

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The race industry and its elite enablers take it as self-evident that high black incarceration rates result from discrimination. At a presidential primary debate this Martin Luther King Day, for instance, Senator Barack Obama charged that blacks and whites “are arrested at very different rates, are convicted at very different rates, [and] receive very different sentences . . . for the same crime.” Not to be outdone, Senator Hillary Clinton promptly denounced the “disgrace of a criminal-justice system that incarcerates so many more African-Americans proportionately than whites.” Racial activists usually remain assiduously silent about that problem. But in 2005, the black homicide rate was over seven times higher than that of whites and Hispanics combined, according to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics. From 1976 to 2005, blacks committed over 52 percent of all murders in America. In 2006, the black arrest rate for most crimes was two to nearly three times blacks’ representation in the population. Blacks constituted 39.3 percent of all violent-crime arrests, including 56.3 percent of all robbery and 34.5 percent of all aggravated- assault arrests, and 29.4 percent of all property-crime arrests. The advocates acknowledge such crime data only indirectly: by charging bias on the part of the system’s decision makers. As Obama suggested in the Martin Luther King debate, police, prosecutors, and judges treat blacks and whites differently “for the same crime.” The media love to target the federal crack penalties because crack defendants are likely to be black. In 2006, 81 percent of federal crack defendants were black, while only 27 percent of federal powder-cocaine defendants were. Since federal crack rules are more severe than those for powder, and crack offenders are disproportionately black, those rules must explain why so many blacks are in prison, the conventional wisdom holds. The press has covered this development voraciously, serving up a massive dose of crack revisionism aimed at proving the racist origins of the war on crack. Crack was never a big deal, the revisionist story line goes. But when Boston Celtics draft pick Len Bias died of a crack overdose in 1986, the media went into overdrive covering the crack phenomenon. “Images—or perhaps anecdotes—about the evils of crack, and the street crime it was presumed to stoke” circulated, as the New York Times archly put it in a December 2007 article. A “moral panic” (Michael Tonry’s term) ensued about an imaginary threat from a powerless minority group. Whites feared that addicted blacks would invade their neighborhoods. Sensational stories about “crack babies” surfaced. All this hysteria resulted in the unnecessary federal crack penalties. Those who tar the criminal-justice system as racist often make a broader claim: incarceration doesn’t even lower crime, making the nation’s skyrocketing prison rolls a particularly senseless injustice. Incarceration foes are right about one thing: the.

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Justice on the Street?: The Police and Racial and Ethnic Minorities Goals of the Chapter This chapter explores the complex issues in the relationship between the police and racial and ethnic minority communities and helps sort through the sometimes conflicting evidence on race, ethnicity, and criminal justice.1 The first section outlines a contextual approach that helps resolve the apparent contradictions in the available evidence. The second section examines public opinion about the police, comparing the attitudes of whites, African Americans, and Hispanics (unfortunately, there is little evidence on other racial and ethnic groups). The third section reviews the evidence on police behavior, beginning with the most serious action, use of deadly force, and proceeding through the less-serious police activities. The fourth section deals with citizen complaints against the police, reviewing the evidence on the extent of misconduct and the ways police departments handle citizen complaints. The final section examines police employment practices. Particular attention is given to the law of employment discrimination and the historic problem of discrimination against racial and ethnic minorities. After you have read this chapter: 1. You will be familiar with the most important issues related to police and people of color. 2. You will be able to make sense of the complex data on police arrests, use of force, use of deadly force, and racial profiling. 3. You will be able to discuss the difference between racial disparities and racial discrimination. 4. You will be able to discuss the most important reforms in policing and whether or not they have succeeded in reducing racial disparities. 5. You will be knowledgeable about police–community relations programs and which ones work and do not work in terms of improving relations between the police and communities of color. 6. You will be familiar with the trends in the employment of people of color in policing, and you will be able to discuss what difference it makes in terms of actual police work. Unequal Justice? A Famous Incident It is one of the most famous incidents in all of U.S. police history. On March 3, 1991, Los Angeles police officers stopped an African American man named Rodney King after a high-speed chase and proceeded to savagely beat him. The beating was videotaped by an observer across the street, and when the tape was broadcast around the country on television, a national uproar broke out. The term “Rodney King” became shorthand for all police abuse. When several of the officers involved were acquitted of criminal charges a year later, a major riot broke out in Los Angeles. Officers were subsequently convicted on federal civil rights charges. The beating also led to the Christopher Commission Report (1991), which proposed sweeping reforms in the Los Angeles Police Department. The Rodney King incident summarized a range of issues we will consider in this chapter: police use of force, ra ...

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11/5/16, 9:34 AMFeds fault San Francisco police for violence against minorities and recommend 272 reforms - LA Times Page 1 of 5http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-san-francisco-police-bias-20161012-snap-story.html T Feds fault San Francisco police for violence against minorities and recommend 272 reforms By James Queally and Joe Mozingo OCTOBER 12, 2016, 4:20 PM hough the city prides itself on its progressive values, San Francisco’s Police Department has found itself engulfed in the same outrage over brutality and racial bias that has swept other cities from Baltimore to El Cajon. A six-month study by the U.S. Justice Department released Wednesday found that the department disproportionately used force on people of color, and stopped and searched them more often than it did white people. Former San Francisco Police Chief Greg Suhr, who resigned earlier this year. (Eric Risberg / Associated Press) ADVERTISING http://www.latimes.com/topic/san-diego-county/el-cajon-SDCT0005-topic.html http://www.latimes.com/topic/crime-law-justice/u.s.-department-of-justice-ORGOV0000160-topic.html 11/5/16, 9:34 AMFeds fault San Francisco police for violence against minorities and recommend 272 reforms - LA Times Page 2 of 5http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-san-francisco-police-bias-20161012-snap-story.html Federal officials reviewed 548 use-of-force cases between May 2013 and May 2016, finding 37% of the people whom city police used force against were African American, a larger percentage than for any other ethnic group. Nine of the 11 people who were killed during use-of-force incidents in that time frame were people of color. Mayor Ed Lee requested the report after Mario Woods, a black man suspected of assault, was shot at least 21 times by police in 2015 while holding a knife. Federal officials made 272 separate recommendations for reform in the report, including better training with batons to non-fatally subdue suspects with knives. The study found that the department did not properly investigate officer use-of-force incidents, does not keep “complete and consistent officer-involved shooting files,” and generally had outdated information technology systems and tools to identify patterns of misconduct. Instead of submitting information to a searchable digital database, San Francisco police officers write their use-of-force reports in paper logs. Federal investigators also discovered that while black and Latino drivers were more likely to be pulled over than white drivers, they were “less likely to be found with contraband.” Other key findings: The department was not transparent about officer discipline, completing only one investigation into the deadly use of force during the three-year period — and an analysis of 500 use-of- force incidents showed city police officers properly categorized the type of force used on only five occasions. Lee praised the report during a Wednesday morning news conference, calling it the f.

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