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EDITORIAL
Rotten context: the unaffordability of technological advances
Henk ten Have1 • Bert Gordijn1
Published online: 11 September 2015
Ó Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2015
This issue illustrates that progress in healthcare depends on
advancements in science and technology, as well as on
careful and precautious clinical trials, exchange of exper-
imental data and critical examination of clinical findings.
New technological applications such as deep brain stimu-
lation, the creation of human–nonhuman chimeras, and
mitochondrial replacement techniques as analyzed in con-
tributions in this issue, raise basic ethical questions that
also need to be explored. However, this scientific and
technological optimism is only part of the story of pro-
moting and expanding healthcare. Within the present cli-
mate of pervasive social, economic, and political
inequalities, new scientific knowledge and technological
applications are often not available to everyone who needs
to them. Growing inequality is now considered as a major
risk for political stability, undermining democracy and
political institutions (Schui 2014). The social fabric
responsible for equality of opportunity, which used to be
typical for the US, is gone (Putnam 2015). The same sit-
uation occurs in Europe; solidarity, which used to be lau-
ded as a typical European principle, is dead. The damaging
effects of neoliberal economic policies are particularly
clear in the breakdown of healthcare systems in many
developing countries, and also nowadays increasingly in
developed countries such as Greece (Streeck 2014).
Reduced expenditures for health and social services, pri-
vatization of care, lower salaries for healthcare workers,
and introduction of user fees for patients have reduced
access to health services for the majority of populations.
Entire populations are deprived of necessary treatment and
medication, simply because the costs are unaffordable or
because healthcare is inaccessible (Keshavjee 2014). For
example, globally, each year, 2–3 million people die of
tuberculosis; they could be treated but 79 % of them do not
have access to appropriate medication (WHO 2015). The
context of neoliberal policies therefore determines whether,
how and for whom new medical and technological
opportunities will be available.
Bioethics discourse, however, rarely addresses this bio-
political context; it is even more uncommon that it criti-
cally scrutinizes it. Often, it is simply assumed that this
context cannot be examined because it is not within the
remit of ethical discourse. Ethics prefers to concentrate on
individual decisions on whether and how to use new clin-
ical and research opportunities without asking questions
about the social, economic and political conditions within
which such decisions are made. An exception is the con-
tribution of Tom Andreassen (Andreassen 2015) in this
issue. He analyses the ethical justifications for biotech
patents. His analysis draws attention to one of the major
changes in the background of the bioethical debate since
the 1980s: the commercialization of health and knowledge.
The globalization of the intellectual property rights regime
has imposed an unfair institutional order, as argued by
Thomas Pogge (2013). The establishment of the World
Trade Organization (WTO) and the Agreement on Trade-
related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) in
1994 and 1995 were the outcome of coordinated pressures
on developing countries of Western countries and inter-
national businesses as the owners of property rights
(Baldwin 2014). There was no fair representation of
countries involved, no sharing of full information, no
democratic bargaining but a mixture of political and eco-
nomic threats and coercion. Public involvement was also
absent; all negotiations were behind closed doors.
& Henk ten Have
tenhaveh@duq.edu
1
Pittsburgh, PA, USA
123
Med Health Care and Philos (2015) 18:459–461
DOI 10.1007/s11019-015-9664-3
Countries were pressured to comply through bilateral trade
agreements. The WTO has a dispute settlement system that
can apply punitive measures if countries violate the rules.
But it is not only the process that is unfair. The global-
ization of intellectual property has primarily benefitted
Western countries. Owners of intellectual property have
created the international legal context in their primary
interest (Sell and Prakash 2004). The intellectual property
rights regime is an illustration that the global context of
health and healthcare itself can be unfair. By requiring that
all fields of technology are patentable, TRIPS not only
introduced patenting of pharmaceutical products across the
world but also burdened many developing countries with
the need to establish legislation and bureaucratic systems.
Because they lack adequate infrastructure many countries
are not able to take advantage of intellectual property
protection. There is not much evidence that this protection
promotes innovation in developing countries (Lessig
2004). And if there is, the focus is on the needs of devel-
oped countries as the most attractive market. At the same
time, developing countries face disadvantages since TRIPS
makes it very difficult to use generic medication as an
alternative to pricy imported patented drugs. Due to
growing criticism, particularly relating to the lack of access
to affordable medication, the strict implementation of
property rights has been mitigated. The Doha Declaration
(adopted in 2001) is regarded as a success for developing
countries arguing that public health and the right to health
are more important than protecting patent rights. However,
in practice developing countries cannot use these flexibil-
ities to trade-off public health against commercial interests
to promote access to medicines. A major reason is that
more and more regional and bilateral free trade agreements
are signed with the European Union and the United States
including intellectual property rights provisions that are
more stringent than the requirements of the TRIPS agree-
ment. For example, they extend the duration of patents and
they introduce exclusive protection of test data for drugs.
In the last case, data obtained in clinical trials and sub-
mitted to get approval of a new drug cannot be used to get
approval for a generic drug. The result is that countries
cannot develop or buy less expensive generic medication
for their population. Bilateral agreements have thus
undermined the Doha Declaration. The Obama Adminis-
tration in particular has a consistent policy of imposing
TRIPS-plus requirements, in return for Big Pharma’s sup-
port for the Affordable Care Act (for example a 12-year
monopoly on test data for clinical trials). This will not only
prevent the development of new drugs but also raise prices.
Although WTO has never imposed such standards, they are
now included in secretly negotiated trade deals, such as the
Trans-Pacific Partnership. Leaked documents show that the
issue of intellectual property rights plays a major role
(Public Citizen 2015). The trade agreement will make the
approval process for generic medication more difficult;
patents will be longer applicable; knowledge will be
restricted (Gillmor 2013). For many countries in the Pacific
area it will lead to dramatic increases of life-saving med-
ication. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partner-
ship between the EU and the US (TTIP), also currently
negotiated behind closed doors, has the same ingredients.
According to Oxfam, TTIP will allow companies to bypass
national courts and governments if they permit competition
with cheaper versions of medication (Oxfam 2015).
Within this prevailing context of trade and commerce,
basic goods such as health, education, and knowledge are
translated into money. New scientific and technological
advances—though they might be exciting and fascinating
in themselves—are only available to those who can afford
them, which is currently a shrinking population. Jennifer
Chan in her recent book on AIDS activism and global
health governance highlights the international trade system
and the role of WTO, as ‘‘the rot at the core of global
governance today’’ (Chan 2015, p. 177). Where is bioeth-
ical criticism in this connection? Blaming economic
injustice and structural violence as fundamental ethical
problems is unusual in bioethics. Can bioethics afford to
continue its focus on the individual interactions, the clini-
cal encounter, the applicability of new interventions in
individual patients without addressing the political, social
and commercial context of the world in which such inter-
actions are taking place?
References
Andreassen, T. 2015. Ethical reasons for narrowing the scope of
biotech patents. Medicine Health Care and Philosophy 18(4):
this issue.
Baldwin, P. 2014. The copyright wars. Three centuries of trans-
atlantic battle. Princeton, Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Chan, J. 2015. Politics in the corridor of dying. AIDS activism and
global health governance. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press.
Gillmor, D. 2013. Thanks to Wikileaks, we see just how bad TPP
trade deal is for regular people. The Guardian 13 November
2013. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/nov/13/
trans-pacific-paternership-intellectual-property.
Keshavjee, S. 2014. Blind spot. How neoliberalism infiltrated global
health. Oakland: University of California Press.
Lessig, L. 2004. Free culture. The nature and future of creativity.
New York: Penguin Books.
Oxfam. 2015. Comments on the TTIP. https://www.oxfam.org/en/
whats-wrong-european-union-united-states-free-trade-talks.
Pogge, T. 2013. World poverty and human rights. Cosmopolitan
responsibilities and reforms, 2nd ed. Cambridge, UK, Malden,
MA: Polity Press.
Public Citizen. 2015. Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP): Job loss, lower
wages and higher drug prices. http://www.citizen.org/TPP.
460 H. ten Have, B. Gordijn
123
Putnam, R.D. 2015. Our kids: The American dream in crisis. New
York: Simon & Schuster.
Schui, F. 2014. Austerity; the great failure. New Haven: Yale
University Press.
Sell, S.K., and A. Prakash. 2004. Using ideas strategically: The
contest between business and NGO networks in intellectual
property rights. International Studies Quarterly 48: 143–175.
Streeck, W. 2014. Buying time. The delayed crisis of democratic
capitalism. Verso: London, New York.
WHO. 2015. Tuberculosis http://www.who.int/trade/glossary/story092/
en/.
Rotten context: the unaffordability of technological advances 461
123

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MHEP 18(4) Rotten context

  • 1. EDITORIAL Rotten context: the unaffordability of technological advances Henk ten Have1 • Bert Gordijn1 Published online: 11 September 2015 Ó Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2015 This issue illustrates that progress in healthcare depends on advancements in science and technology, as well as on careful and precautious clinical trials, exchange of exper- imental data and critical examination of clinical findings. New technological applications such as deep brain stimu- lation, the creation of human–nonhuman chimeras, and mitochondrial replacement techniques as analyzed in con- tributions in this issue, raise basic ethical questions that also need to be explored. However, this scientific and technological optimism is only part of the story of pro- moting and expanding healthcare. Within the present cli- mate of pervasive social, economic, and political inequalities, new scientific knowledge and technological applications are often not available to everyone who needs to them. Growing inequality is now considered as a major risk for political stability, undermining democracy and political institutions (Schui 2014). The social fabric responsible for equality of opportunity, which used to be typical for the US, is gone (Putnam 2015). The same sit- uation occurs in Europe; solidarity, which used to be lau- ded as a typical European principle, is dead. The damaging effects of neoliberal economic policies are particularly clear in the breakdown of healthcare systems in many developing countries, and also nowadays increasingly in developed countries such as Greece (Streeck 2014). Reduced expenditures for health and social services, pri- vatization of care, lower salaries for healthcare workers, and introduction of user fees for patients have reduced access to health services for the majority of populations. Entire populations are deprived of necessary treatment and medication, simply because the costs are unaffordable or because healthcare is inaccessible (Keshavjee 2014). For example, globally, each year, 2–3 million people die of tuberculosis; they could be treated but 79 % of them do not have access to appropriate medication (WHO 2015). The context of neoliberal policies therefore determines whether, how and for whom new medical and technological opportunities will be available. Bioethics discourse, however, rarely addresses this bio- political context; it is even more uncommon that it criti- cally scrutinizes it. Often, it is simply assumed that this context cannot be examined because it is not within the remit of ethical discourse. Ethics prefers to concentrate on individual decisions on whether and how to use new clin- ical and research opportunities without asking questions about the social, economic and political conditions within which such decisions are made. An exception is the con- tribution of Tom Andreassen (Andreassen 2015) in this issue. He analyses the ethical justifications for biotech patents. His analysis draws attention to one of the major changes in the background of the bioethical debate since the 1980s: the commercialization of health and knowledge. The globalization of the intellectual property rights regime has imposed an unfair institutional order, as argued by Thomas Pogge (2013). The establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the Agreement on Trade- related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) in 1994 and 1995 were the outcome of coordinated pressures on developing countries of Western countries and inter- national businesses as the owners of property rights (Baldwin 2014). There was no fair representation of countries involved, no sharing of full information, no democratic bargaining but a mixture of political and eco- nomic threats and coercion. Public involvement was also absent; all negotiations were behind closed doors. & Henk ten Have tenhaveh@duq.edu 1 Pittsburgh, PA, USA 123 Med Health Care and Philos (2015) 18:459–461 DOI 10.1007/s11019-015-9664-3
  • 2. Countries were pressured to comply through bilateral trade agreements. The WTO has a dispute settlement system that can apply punitive measures if countries violate the rules. But it is not only the process that is unfair. The global- ization of intellectual property has primarily benefitted Western countries. Owners of intellectual property have created the international legal context in their primary interest (Sell and Prakash 2004). The intellectual property rights regime is an illustration that the global context of health and healthcare itself can be unfair. By requiring that all fields of technology are patentable, TRIPS not only introduced patenting of pharmaceutical products across the world but also burdened many developing countries with the need to establish legislation and bureaucratic systems. Because they lack adequate infrastructure many countries are not able to take advantage of intellectual property protection. There is not much evidence that this protection promotes innovation in developing countries (Lessig 2004). And if there is, the focus is on the needs of devel- oped countries as the most attractive market. At the same time, developing countries face disadvantages since TRIPS makes it very difficult to use generic medication as an alternative to pricy imported patented drugs. Due to growing criticism, particularly relating to the lack of access to affordable medication, the strict implementation of property rights has been mitigated. The Doha Declaration (adopted in 2001) is regarded as a success for developing countries arguing that public health and the right to health are more important than protecting patent rights. However, in practice developing countries cannot use these flexibil- ities to trade-off public health against commercial interests to promote access to medicines. A major reason is that more and more regional and bilateral free trade agreements are signed with the European Union and the United States including intellectual property rights provisions that are more stringent than the requirements of the TRIPS agree- ment. For example, they extend the duration of patents and they introduce exclusive protection of test data for drugs. In the last case, data obtained in clinical trials and sub- mitted to get approval of a new drug cannot be used to get approval for a generic drug. The result is that countries cannot develop or buy less expensive generic medication for their population. Bilateral agreements have thus undermined the Doha Declaration. The Obama Adminis- tration in particular has a consistent policy of imposing TRIPS-plus requirements, in return for Big Pharma’s sup- port for the Affordable Care Act (for example a 12-year monopoly on test data for clinical trials). This will not only prevent the development of new drugs but also raise prices. Although WTO has never imposed such standards, they are now included in secretly negotiated trade deals, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Leaked documents show that the issue of intellectual property rights plays a major role (Public Citizen 2015). The trade agreement will make the approval process for generic medication more difficult; patents will be longer applicable; knowledge will be restricted (Gillmor 2013). For many countries in the Pacific area it will lead to dramatic increases of life-saving med- ication. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partner- ship between the EU and the US (TTIP), also currently negotiated behind closed doors, has the same ingredients. According to Oxfam, TTIP will allow companies to bypass national courts and governments if they permit competition with cheaper versions of medication (Oxfam 2015). Within this prevailing context of trade and commerce, basic goods such as health, education, and knowledge are translated into money. New scientific and technological advances—though they might be exciting and fascinating in themselves—are only available to those who can afford them, which is currently a shrinking population. Jennifer Chan in her recent book on AIDS activism and global health governance highlights the international trade system and the role of WTO, as ‘‘the rot at the core of global governance today’’ (Chan 2015, p. 177). Where is bioeth- ical criticism in this connection? Blaming economic injustice and structural violence as fundamental ethical problems is unusual in bioethics. Can bioethics afford to continue its focus on the individual interactions, the clini- cal encounter, the applicability of new interventions in individual patients without addressing the political, social and commercial context of the world in which such inter- actions are taking place? References Andreassen, T. 2015. Ethical reasons for narrowing the scope of biotech patents. Medicine Health Care and Philosophy 18(4): this issue. Baldwin, P. 2014. The copyright wars. Three centuries of trans- atlantic battle. Princeton, Oxford: Princeton University Press. Chan, J. 2015. Politics in the corridor of dying. AIDS activism and global health governance. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Gillmor, D. 2013. Thanks to Wikileaks, we see just how bad TPP trade deal is for regular people. The Guardian 13 November 2013. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/nov/13/ trans-pacific-paternership-intellectual-property. Keshavjee, S. 2014. Blind spot. How neoliberalism infiltrated global health. Oakland: University of California Press. Lessig, L. 2004. Free culture. The nature and future of creativity. New York: Penguin Books. Oxfam. 2015. Comments on the TTIP. https://www.oxfam.org/en/ whats-wrong-european-union-united-states-free-trade-talks. Pogge, T. 2013. 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