3. THEY ARE OLD ENOUGH TO CARRY GUNS, SHOULD WE TEACH THEM
LIKE CHILDREN? THE APPLICATION OF ADULT LEARNING STRATEGIES
IN POLICE TRAINING
A Dissertation
Submitted to the Faculty
of
Purdue University
by
Donald Alan McCay
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
of
Doctor of Philosophy
August 2011
Purdue University
West Lafayette, Indiana
5. iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express my sincere appreciate to my graduate committee
for their support and assistance. I hope you find the end product worth your
effort. Dean Amass, I appreciate the opportunities you provided me. Your
dedication and motivation touched me deeply. Without encouragement from you
I would have no need to write any of this today. I wish to thank Dr. Talbert for
convincing me, a forty-something graduate student, that I could keep up with the
‘kids.’ It was your Adult Education course that inspired me to pursue this field of
study. Dr. Enersen, any aptitude I may have as a researcher I owe to you. More
than that though, I admire your witness and example. Thank you for agreeing to
serve on one last committee. Dr. Peters, we have been acquainted since my
freshman year. It was you who formed me into a teacher and it is my hope that I
honor your lessons every time I step in front of students. In this final leg of my
academic journey your commitment to me and my goals has amazed me. It was
a push from you that motivated me to begin my pursuit of a doctoral degree and
it was your leadership and mentorship that brought me to this day. I have no
words to fully express my gratitude for all you have done for me.
I also want to express my appreciation to the police academy staff that
made this study possible. Your dedication to our craft impressed me greatly.
6. iv
Your willingness to allow me into your facility is appreciated. Without your
support of this research the study would not have come to fruition. I will cherish
the time I spent with you always. Thank you for all that you do to prepare new
officers.
I also want to express my gratitude to Dr. Michael Birzer on whose work I
drew heavily for this study. Your email conversations helped me to become
convinced that I might have something worthwhile to say on this topic. Although
not one of your students, I benefited greatly from your professorship.
I want to thank my parents for all the opportunities they have given me.
Without your assistance that made it possible for me to attend class and have the
time needed for course work, I could have done none of this. More importantly, it
was your lived example that taught me life’s most important lessons. I hope I
show you how much I honor and love you both for I know I do not say it nearly
enough.
I feel I need to apologize to my son for all the times that he needed me
over the last five years and I was not fully available. Between work and school I
have not been the father I should have been but it is my intent to change that.
Dan, I love you more than you will ever know. I hope that I can be for you what
your grandparents have always been for me.
Finally, I want to thank Cyndi, a far better wife than I am husband. Your
support of me has meant more than you will ever know. I realize and appreciate
the family sacrifices that were made so that I could pursue my dream. Thank you
7. v
for all that you have done so that I could do this. Most of all, thank you for loving
me.
8. vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT...........................................................................................................ix
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION.............................................................................1
Introduction.........................................................................................................1
Development of Policing in the United States ....................................................3
Police Training in and Around Indiana................................................................7
Problem Statement.............................................................................................9
Purpose of the Study........................................................................................10
Guiding Research Questions............................................................................12
Definition of Terms ...........................................................................................12
CHAPTER 2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE...........................................................15
Task Analysis ...................................................................................................15
Research into Police Training, Historical and Current......................................16
Curriculum Theory............................................................................................17
Police Subculture..............................................................................................21
Adult Education in Police Training....................................................................24
Military Training Related Research ..................................................................33
CHAPTER 3. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS............................................35
Overview of Research Design..........................................................................35
Guiding Research Questions............................................................................36
9. vii
Page
Rationale for Research Methodology ...............................................................37
Implementation of Research Strategies ...........................................................44
Site and Participants.........................................................................................51
Interview Questions..........................................................................................55
Data Collection .................................................................................................60
CHAPTER 4. ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS ..........................................................63
Introduction.......................................................................................................63
Personal Journey Through the Heuristic Process ............................................64
How Did I Get Here? ........................................................................................68
Do We Really Need To Be Here?.....................................................................78
I Understand What You Are Saying, But How Do I Do It?................................80
Is This the Military Police?................................................................................87
What Does It Mean?.......................................................................................101
Study Findings................................................................................................104
CHAPTER 5. SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND IMMPLICATIONS....105
Summary ........................................................................................................105
Recommendations..........................................................................................109
Implications for Future Research....................................................................110
Concluding Remarks ......................................................................................112
LIST OF REFERENCES....................................................................................114
APPENDICES
Appendix A .....................................................................................................123
Appendix B .....................................................................................................124
Appendix C .....................................................................................................125
Appendix D .....................................................................................................126
11. ix
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ABSTRACT
McCay, Donald Alan. Ph.D., Purdue University, August 2011. They are Old
Enough to Carry Guns, Should We Teach Them Like Children? The Application
of Adult Learning Strategies in Police Training. Major Professor: Jerry L. Peters.
For some time scholars have been advocating the application of adult learning
techniques such as andragogy to police recruit training. This study attempted to
further that discussion by determining how police recruits make meaning while
attending the police academy. Through observations, interviews, and reflective
journaling, data were collected. These data were qualitatively analyzed using a
combination of phenomenology and heuristic inquiry. Among the qualitative
assertions made in this study is that police recruits construct meaning through
interaction with one another and during the practical application of skills and
other hands-on activities. This supports the idea that the greater application of
adult learning techniques would improve police recruit training.
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
Introduction
Social scientists have given great attention considering what qualities are
desirable in police officers (Birzer, 2008). Policing is a complex and difficult job
(Marenin, 2004). In a free society, the police are tasked with both protecting
communities and the State from those who would do them harm and the
protection of the rights of the alleged wrong doers. In most jurisdictions, the
police operate inside of a clear-cut command structure, yet are able to function
with discretion in many situations. Basic police training is a complex and
changing thing that is critical to the survival of the new police recruit (Finnimore,
2005). Police training is meant to develop officers that have the ability to function
and follow in a disciplined fashion, yet still retain the ability to solve problems in a
socially responsible manner.
Police work in the United States is hierarchical in nature. There is a clear-
cut command structure in place and members know their place in it. While
attempts have been implemented to give agency to the rank and file, such as
Community Oriented Policing and Problem Oriented Policing (Quinet, Nunn, &
Kincaid, 2003), the line of command still exists and must be followed to some
degree, even in these situations. It is a respect and acceptance of the command
structure that a militaristic training model seeks to foster and enforce.
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Police officers wield the awesome powers of not only the ability to take
away freedom, but life itself. By the very nature of their function and power,
police officers and their selection and formation must be a point of public
concern. Negative stories about police officers can be found in nearly every
paper or Internet news site. From stories of corruption to police brutality, the
American public has access to a steady diet of information concerning the wrong
doings of its protectors.
Police academy training, in its own right, is a point of public concern and
scrutiny (Marion, 1998). It is the community’s tax dollars that pay to train the
police and it is the community that hopes to benefit from that training. It is only
right that the taxpaying public has interest in this public endeavor for it is the
public that benefits when the police function well and the public that suffers when
police performance lacks.
Academy training, while it varies from state to state in its content and
methodologies, is meant to instruct recruits in the basics of police work (Schafer
& Boyd, 2007). While this training includes expected topics such as law and
crime, firearms proficiency, emergency vehicle operation, defensive tactics, and
related issues, it also serves as socialization for the recruit into the police culture
and its traditions. Obviously, this places an intense ethical burden on the police
and those who train them. It is the trainers’ responsibility to ensure that officers
have been given the vast skill set needed, from cognitive to psychomotor, to
perform in the manner in which the public expects.
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Development of Policing in the United States
Recent history of American policing is usually broken into three general
eras of reform and development (Kelling & Moore, 1988). The eras identified
include the political era, the reform era, and the community-policing era. Kelling
and Moore used a conceptual framework they termed “corporate strategy” as
they analyzed policing history in America. Using this strategy, Kelling and Moore
evaluated the organizational makeup of policing on seven levels: authorization,
function, organization, demand, environment, tactics and outcomes. A fourth era,
an era of homeland security, was also offered by Oliver (2006). Each of these
eras is characterized by changes in police management and function.
The political era, spanning 1840 through 1930 is characterized by the
contentious relationship between police and political forces (Vodde, 2008).
Police in early America received their power to act through municipalities and
local governments (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Police were often tied tightly to local
ward politicians and the neighborhoods they represented. Local politicians
recruited police officers and in turn, these officers would often campaign and
work for the politicians’ re-election (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Vodde (2008) stated
that during this time political corruption was a part of nearly all facets of local
government.
During the political era, police provided a wide variety of services to the
communities that they served. These included the presumed functions
associated with the maintenance of order, but also such things as soup kitchens
for the indigent, temporary lodging for newly arrived immigrants, and they
15. 4
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assisted ward leaders in finding work for immigrants (Kelling & Moore, 1988).
Kelling and Moore described the organizational structure of police services of the
political era as decentralized. Although the departments were structured along
paramilitary lines, actual operating control was at the precinct level where local
leaders and precinct command intermingled. Given the rudimentary
communications and transportation available to police at that time coupled with
decentralization, police officers had wide discretion in the performance of their
duties (Kelling & Moore, 1988).
Oliver (2006) described the police of the political era as being intimately
connected with the ward or precinct they served. Officers were usually recruited
from the same ethnic neighborhood that they served and continued to serve in
those neighborhoods (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Police tactics of the time
consisted primarily of foot patrol with officers walking beats and addressing
issues of disorder as they became aware of them either through interaction with
the people or by direction from police or community leaders (Kelling & Moore,
1988). Efficacy was gauged during the political era of policing by the level of
satisfaction of the citizenry and political leaders. The goal was to implement the
political leaders’ will and satisfy the community’s desire for order (Oliver, 2006).
Kelling and Moore (1988) considered the 1920s through 1970s as the era
of reform in United States policing. Police and political corruption and police
brutality were rampant during the political era, and as the century turned, the
populace had had enough of the status quo and called for reform of the police
(Oliver, 2006).
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In the reform era, authorization for police activity was seated in the law
rather than the local political bosses and was bolstered by the professionalism of
the service. Police were stripped of their social-service function and were
focused on crime control. In hopes of curtailing corruption in the police ranks, a
more classical paramilitary structure was formed that made management of the
police hierarchical in nature and took leadership away from the ward bosses
(Kelling & Moore, 1988). These changes came as the automobile and mobile
radio were introduced into the police ranks in greater numbers. The resulting mix
of technological and managerial changes separated police from the community
(Oliver, 2006)
The police focus during the reform era was crime control and control of
crime was how success was measured (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Demand for
police services were now channeled through dispatching centers and not through
neighborhood contact with a beat officer (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Officers were
now in cars and were professionally remote (Oliver, 2006). Police spent their
time on preventive patrol inside of a car or in rapid response to a problem or call
for service and an officer’s effectiveness was measured by the number of arrests
made (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Police now had distance between themselves
and the public and the citizenry was no longer in direct contact with the police.
Historians noted that the introduction of the telephone, automobile and police
radio isolated police officers from community members (Thale, 2004).
While the reform era of policing did help to curtail the corruption in the
ranks, it was unable to meet its goal of crime control or even the prevention of
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crime growth (Oliver, 2006). Police and political leaders came to the realization
that for police to be effective they must work in conjunction with the communities
they serve thus ushering in the community-policing era in the 1980s (Vodde,
2008). Community oriented policing recognized the importance of police-
community interaction and changed the focus of policing toward solving
community problems in addition to crime control (Kelling & Moore, 1988). In the
community-policing era an acknowledgment was made that police authority
comes not just from law but also through community support (Oliver, 2006). In
the community-policing era police returned to having a role in social services by
now focusing on community needs in general rather than crime suppression in
particular. Foot patrol and the direct community interaction that stems from it
returned to neighborhoods and police performance was measured by community
satisfaction (Oliver, 2006).
Oliver (2006) argued that the events of September 11, 2001 may have
marked the beginning of a fourth era of policing in the United States. In what he
termed the era of homeland security policing, Oliver contended that law
enforcement authorization comes not only from law but also from international
threats to United States society. In his evaluation, Oliver (2006) concluded police
in the homeland security era are tasked with not only crime control but terrorist
prevention and intelligence gathering. The technology and tactics for this mode
of policing involves the use of intelligence systems and a centralized decision
making process (Oliver, 2006). The intended outcome of homeland security
policing is the suppression of terrorism in addition to the suppression of crime.
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Police Training in and Around Indiana
Prior to becoming a police officer in Indiana a candidate must undergo a
minimum 40-hour pre-basic training session before being sworn into the
profession. (Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010). To remain a sworn
police officer in the State of Indiana, State law dictates that one must attend an
approved police academy within the first year of taking the oath of service.
Depending on the size of the department to be served, this basic training may
consist of 350-hour Town Marshal’s Academy consisting of home study and time
at the Indiana Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA) or a minimum 480-hour basic
police academy (Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010). This basic police
training is provided at seven locations throughout the state and overseen by the
Indiana Law Enforcement Training Board (LETB) (Indiana Law Enforcement
Academy, 2010).
Models of police training in Indiana have tended to follow a militaristic
format. In the case of the state police, the official website (Indiana State Police,
2010) stated, “The conduct of the school closely corresponds to training for
officer candidates in military services.” The Indiana Law Enforcement Academy
website did not make a specific mention of training styles, but showed a picture
of recruits marching in step with a member of the cadre carrying a guidon
(Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010). The websites for the Indianapolis
Metro Police Academy, the Indiana University Police Academy, and the
Northwest Indiana Law Enforcement Academy (NILEA) made no mention of the
training styles used. Indiana is apparently not alone in this trend.
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The Michigan State Police website stated their recruit school is often
compared to military basic training and added that it is physically demanding
(Michigan State Police, 2010). Grand Valley State University, located near
Allendale, Michigan operates a police academy where they train recruits who are
not necessarily already a member of a police department. The Grand Valley
website described itself as a professional training environment. Among the
photos in its online gallery was one depicting recruits standing at attention during
a uniform inspection (Grand Valley State University, 2010).
From review of the Illinois State Police Academy website, it was plain the
training conducted there is along militaristic lines as evidenced by this quote:
When cadets arrive at the Academy, they receive parking instructions and
are told how to stand until summoned for line up outside the Academy
doors. Once inside the Academy, cadets are checked in by Cadet Class
Counselors and assigned to a squad (Illinois State Police, 2010).
The Chicago Police Department (CPD) operates a police academy that offers
training to CPD recruits and a separate program for other agencies (Chicago
Police Depatment, 2010). The site does not describe the CPD training
environment nor are there pictures to allow for personal conclusion.
A review of the Kentucky State Police (KSP) website clearly indicated their
state police recruits are to expect a militaristic environment (Kentucky State
Police, 2010). Points in the KSP rules of conduct for recruits included recruits
are expected to maintain military bearing and military courtesy. Louisville Metro
Police Department operates its own police academy. Major Don Burbank
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commands the Louisville Metro Police Academy. Burbank indicated that this
academy was a ‘hybrid’ in its instructional style. He stated recruits were to show
military courtesy and stood inspection each day, but the classroom portion was
conducted like a college class with student questions and participation
encouraged (D. Burbank, personal communication, August 29, 2010).
Problem Statement
The nature of law enforcement and the role of police in society is a
changing thing as evidenced through the various eras of policing in the United
States. It seems logical to conclude that these roles will continue to change and
shift as society evolves. The police academy, tasked with preparing police
recruits for this ever-changing role of the police, must be prepared to form
officers in such a way as to produce what the communities served need.
In order to meet this need, police trainers must understand what about
their current training modalities is most impactful to recruits so that they can in
turn construct new meaningful curriculum as circumstance and need dictate.
Through deeper understanding of the effect of the academy experience, trainers
will be able to accentuate future training by utilizing techniques that will instill
deeper meanings. Furthermore, a greater knowledge of why a given academy
event or circumstance was impactful to a recruit would aid police trainers by
providing clues as to how police officers develop work behaviors, whether
positive or negative.
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Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to add to the body of knowledge concerned
with police training by examining what is most impactful about the police
academy experience. Through the examination of attitudes, emotions, and
personal characteristics, the academy experience was analyzed in an attempt to
determine what things, events, or circumstance were viewed as impactful by
police recruits. Additionally, the study searched for ways to improve police
academy training through the application of adult education techniques to the
curriculum.
In the settings I have observed in Indiana over the last sixteen years,
police academy training in Indiana is primarily conducted inside of a militaristic
model. Learners are assumed to have little, if any, applicable knowledge
relevant to the lessons at hand. Furthermore, in academy settings described by
Charles (2000) as using a military model or quasi-military model, students are
made to accept their place in the hierarchy of the organization: The very bottom.
This is achieved through the use of practices commonly associated with military
training such as standing in formation at attention, requesting permission to
speak, given the title of “recruit” or “cadet” and using physical exercise as
punishments.
A police academy is not analogous to a college. Schafer and Boyd (2007)
distinguished between police training and higher education, indicating that police
training is designed to provide the officer with an understanding of the “tools of
the trade” whereas higher education is meant to provide the basis for problem
22. 11
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solving and future learning. The function of higher education for future or current
peace officers is a point of consideration for those involved with Criminal Justice
programs at colleges and universities (Birzer & Palmiotto, 2002). While the
merits of higher education to the law enforcement practitioner are many, higher
education is not required for many Indiana police organizations. What is required
is the satisfactory completion of police academy training for any full time peace
officer hired after July 6, 1972 (Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010). As
this training is the ground work for all future officer training, current thought on
police academy training techniques will be addressed in the review of literature.
This study evaluated the current training model of a regional police
academy in Indiana to gain greater understanding of how the police academy
experience affects those who live it. With that greater understanding, the study
explored how the academy training techniques may be improved particularly
through the introduction of andragogic techniques into the existing training
system. Additionally, this study’s goal was to add to the understanding of the
manner(s) which police academy experience shapes recruits’ attitudes toward
their vocations during the initial training period. Furthermore, internalized
purpose was considered in an attempt to determine if recruits trained under the
current methodology tend to develop a public service mindset. Simply stated, the
primary purpose of the study was to determine how the police academy
experience affects recruits and if that experience might be enhanced through
adult education techniques. To that end, the following guiding research
questions were utilized:
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Guiding Research Questions
1. What professional characteristics does the current pedagogic/militaristic
training model develop in its police recruit students?
2. What police academy events or circumstances are most impactful to
police recruits and why?
3. What strengths and weaknesses are exhibited in police recruits trained
under the current pedagogic/militaristic practices?
4. How can any weaknesses be mitigated and strengths accentuated
through the use of andragogic techniques?
Definition of Terms
Adult education: As it is considered a “large and amorphous field of practice”
(Merriam, Caffarella, & Baumgartner, 2007, p. 53), as used in this study,
the term shall refer to the field of education focused on developing and
delivering educational opportunities for adults, excluding college students
Andragogy: A theory of adult learning presupposing assumptions that adults
learn differently than children (Ozuah, 2005)
Co-researcher: In this study, the term is used to reference the staff and recruits
actively participating in this study through the interview process (Donalek,
2004)
Field training: The portion of training in police officer formation where new
officers are paired with more experienced officers in the field (Finnimore,
2005)
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Field training officer: The experienced officer who serves as mentor and
evaluator of new officers during field training (Finnimore, 2005); the term is
often abbreviated FTO
Formation: As used in this study, the development of police recruits to include
not only growth in tangible skills but also areas of sense of purpose,
ethics, integrity, confidence, and esprit de corps; this term is the extension
of the concept of clerical formation (Karpinski, 2002)
Law enforcement: As used in this study, the application of criminal and traffic
statutes outside of the correctional system
Militaristic: As used in this study, having characteristics perceived associated
with the armed services
Peace officer: As used in this study, a term analogous to ‘police officer’
Police academy: The institution tasked with providing the required basic training
to new police officers in accordance with state law and mandates
(Finnimore, 2005)
Police officer: A person sworn to enforce criminal and traffic statutes and provide
for the protection of society on behalf of a governmental entity as defined
in Indiana Code 35-41-1-17 (State of Indiana, 2011)
Police recruit: A student in a police academy (Finnimore, 2005)
Psychomotor skills: In this study, areas of police training to include emergency
vehicle operations (EVO), physical tactics (a.k.a. defensive tactics), and
firearms as defined by the Indiana Law Enforcement Training Board
(Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010)
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Red Man: The term used in this study for a trainer serving as the antagonist in
physical tactics training scenarios who wears protective gear so that the
student may strike with full force without as great a danger of injury to the
trainer; the term is derived from a line of such products sold by RedMan
Gear, a division of Macho Products (Macho Products Inc., 2011)
Sworn officer: As used in this study, a term analogous to ‘police officer’
Warrior class: As used in this study, those members of society expected to fight
on behalf of their community
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CHAPTER 2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE
In conducting a review of literature germane to police training in general
and recruit training in particular, key areas of related material include:
1. Task analysis of police officer duties
2. Research into police training, historical and current
3. Curriculum theory
4. Police subculture
5. Adult education in police training
6. Military training related research
Task Analysis
Having a vision of what must be done is the logical place to begin any
training endeavor. To this end, many police agencies develop a task analysis to
guide them in the preparation of new officers. One such example is from
Michigan (Michigan Commision on Law Enforcements Standards, 2006) which
recognized the broad skill set required to be an effective patrol officer. This
document detailed at length the many skills and competencies needed in police
work. It was compiled through interviews and surveys of those directly involved
in Michigan law enforcement. Results from the task analysis showed that
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approximately 77% of officers responding believed they were either ‘fairly well’ or
‘quite well’ prepared by their training. When asked to identify what concept or
characteristic was most important for patrol officers, respondents indicated
decision-making and communications skills as being key factors.
Research into Police Training, Historical and Current
Ragsdale (1929) published one early example of scholarly consideration
of police training. He described early police academies from three major cities,
but did not offer suggestions as to improvement. Cooperation between
academicians and police in the development of appropriate college curriculum for
police science was suggested by Lankes (1970).
As Shannon (2002) stated in his dissertation, literature of police training is
a slowly growing field. In searching for scholarly literature addressing issues of
police academy training, it becomes clear that researchers are more concerned
with societal issues involving the academy experience and how the academy
changes its students, rather than the actual development of academy curriculum.
Marion (1998) attended a police academy as a participatory observer in
Ohio in 1996. She concluded that based on her observations, coupled with
scholarly and practitioner literature, the academy she attended was preparing
students with the necessary skills to become police officers. She did criticize the
sexism she found in the academy. She also suggested courses in working with
the elderly, as they are a fast growing demographic. Additionally, Marion (1998)
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suggested increased training in ethics, as this particular academy had no training
specifically dedicated to ethics as do most other academies.
Linhares de Albuquerque and Paes-Machado (2004) investigated hazing
practices in the training program of Brazilian military police recruits. In this study
based primarily on qualitative methods, the authors explored the traditions of
hazing inside a four-year institution that trains Brazilian police officers and fire
fighters. The researchers determined that, contrary to popular belief, the hazing
did not build esprit de corps among the cadre, but rather caused hard feelings
and discontent. The authors did acknowledge that there was some limited value
in the traditions of institution.
Lino (2004) called for cooperation between Brazilian police training
facilities and higher education with the end goal being enhancing both training
and research. Lino (2004) opined that Brazilian law enforcement needed a more
uniform curriculum, as it varies greatly from academy to academy. He also
suggested cooperative training between countries as a way to foster operational
cooperation.
Curriculum Theory
While not directly related to police academy research, curriculum theory
would seem to have a place in such discussions. Curriculum development as a
term includes the policy, design, implementation, technology, overview, and
evaluation (Pinar, Reynolds, Slattery, & Taubman, 2004). Modern curriculum
theory has many implications for peace officer training.
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The aims for social justice and societal betterment are congruent with the
aims of the police service. Issues of curricular concern such as racial equity as
discussed by Watkins (1993) are important to police theorists and trainers. This
article reminds the reader of the minority subculture present in American society.
In America, the education of African-Americans has been a politically charged
thing. Watkins reminds readers of the separateness of the education of African-
Americans in the United States. He also reminds us of the idea of reproduction
theory.
This article is especially germane to police training. Police trainers must
consider racial differences on two fronts. First, it must be remembered that
recruits are not drawn from a homogeneous pool, or at least should not be.
Coming to the academy with diverse educational and experiential backgrounds,
recruits are warranted some consideration of their pasts. This is especially true if
the goal is to build and develop officers with a greater community affinity.
Secondly, it is important to keep in mind the diversity of communities served by
police. While it is true that smaller departments may serve a monolithic
population, larger municipal and state departments serve widely diverse
populations. A committed, compassionate, thorough policing of a given
community requires officers to be versed in their own special culture. This is
again especially true if the aim is to develop socially motivated officers.
The concept of reproduction as discussed by Anyon (1980) might serve as
a reminder to police trainers to consider what they are reproducing. Anyon
(1980) explored the idea that communities educate their children differently,
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particularly in the work assigned, depending upon the work expected of the
children upon reaching adulthood. She found that in communities of
predominantly blue-collar workers schools tended to teach that work was a step-
by-step process with knowing the steps of how to produce the answer of
paramount importance. In middle class schools, she found schoolwork tended to
stress getting the right answer and be concerned less with the means at arriving
at the correct answer. In upper class schools creativity was stressed with a
premium on invention and innovation.
This research has direct implication for police trainers if it is considered in
the appropriate context. Police trainers must have an intimate understanding of
the expectations of both the public and police administrators when they develop
and present curriculum. While Anyon (1980) considered the matter in the light of
reproduction theory and thereby gave it a negative connotation, the idea of a
school teaching for the specific needs of the community served might be
considered positive in the sense of a vocation-based program. The important
aspect that must be considered is whether what is being produced is what the
population (in this case the police profession and the community served by it)
needs. If police trainers do not understand the goal of developing an officer
motivated toward societal service, then it is not likely they will be able to hit the
mark.
Schubert’s (1992) discussion on curriculum theorizing through
autobiographical reflection of educators might benefit police trainers as well. In
it, he reflected on his twenty-plus years as an advisor of graduate students at the
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University of Illinois at Chicago. As he pondered his earlier days as an
elementary school teacher, he concluded with reference to Herbert Spencer, that
the most important question to ponder is simply ‘What is worthwhile to know and
experience?’ It was Schubert’s contention in the article that this question should
be in the front of teachers and developers of curriculum. Through the use of
critical thinking and reflections on lessons taught, educators might provide a lens
to discover new ways to increase police training curriculum effectiveness.
Chappell (2008) considered differences in police academy curriculum in
her study that focused on training of Florida police officers. In this study, a
curriculum designed to foster community policing ideals was contrasted against
one considered more traditional or more in line with the reform era of policing.
She concluded that recruits trained under a community-policing model were not
more successful in their training than were those trained under a traditional
curriculum. What was found significant was the differences in attitudes with
police recruits trained using a community policing-oriented curriculum
demonstrating a greater level of empathy in their work.
Henson and his colleagues studied the relationship between academy
performance of recruits and how that performance related to subsequent job
performance (Henson, Reyns, Klahm IV, & Frank, 2010). Through the statistical
analysis of recruit demographic information, recruit school performance, and
performance evaluation of officers, they concluded that personal characteristics
used in the hiring process are related to success in police training. They also
found race and civil service exam scores (entrance exam) related to academy
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performance with Caucasian recruits and those recruits with higher exam scores
performing at a higher level in the police academy. They questioned whether
these findings were a result of a middle-class bias in the recruit curriculum. As
for academy performance being a predictor of on-the-job performance, the
authors found mixed support when academy scores were compared to job
evaluations made during the first three years as a sworn officer.
Police Subculture
Research concerned with issues of police culture/subculture is fairly
abundant. Paoline (2003) explored police culture and presented a conceptual
model for it. This model showed the outcomes of the police subculture were
loyalty and social isolation (Paoline, 2003). He also provided a history of
research into police culture, extending back to the 1940s. This work also
discussed the elements of the police officers’ occupational environment and the
officers’ relationship to society in total. Two factors considered in this area were
the officers’ exposure to danger and the unique coercive role the police have in
society. Coping mechanisms are found in police culture to mitigate the stress
created by this environment.
One cultural attitude fostered by police academy training is an ‘us versus
them’ attitude (Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010). The academy situation studied
by the authors was one with a curriculum designed to foster community-oriented
police ideal, yet the academy system reinforced traditional paramilitary and
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bureaucratic ideals. In this article, the authors concluded this attitude hinders the
full application of community-centered approaches to policing.
Conti (2006) also considered the cultural bonds built in the police
academy as he discussed the term “fraternal funnel” through which applicants to
the police force pass as they progress toward becoming members of the
department. Conti (2006) concluded his article by stating:
The preceding analysis makes the case that the early stages of the police
recruit candidate experiences in, or getting into, the police academy are
an antithetical processes <sic> to those of the patient being admitted to a
mental hospital. Despite being the antithesis of betrayal, this ‘funnel’
utilizes similar techniques and alterations in social status. The primary
distinction is that here the individual is competitively seeking out this
position. Still, this is likely mitigated by the fact that the naive recruit sees
a police career as one of power and authority, and has probably not given
much thought to his or her potential subordination and vulnerability. (p.
240)
Conti (2006) believed that recruits are desirous of the position to the point of
being willing to lose freedom and choice in order to gain the power, or what they
perceive as the betterment associated with being a peace officer.
Conti (2009) viewed the police academy as the beginning point of police
socialization where police recruits are offered the opportunity to shed civilian
characteristics and be elevated to the position of police officer. In this article,
Conti explores reintegrative shaming through the use of ethnographic study.
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Conti argued police recruits are being excommunicated from the policing
subculture and then reintegrated through a process of shaming while at the
police academy. Conti described the process as the requirement that police
recruits accept the perspective of the trainers and then form self-sentiments of
pride and shame depending on how they preformed in relation to the
expectations.
Cochran and Bromley (2003) sought greater understanding of police
culture, especially as it deals with Community Oriented Policing. Their study of
sheriff’s deputies in Florida showed that the potential development of a new
police subculture was taking shape in which the values of community service
were extolled. In their review of literature they found that the idea of a police
subculture has been “uncritically accepted” (Cochran & Bromley, 2003).
Police academy environment and the cultural attitudes it develops have
been studied in their own right. Prokos and Padavic (2002) explored gender
issues in police academy training stating that: “Hegemonic masculinity is a
central defining concept in the culture of police work in the United States” (p.
442). While the research discussed in this study dealt with academy training, it
can be assumed that the attitudes developed there are likely to be present
throughout the profession.
In a study of South African police recruits conducted shortly after the end
of apartheid, it concluded behavioral characteristics found in police could be
explained by attitudes in place before entering the police academy (Steyn, 2007).
What this study seems to indicate was that behavioral factors associated with
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police officers are present before they attend police training. Simply stated,
people drawn to the police profession have attitudes in place rather than having a
set of values instilled through academy training.
Ethical problems and concerns were the focus of Morgan, Morgan, Foster,
and Kolbert (2000). This paper called for a greater attention to ethics in police
training. The authors suggested a program using the Deliberate Psychological
Education approach. They claimed learners using this approach scored higher in
moral development testing when compared to a control group.
Obst and Davey (2003) studied Australian police recruits in an attempt to
determine how police academy training changed socializing behaviors. In their
longitudinal study, they concluded recruits socialized more with police colleagues
and less with non-work-related friends. They also found the frequency and
amount of alcohol consumed increased with time in policing.
Adult Education in Police Training
In considering education literature in general and adult education literature
in particular and how that work describes and influences police training, the
logical beginning point seems to be experiential learning. In her discussion of
John Dewey’s ideas concerning experience and learning Merriam and her
colleagues acknowledged that judging educative worthiness of experiences can
be difficult (Merriam et al., 2007). They acknowledged that some experiences
might teach the wrong lesson or narrow the learner’s ability to gain from future
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experiences. The authors reminded readers that experiences are moving forces,
but that movement could be in an undesirable direction.
Brookfield (1995) cautioned that culture impacts how we learn from and
interpret our experiences. It seems a likely conclusion that police culture is not
immune from these potentially distorting effects. Those tasked with training
police recruits should fully consider what lessons outside of the written curriculum
are being taught, from an experiential standpoint as well as by their instructional
methods.
High stress police academies are designed to expose students to stresses
not directly associated with a particular learning activity with the intent to re-
socialize the recruits (Violanti, 1993). In addition to academic and skill growth,
police academies teach what it means to be a police officer. Among these
lessons included knowledge about position and hierarchical structure; the
importance of loyalty; and how to perform under stress (Chappell & Lanza-
Kaduce, 2010). While these outcomes may seem necessary or desirable, high
stress training academies may also result in recruits developing maladaptive
methods to reduce the resulting stress (Violanti, 1993). While not denying the
usefulness of behavioral strategies in teaching some police-related skills, Birzer
(2003) argued that police training should largely be free of fear.
The practical exercises commonly found in police training reflect the
importance of experiences in officer formation. Marksmanship is acquired on the
firing range (Charles & Copay, 2003) and physical tactics are learned in the
gymnasium (Prokos & Padavic, 2002). The behavioral approach to training may
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be appropriate for these and other skills. The behavioral model of instruction
focuses on providing precise objectives and quantitatively measuring outcomes
(Birzer, 2004). Certainly, scores on the gun range are quite quantifiable. The
behaviorist’s goal is to establish a learning situation that elicits the desired
behaviors and quashes the behaviors deemed undesirable (Birzer, 2004). A
militaristic training model with firmly defined expectations of conduct and
punishments for those not meeting expectations is a clear example of behaviorist
training methodologies.
While there seems little doubt of what most current police training is, there
are calls for a change toward a more adult-centered model of instruction. Among
others, McCoy (2006) believed that an adult education model would better
prepare new officers for service in community oriented policing situations.
McCoy advocated the learning theory of andragogy as a means for police
training. McCoy (2000) believed officers could be formed with greater problem-
solving abilities through the use of adult education techniques.
The term ‘andragogy’ was coined by Alexander Kapp in 1833 (Rachal,
2002). Malcolm Knowles (1973) brought the term and its philosophy to the
forefront with his book, The Adult Learner: A Neglected Species. In much of
Europe, the term andragogy is used to describe what is known in the United
States as adult education as opposed to one of many philosophies of adult
instruction (Merriam, 2001). In the United States, andragogy is used to refer to
the philosophy of instruction in which Knowles relied on humanistic psychology to
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conclude the adult learner is autonomous, free, and oriented toward personal
growth (Merriam, et al., 2007).
Scholars adhering to Knowles’ andragogy generally accept six
assumptions about adult learners (Ozuah, 2005). These assumptions include
(Merriam et al., 2007; Ozuah, 2005; Vodde, 2008):
1. Adults need to know the value of what they are learning
2. Adult learners are self-directing and autonomous
3. Adults learners’ experiences affect new learning
4. Adult readiness to learn is dependent upon the perceived relevance
5. Adults’ orientation to learning is task, problem, or life-centered
6. Adults tend to be internally motivated to learn
These six assumptions of adult education may be overlaid on to current
police academy practices to give some idea of how the behaviorist-structured
model with its experience-based strategies fits into an adult education
framework. Adult learners require relevant and accurate learning simulation
scenarios and clearly presented demonstrations (Gilley, 2004). To what extent
this requirement is met likely varies between academies and instructors.
For an experiential learning activity to be most effective, the adult learner
must sense the usefulness of the information presented. Personal experience
indicates that this is usually accomplished, especially in the psychomotor skill
areas such as emergency vehicle operations, firearms, first aid and defensive
tactics.
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When considering the assumption of autonomy as it applies to adult
learners, it can probably be accepted that little autonomy will exist in the lesson,
particularly in the psychomotor skill areas. However, in the case of complex
scenarios in which recruits are expected to operate independently, there is
opportunity to utilize personal uniqueness to solve a particular problem. Adult
education techniques fit well into the community-oriented or problem solving
approach to policing (McCoy, 2006).
Basic police training is designed to teach core skills and competencies
needed for entrance into the policing field (Marion, 1998). State agencies or
boards control the core curriculums of police academies (Marion, 1998). As a
result of a mandated curriculum, student personalization of the police academy
experience is most unlikely. There is opportunity, should instructors choose to
capitalize on it, to draw out relevant past experiences of students through class
discussions or other avenues.
When considering the assumption that an adult’s readiness to learn is
dependent upon the perceived relevance of the topic, several police training
areas seem to automatically rise by common sense to this level. Few would
deny the necessity of knowing how to operate a vehicle under emergency
situations; having the ability to defend one’s self; nor to effectively use weapons.
These skills seem analogous to the public perception and Hollywood’s portrayal
of police. How other less iconic and glamorous aspects of police operations are
presented to recruits is largely left to the instructors.
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If it is assumed that adult learning is based on task, problem, or life-
centered learning, then police training may be hitting the mark squarely or
missing the target completely, depending on one’s view. If one holds to the
legalistic reform model of policing, then the behaviorist model with its clearly
defined objectives is precisely the philosophy required to form officers into a
clearly defined role. On the other hand, if one subscribes to a
community/problem oriented view of policing then one is left wondering if such
rigidity is the best means to develop freethinking problem solvers.
The final andragogic assumption, that adults tend to be internally
motivated to learn, seems to be the antitheses of the behavior/militaristic
philosophy instruction. This assumption would seem to imply that police recruits
would enter the academy and push themselves physically and mentally simply
because it was their nature. This assumption would seem to have implication to
police training by suggesting most police recruits enter the academy with a
systemic desire to become police officers. It does not appear to account for
external motivators such as competition of coercion.
There are other theories of learning, beyond Knowles and his andragogy,
which might be useful in explaining and understanding current police training
practices. Even Knowles recognized the application of andragogic techniques
could be situational (Rachal, 2002). The educational philosophy held by the
instructor will affect the planning and implementation of learning activities (Zinn,
2004). Each adult educator must select his/her own philosophy (Eisen, 2005).
Birzer (1999) advocated the teaching of a problem solving approach
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through the use of adult education techniques. Among his suggestions for
curriculum change was an increased focus on communication skills. Birzer
(1999) also highlighted the similarities of approach between community-oriented
policing strategies and andragogy, as both center on the officer as opposed to
the instructor or command figure.
In an era of community policing, andragogy might offer a means to
improve police training to better meet the demands of that style of policing (Birzer
& Tannehill, 2001). In the article, the authors praise the learning centered
training model in use by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP).
Birzer (2003) expanded his thoughts on andragogy as it applies to police
training. He argued that the militaristic environment common to most police
basic training might not be the most effective modality for learning. This article
contended that with the advent of community-based policing strategies, training
must keep pace with the demands of the public. The current state of police
training, as observed by Birzer (2003) does not effectively take into account the
individual differences in learning. He stated: “The paradox here readily comes to
light: The police work in a democratic society but are trained and learn their jobs
in a very paramilitary, punitive, and authoritarian environment (Birzer, 2003, p.
31).” Birzer endorsed the learner-directed concepts of andragogy.
Marenin (2004) advocated for an educational approach to officer training
using techniques associated with andragogy. This work focused on training that
would facilitate democratically appropriate decision making by police. Marenin
(2004) recognized that policing in a totally apolitical fashion is not possible, but
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stated that peace officers may be developed to police in a manner consistent
with democratic principles. He advocated teaching democratic principles such as
human rights and international conventions through an integrated approach of
classroom and experiential learning.
The application of adult learning principles to police training was the focus
of Charles (2000). In his book, Police Training-Breaking All the Rules, the
transformation of a police academy in Illinois from a behavioral model to an adult
education model is discussed. Charles (2000) stressed the importance of
effective trainers who are committed to the learning process. Among his
conclusions was that little evidence existed to support the idea that a quasi-
militaristic training model was superior to other training models and that the adult
education model, if properly implemented, presented many advantages (Charles,
2000, p. 256).
In his doctoral dissertation McCoy (2000) explored law enforcement
trainer teaching styles, then compared this evaluation to the perceptions of
teaching styles held by the instructors themselves. His research indicated that,
in general terms, instructors performed their duties in a teacher-centered
manner, but perceived that the work was done in a way consistent with learner-
focused techniques associated with andragogy. McCoy (2006) revisited these
data and concluded by stating:
A learner-centered approach can only be effective if law enforcement
instructors understand adult learning theory and are trained to use a
variety of instructional methods. Law enforcement instructors need to be
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content area experts that have a desire to learn about teaching adults and
continually reflect on their practice. The training and development of
instructors can be accomplished in instructor-development courses and
updated regularly in continuing education seminars (p. 90).
Vodde’s 2008 doctoral dissertation dealt specifically with comparing the
competing police training methodologies by studying two separate New Jersey
police academies using observations, interviews, questionnaires, and problem-
based learning assessments. Through his data, he concluded that an
andragogic model is more effective than a pedagogic model when training police
recruits. Vodde (2008) also suggested that recruits trained under an andragogic
model may have a greater understanding of their role in society (p. 287).
Hundermarck (2009) concluded police training should become more
consistent in the way training is delivered in academy and field training
environments. In his work with probationary officers involved in a field training
program, Hundermarck (2009) found newly graduated officers rated academy
courses which involved hands on learning higher than those more academic in
nature as they found it more directly related to ‘real’ police work. Hundermarck
(2009) advocated a constructivist approach to academy training where instruction
is learner-centered similar to andragogy.
Teaching style in the police academy may be ingrained in instructors as a
part of the police culture. In his dissertation, Werth (2009) considered the
application of Problem Based Learning (PBL) in police academies. According to
Werth, PBL was developed to assist in the training of medical doctors. Werth
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found that police academy instructors, even after being trained in the use of PBL,
still preferred an instructor-centered teaching model to the more learner-centered
PBL.
When considering the effects of high stress training, Violanti (1993)
concluded that recruits subjected to high stress training environments developed
mal-adaptive coping skills. These included escape/avoidance techniques where
recruits would refrain from person to person contact or use alcohol or drugs for
escape.
How to train a ‘good cop’ is, or should be, the goal of police academy
instructors. White and Escobar (2008) postulated means of improvement
towards this aim when they considered the recruitment, selection, and training of
police officers in the United States. The discussion included the examination of
police training methodologies outside of the United States and how those
techniques might be applicable to American policing. Among other topics, their
work explored possible advantages to applying andragogic methodologies to
police training.
Military Training Related Research
While it is true that most of the recent literature seems to prefer an adult
centered, community/problem oriented approach to police training, it is not the
only school of thought. Grossman (1995), in his book, On Killing: The
Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society, discussed the idea of
stress inoculation as it occurs in militaristic style training. Grossman contended
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that through thousands of years of military history, harsh treatment of recruits has
proven to be an effective method of preparing people for battle. From this, it can
be inferred that the stressful quasi-military model used by many police
academies is in itself a lesson: A lesson, which teaches that stress can be
tolerated and through this that an inoculation against future stresses might be
obtained.
Grossman and Christensen (2004) delved deeper into the subject of high
stress training in On Combat: The Psychology and Physiology of Deadly Conflict
in War and in Peace. Here they argued that law enforcement officers have the
duty to partake in stressful training scenarios, and those officers unwilling to do
so should not be in the profession.
The United States Army recognized the importance of training and
advocated a ‘crawl, walk, run’ strategy which utilizes incremental realism to, at
the culmination of training, provide conditions that simulate actual battle
conditions (United States Army, 2003). This program advocated demonstration
as the preferred modality of instruction and lecture as the least preferred method.
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CHAPTER 3. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS
Overview of Research Design
The purpose of this study was to identify how police recruits make
meaning while attending a police academy. The police-training curriculum was
considered with the aim to find ways to improve it, possibly through the use of
adult learning methods.
Phenomenology coupled with heuristic inquiry was used as the theoretical
framework for this study. The phenomenological aspects of the study involved
understanding the lived experiences of those attending a police academy and
reflecting on what and how those experiences played a role in the students’
development as police officers. Heuristic techniques were employed in an
attempt to understand my own experiences as a police recruit and police trainer,
thereby separating my lived experiences and the emotions attached to them from
those of the student population under study.
The resulting product was a distillation of the police academy experience
and an exploration of how these experiences affect the recruit emotionally,
cognitively, and in the area of psychomotor skill development. It was from this
point that suggestions could be made to improve the formation process for new
police officers.
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The term formation, as described in Chapter 1, is used purposefully to
describe the processes that go on in the police academy. While task analysis
may quantify various skills and abilities needed in order to function as a police
officer, such a list does not, and likely cannot, qualify the essence of what it is
that makes a police officer effective. The more intangible things such as
confidence, integrity, and a quest for career-long learning also play a part in the
making of a sound and effective police officer.
Guiding Research Questions
As planning work began for this study, I sought input and leadership from
my graduate committee in order to ensure content validity. Based on their
advice, coupled with my personal experiences with police recruit training both as
a recruit and as an instructor at our state police academy, and current scholarly
thought on police training, a more narrow focus was developed. Four questions
were crafted to serve as a roadmap for the study.
1. What professional characteristics does the current
pedagogic/militaristic training model develop in its police recruit
students?
2. What police academy events or circumstances are most impactful
to police recruits and why?
3. What strengths and weaknesses are exhibited in police recruits
trained under the current pedagogic/militaristic practices?
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4. How can any weaknesses be mitigated and strengths accentuated
through the use of andragogic techniques?
These questions gave the study focus and boundary. They became the
cornerstones on which the subsequent methodological design could be built.
Rationale for Research Methodology
Prior to designing and beginning the study, I first had to settle the question
of whether quantitative or qualitative methods would provide the greater chance
for finding clarity into the research questions. Data collection from a police
academy presents numerous problems (Giannoni, 2002, p. 141). As Giannoni
noted, experimental designs in a police academy setting presented numerous
problems including the inability to select the treatment and control groups as
might be possible in a sterile laboratory setting. As the goal of the research was
to first describe ‘what is,’ qualitative methodologies seemed the only logical
choice. Qualitative research demands exploratory inductive logic (Shannon,
2002, p. 21). The search for an appropriate qualitative framework that might best
provide the means to employ exploratory inductive logic began.
I believe that selection of a research method and theoretical framework for
the research must begin with a careful consideration of what the research study
is meant to do. Anafra and Mertz (2006, p. xxvii) defined theoretical frameworks
as “any empirical or quasi-empirical theory of social and/or psychological
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processes, at a variety of levels (e.g. grand, mid-range, and explanatory), that
can be applied to the understanding of phenomena.”
Phenomena are all of the things experienced by people (Sixsmith &
Sixsmith, 1987). Phenomenology is concerned with how we come to know and
what the nature of reality is (Donalek, 2004). It was conceived as a research
methodology by German philosopher and mathematician Husserl, in the early
part of the twentieth century as a means to investigate consciousness (Baker,
Wuest, & Stern, 1992). Husserl believed there was a distinction between natural
reality and perceived reality of human consciousness (McPhail, 1995).
Heuristic inquiry is an offshoot or form of phenomenology (Hains, 2007). It
focuses on the personal experience and insights of the researcher (Patton,
2002). The heuristic method was developed by Moustakas (Sela-Smith, 2002).
Patton (2002) defined the foundational question of heuristic inquiry as “What is
my experience of this phenomenon and the essential experience of others who
also experience this phenomenon intensely?” Heuristic research involves self-
searching and self-dialogue in conjunction with shared reflection and inquiry with
co-researchers (Patton, 2002). Heuristic research focuses on the ‘feeling’ part of
an experience as it is shared among co-researchers (Sela-Smith, 2002).
I was convinced that phenomenology would allow me to get to the deeper
meaning of the police recruit school experience and distill out what meanings
were formed for surely these experiences affect the consciousness of the recruit
throughout his/her career. By incorporating a heuristic element into the study I
was able to see how those experiences affected me. It also afforded me the
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opportunity to draw some conclusions as to how differences between the
academy that I attended and the academy that I studied made for different
policing outcomes.
Another advantage to adding heuristic inquiry to this study was that the
required personal reflection drove me toward writing more probative interview
questions. By isolating aspects of academy training that affected me the most I
was able to delve deeply into the emotions of the recruits and was able to sense
what they sensed. It also allowed me to focus the time spent observing toward
looking for similarities and differences between my academy experiences and the
observed model.
Perhaps the most important feature of this mixing of methodologies was
that it allowed for an open exploration of scholastic rigor by putting my
experiences, feelings, and the potential biases they create out in the open so that
the reader may reflect and decide if those biases are of relevance and what that
relevance may mean. I was concerned that I may have too intimate of
knowledge about the process that I hoped to study. This methodology forced me
to confront my preconceptions before fieldwork began.
In order for me to conduct heuristic inquiry, I must have personal
experience with and intense interest in the phenomenon to be studied and the
co-researchers must share in the intensity of the phenomenon (Patton, 2002).
While both phenomenology and heuristic inquiry aim to get at the essence of a
human experience or phenomenon, there are distinct differences. Where
phenomenology strives for detachment, heuristics works toward personal
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connection (Patton, 2002). Heuristics provides readers with intrigue surrounding
a personal search to know an experience while phenomenology strives for a
clear description of the experience (Patton, 2002). Phenomenology produces a
distillation of structures underlying an experience, but heuristic inquiry results in a
product that includes the researcher’s tacit knowledge on the subject studied
(Patton, 2002). A heuristic study describes the essence of the person in the
experience while phenomenological study describes the essence of the
experience (Patton, 2002).
Six distinct phases are present in a heuristic study (Sela-Smith, 2002, p.
54). These phases include:
1. Initial engagement
2. Immersion
3. Incubation
4. Illumination
5. Explication
6. Creative synthesis
Initial engagement is the process by which the researcher identifies a
passionate concern of a topic of research (Sela-Smith, 2002). In this phase the
researcher is drawn into self-dialogue in search of a question or concern that has
deep interest and meaning for the researcher (Sela-Smith, 2002).
Once the question or concern has been clarified, the immersion phase
may begin. In this phase the researcher strives to become totally involved in the
experience and examine it from all aspects of his/her life (Hains, 2007). This
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phase might be described as the researcher living the question, consciously and
unconsciously (Sela-Smith, 2002).
The incubation phase is a time of contemplation and meditation on the
subject at hand (Patton, 2002). It is in this phase that the researcher withdraws
from the situation and stops adding new information about and allows for
realization of tacit knowledge of the subject (Patton, 2002). As described by
Sela-Smith (2002):
Incubation is the period when additional input is stopped because living
with the question has provided all the information that the unconscious
processing part of self needs to sort through, consider, review, and
reorganize new ways of thinking, being, seeing, and understanding, to
create meaning and form an answer to the question (p. 67).
The illumination phase will occur naturally if the researcher is open and
receptive to what exists in his/her tacit knowledge. It is in this phase that
understanding of a phenomenon grows and the experience gains clarity (Patton,
2002). Illumination occurs when there is a breakthrough into conscious
awareness of the themes and clusters that formed during the incubation period
(Sela-Smith, 2002).
In the explication phase the researcher consciously examines what has
awakened or formed during the research process (Patton, 2002). It is a time of
continued inward focus and self-study as the researcher considers the layers of
understanding that have developed (Sela-Smith, 2002). In this phase the
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researcher focuses concentration and joins personal experiences with personal
intuition to gain a fuller understanding of the phenomenon (Hains, 2007).
The final stage or phase of heuristic inquiry is creative synthesis. It is in
this stage that the researcher is able to produce a rich and full depiction of the
individuals involved in the experience and of the experience itself (Patton, 2002).
Sela-Smith (2002) described creative synthesis as the embodiment of the
essences that have been investigated. The point of creative synthesis is to
capture the richness of the experienced phenomenon and communicate it in as
full a way as possible (Sela-Smith, 2002).
Six key components were indentified as being present in a truly heuristic
study (Sela-Smith, 2002, p. 69). They include:
1. The researcher must have experienced that which is to be
researched
2. The researcher must make mention of some intense concern that
forced inward reflection and a search of tacit knowledge and
awareness
3. The researcher shows he/she has surrendered to the question
4. The researcher demonstrates self-dialogue
5. The researcher self-searches
6. The researcher evidences that transformation has taken place
through the use of a narrative of the experience
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These six characteristics or components of heuristic inquiry demonstrate that this
is a method that is as much about introspection as it is about study of the
outside. The heuristic researcher must first understand his/her own internal
nature and then apply, compare, and compound this with what is observed and
studied. Through this, a narrative may be written that allows the reader to
experience and feel along with the researcher and co-researchers.
Over the last five years I read and I reflected on what I had read. I thought
about what I think are important attributes in a police officer. I considered
learning and social theories and how these might apply to my craft. I also
struggled with the importance of the traditions, customs, and culture of my
profession. And I wondered how all of these things come together to create the
version of law enforcement we have today.
But what does all of this mean to me as a would-be scholar searching for
insight, knowledge and understanding? I concluded it means police are the way
they are due to some force or forces that molded them into their current form.
Whether these forces are academic, situational, cultural, or some embodiment of
all three can be debated.
The first point I had to acknowledge was that my interest in police training
was not something born in academic sterility. It was a culmination of my life’s
path from high school teacher to police officer to now one who trains police. I am
a part of the police culture. If there is deficiency in police training then I am both
product and re-creator of it. I see the wisdom in Popeye who would claim, “I am
what I am.”
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The second point that I believe must be acknowledged is that before one
can hope to change a perceived problem, it is best to have an understanding of
what created it in the first place. If it is accepted that police training is not a
perfect thing, and it cannot be as it is a creation of man, then it is incumbent on
those who would change it to first understand it.
I also had to admit that there is a difference between truly knowing and
truly believing. I realized that whatever form my research was to take, I must
always be cognizant of this difference. Belief is an infinite thing bounded only by
imagination and not necessarily tempered by reason. True knowledge can never
escape reason, nor can it be fully measured or fully described, whether
quantitatively or qualitatively. For if I allowed my beliefs of what police training is
to stand untested, the resulting product could only be a reflection of that with
which I started.
The ultimate goal of this study was to determine why police are as they
are, at least as that question relates to police recruit training. Through
understanding and coming to know the essence of the police academy
phenomena as lived by recruits today, I believe I was able to find ways to
improve the training environment.
Implementation of Research Strategies
The logical starting point was the application of the first three steps of
heuristic inquiry. These are initial engagement, immersion, and incubation (Sela-
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Smith, 2002). While these steps are described in the literature as something of a
linear process, I believe that in some ways they can be cyclical.
The initial engagement phase was likely already at least largely
completed, though I do not pretend to know all that there is to know about police
recruit training. I was certain I had an intense interest in the subject, on both
scholarly and personal levels. I have become convinced that police training for
recruits can be improved but only if we, as trainers, fully understand why the
current training methodologies impact recruits as they do. I had reflected on my
own experiences as a recruit in the police academy and as an instructor. I have
been able to isolate what causes me true concern. At the deepest level I was left
wondering how police recruit training might be improved. I contend that I was
engaged.
The immersion stage took the form of reading scholarly literature about
police training and coupling that with conversations with police trainers. Through
a combination of continued self-dialogue which began during initial engagement
and conversations with others, I came to feel even more deeply about the state
of police recruit training. Prior to my first observational visit, I had been
immersed through the literature, professional conversations, and in my own
experiences. I had only been able to reflect on my own knowledge and beliefs.
While I had reflected on the idea of improving police training from every
perspective I could conceive, I knew the immersion process was not fully
complete. The immersion phase would begin anew when I made my first field
visit. In seeing a new group of recruits and instructors, I was provided new
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perspectives through which to consider the issue. In retrospect, I believe I cycled
through the second stage multiple times as each newly shared experience
required new reflection.
The third stage of heuristic inquiry, incubation, came as I prepared my
preliminary examination and research proposal. I stepped away from police
training literature, and I was not currently teaching at our police academy. My
attention was primarily focused toward the ‘how’ and not the ‘why.’ But new input
did occur. It occurred when I finally hammered out my precise methodology.
And there was more new input when I began to observe and interview. In this
way, I see my process as moving between immersion and incubation multiple
times. Each new facet of the academy experience required renewed reflection
and consideration as to what that experience meant to me and what it may have
meant to the cadre of recruits.
It is in the incubation stage that precise interview questions were
developed. As the idea and inner meaning of police academy attendance was
reflected upon, certain ideas formed. For example, I did not believe it would be
productive to ask a recruit on the first day if he/she was nervous, for I believed
only a liar would say he/she was not. Nor would it be prudent to ask how
nervous or anxious someone felt, for then I would be trying to quantify a human
experience. Rather, I concluded it better to ask a recruit simply what thoughts
were going through his/her mind during the introductory lecture.
In the incubation stage I considered what things I should focus my
observations toward. Through self-dialogue and reflection, I coupled my
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understanding of the scholarly literature to the memories and emotions I have
from my time as a recruit and as an instructor. Some considerations included the
identification of teaching styles used and level of overt paramilitary structure. I
based these considerations on reflections that came from blending my
knowledge base with my emotional connection to the enterprise.
I believed that through diligent thought and intellectual honesty through
the first phases of heuristic inquiry, the groundwork for the phenomenological
analysis of the police academy experience would be laid. These initial steps
provided the basis for the bracketing of personal knowledge and beliefs required
by the phenomenological method. The phenomenological reduction could then
begin. Interviews and observations were coded and clustered in such a way as
to isolate out my emotional and intellectual connections and themes and
connections based solely on the phenomena studied were built. For example, in
the case of the effectiveness of militaristic training methods, I had to be certain I
was focused on the co-researcher responses and not my personal history of
being trained under a militaristic model and the organization pride that likely
stemmed from that training. From there, the construction of a detailed
description of the academy experience observed could begin. I then attempted
to isolate what that experience meant to recruits. With that in hand, I was ready
to return to my heuristic self-study.
A researcher who uses phenomenology cannot be detached from
personal presuppositions (Groenewald, 2004). The application of
phenomenology involved the collecting of lived experiences while still preserving
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the spontaneity of the experience (Jasper, 1994). Phenomenological data
collection techniques may include interviews, group discussions, and written
accounts of experiences (Jasper, 1994). Rather than being married to a strict set
of data collection techniques, the phenomenologist seeks ways to study human
experience and gain an understanding of what those experiences mean
(McPhail, 1995). I choose to rely up a mixture of observations, semi-formal
interviews, and informal dialogue.
The analysis of these data required me to transcribe the interviews then
code them into themes, then use the themes to build categories, and finally use
these categories to identify attributes of the studied experience (Jasper, 1994).
To conduct phenomenological analysis a researcher must engage in epoche, or
refrain from judgment and the ordinary way of perceiving things. This requires
the researcher to undergo self-study and identify personal bias and involvement
and clearly identify preconceptions (Patton, 2002). In this study, the heuristic
elements served as the means of bringing to light my experiences as they related
to the study. Bracketing allows for data to be considered in its own right (Patton,
2002). But rather than being set aside, I have included them as part of the study
results.
The process of separating out personal experience from that which is
researched and then finding the essence of the studied matter is referred to as
phenomenological reduction (Giorgi, 1997). This allowed me to consider the
data as it is presented so that it may be considered on its own merit exactly as it
was presented (Giorgi, 1997). Once themes and clusters of themes are
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identified, the researcher performs what Patton termed ‘imaginative variation’ and
develops expanded versions of the unchanging themes (Patton, 2002). This
involved me taking the words said by co-researchers, coupling them to my
observations and then considering what various meanings these things might
indicate. This gave me insight into the phenomenon of police academy
attendance from multiple perspectives.
Phenomenological analysis also involves a description of the researched
experience that includes the ‘bones’ of the experience for the group studied,
again looking for the deeper meaning of it (Patton, 2002). In this case the deeper
meaning of how the co-researchers experienced the phenomenon of the police
academy. Important considerations included the varying backgrounds of the
cadre, as they were known, the overt and perceived hidden curriculum, and the
stressors placed on students whether they are emotional, intellectual, or physical.
The phenomenological analysis provided another layer of input for the
heuristic process. The understanding of what the academy process meant to its
students was overlaid on to my experiences as a recruit and as an instructor. I
contend I re-entered the immersion and incubation stages again as I considered
how these new recruits’ experiences may be different or similar to my
experiences as a recruit and instructor. When these common themes formed
from the intermingling of my observations and reflections coupled with my lived
experience, I entered the heuristic stage of illumination.
When I began to be able to articulate what I believed I knew, entrance into
the explication stage was gained. This new knowledge required reflection as to
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how it may be explained, described, and used. I had to consider how what I had
learned might be put into the context of what I had experienced. As I entered the
creative synthesis stage of the heuristic process, I worked to distill out the
essences of the academy experience in three distinct layers, as student, as an
instructor, and as an observer.
The theoretical frameworks applied to this study served as lenses.
Through these lenses I attempted to view what the police academy is to both
new recruits and me. The frameworks allowed me to gain insight into the
process by which police officers are formed and awareness as to how this
process may have affected me. The phenomenological attributes afforded me
the opportunity to delve deeply into the meaning of the police academy
experience and perhaps gain understanding as to how that meaning is made.
This has implication for those involved in both police training and police research.
If greater understanding of the police academy experience is acquired then ways
to improve might be found.
The heuristic side of the study was filled with largely personal benefits for
me. I came to know better why I am as I am. This will help me in future research
endeavors by already having a readily accessible inventory of personal bias and
baggage. Through immersion and incubation I built my personal knowledge
base with both fact and understanding of my own tacit knowledge. I believe this
greater understanding of self will aid in improving how I train future police
officers.
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Site and Participants
The study was conducted at a regional police academy in Indiana. The
majority of students came from a two-county area that consists of a metropolitan
area made up of several cities situated contiguously and the sheriffs’
departments of the two counties. The academy is housed in a recently
renovated city-owned building where it occupies one floor of a former middle
school. Fulltime academy staff included the director, two full-time staff
instructors, along with one full-time and one part-time clerical worker. Instruction
is supplemented through the use of instructors from area police departments and
social agencies. The academy offers two sessions of basic police training per
year, each lasting 15 weeks. The recruit class on which this study was based
was the twenty-fifth session conducted by the academy. The recruit population
consisted of 17 individuals. There were two white females, one black male, with
the remainder white males. Originally, nineteen recruits were enrolled however
two failed the initial physical fitness assessment mandated by the Indiana Law
Enforcement Training Board and were therefore barred from being accepted as
students.
The selection of this academy was based on several factors. One
principle reason for its selection was its relative close proximity to my home
thereby allowing for frequent observations. Additionally, it is a commuter
academy, whereas I attended an academy that required recruits to stay in
dormitories during the week. This difference allowed me to consider how the two
academy styles compared to one another. Furthermore, this particular academy
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accepted recruits who paid their own tuition rather than having already been
hired by a police department. The academy I attended trained only officers
already selected for employment by my department.
With one of the guiding research questions dealing with learning outcomes
stemming from militaristic/pedagogic instructional practices, I had to describe
how military-like the academy I was to study appeared to be. Characteristics that
indicate whether a particular training program is militaristic in nature are
admittedly subjective and likely to fall into some sort of continuum and not an
‘either-or’ situation. For example, the wearing of uniforms may be associated
with the military, but uniforms are a part of policing. Police have been organized
along military lines since Sir Robert Peel organized the London Metropolitan
Police in 1829 (Paul & Birzer, 2008). Vodde (2008) described the military model
as one that “emphasizes structure, regimen, discipline, and curricular content,
with little, if any, deliberation on the transactional processes associated with
learning. (p. 22). But this definition of a military model does not reflect the
current idea of military training as evidence by military training documents
(United States Army, 2003).
I found no rubric in the literature that might provide a format for evaluating
or categorizing a given academy’s teaching methods. In order to determine a
police academy’s relative ‘military-ness’ I purposed to use the following two
question sets as a guide in determining where an academy falls along a
continuum line ranging from ‘Very military-like’ to ‘Very college-like.’ The more
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affirmative responses, the more military-like the setting is. My appraisal for each
point as it applied to this academy is included in parentheses.
1. Are recruits required to move in-step while traveling in groups?
(No)
2. Are recruits required to sing cadence while marching? (Yes, during
exercise)
3. Are guidons or other related symbols carried or displayed? (No)
4. Are recruits expected to maintain traditional military courtesy
whenever addressing staff or superiors? (Yes)
5. Are recruits required to ‘give way’ when approached by superiors
while traveling in corridors? (Yes)
6. Are recruits required to preface all conversations with superiors
with rank, sir, or ma’am? (Yes)
7. Are recruits subjected to physical exercise punishments? (Yes)
8. Are recruits required to come to attention when a superior enters a
room? (Yes)
9. Are recruits subjected to personal/uniform inspections? (Yes)
10. Are recruits expected to acknowledge they are entering a warrior
class? (Yes)
In order to gauge a police academy’s ‘college-ness’ I purposed using the
following questions. The more affirmative responses recorded, the more college-
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like the academy. My appraisal for each point as it applied to this academy is
included in parentheses.
1. Are recruits allowed to ask questions during classroom activities?
(Yes)
2. Are recruits nearly free of supervision after class hours in a
dormitory setting? Or, is the academy commuter based? (Yes)
3. Are recruits able to leave the academy grounds at the conclusion of
the training day (liberty perpetually granted)? (Yes)
4. Are recruits free to leave academy grounds during the training day?
(Yes)
5. Are recruits free to dress as they wish after class hours? (Yes)
6. Are recruits provided unrestricted Internet access? (No)
7. Are recruits free to organize their equipment, personal items, and
dorm room, if applicable, as they wish? (No)
8. Are recruits able to sit with whom they wish during meals? (Yes)
9. Are recruits able to attend classroom activities in casual street
clothes? (No)
10. Are recruits free from unannounced schedule changes and start
times? (Yes, mostly)
By subtracting the number of positive responses from the college set from
the total number of positive responses from the military set, one could gauge the
relative style of an academy. A positive number would indicate the format is
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more military in nature and a negative score would suggest a more college-like
atmosphere. This rubric might also be applied in a situation where academy
styles are compared to one another. This academy scored a +1; therefore I
considered it to be a blend of the two styles being only slightly militaristic in its
overall style.
Interview Questions
Two separate groups of questions were constructed; one group was
designed to probe the thoughts and feelings of recruits and the other to inquire
into the thoughts and feelings of the lead instructors. Each group of questions
consisted of three sub-groupings that corresponded to approximately the
beginning, middle, and end of the academy session. An additional question-set
for recruits was also utilized post-graduation.
Following committee approval, these questions were submitted along with
a proposal for research to Purdue’s Internal Review Board (IRB) and it was
approved. A copy of the proposal acceptance may be found in Appendix A. The
interview questions were used as a guide and not a strict script. Follow up
questions were added to stimulate further discussion. The delivery of a given
question was done so conversationally and not necessarily verbatim from the
submitted questions. The actual questions presented to co-researchers follow.
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Academy staff questions, beginning
1. What drew you to police training?
2. Why did you enter police work to begin with?
3. Do you find training as satisfying as actual police work?
4. What do you think the role of the academy is?
5. What is one of the strongest memories you have about your academy
experience?
6. What is your biggest fear or concern about this group of recruits?
7. If time and money were not problems, what would you add or change
about the academy curriculum as it stands now?
8. What qualities do you think it takes to be a good police officer?
9. Is there something about your time here at the academy that makes you
the most proud?
10. What kind of research do think would be most beneficial in regard to police
training?
Academy staff questions, mid-session:
1. How do you think this session is progressing?
2. Do you think the class is functioning as group or as individuals?
3. Is there anyone in the class that you are worried about and why?
4. Is there anything you wish you could change about this session, so far?
5. Have I been a distraction to the training process?
6. What has been the best moment for you so far in this session?
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7. How would you assess the overall quality of the recruits so far, do they
seem to have what it takes to be police officers, why or why not?
8. How do you think the instruction has been so far and why?
9. What do you think of the class’ attitude, how do they seem to you?
10. Are they progressing as you would expect, why or why not?
Academy staff questions, conclusion of the session:
1. What do you think, has it been a good session, why or why not?
2. Has my being here caused any problems?
3. Can they all do the job; is there someone that you are worried about?
4. Is there anything about this session that stands out, good or bad?
5. What block of instruction worked best and why?
6. Is there something you think needs changing before next session, why?
7. What do you hope the recruits take from here, beside just how to do the
job?
8. Are they ready?
9. Are you proud of what you helped to make?
10. What does it take to get you ready to do it again in a few months?
Recruit questions, beginning:
1. Who do you hang around with when you are not at work?
2. Why did you want to do this?
3. What were you thinking during that first introductory lecture?
4. What do you think the hardest part will be?
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5. If you couldn’t do this, what would you do?
6. Not to sound corny, but who is your hero? Why?
7. How do you think most people view the police?
8. What do you think of most people?
9. What is more important, personal honor or loyalty to a group?
10. What do you think of when you hear someone talking about the ‘Blue Line’
and what does it mean to you?
Recruit questions, mid-session:
1. Are you glad you are here?
2. Do you get trouble from your classmates over meeting and talking with
me?
3. What has been hardest for you?
4. As a whole, what do you think of your classmates, are you proud to a part
of this group?
5. What do you think, is policing a job or a lifestyle?
6. Have your family members treated you differently since you have been in
the academy?
7. Who do you hang around with when the academy is not in session, have
you hung with classmates?
8. Is there a difference between loyalty and the ‘Blue Line?’
9. When this is done, what do you think you will be the most proud of?
10. What would you like to change about the academy so far?
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Recruit questions, conclusion of the session:
1. Do you feel ready?
2. What do you think of your class?
3. What is the best thing about the academy, besides being done?
4. What was the best lesson and why?
5. Was it what you thought it would be (the academy experience)?
6. Looking back, do you think they prepared to be a warrior or a public
servant?
7. Do you think you have changed from what you were that first day? How?
8. Would your family and friends agree?
9. Who did you hang out with more during the academy, old friends or
classmates?
10. What do you think of most people and what do you think they believe
about us?
11. What is your most vivid memory about the academy and what made it so
special? (Excluding graduation)
Recruit questions, field training time:
1. Were you ready?
2. Was it worth it?
3. Are you having fun?
4. What were you thinking when you got pinned at graduation?
5. What should they have done to prepare you better?
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6. How are you being treated by your department, are you a near equal, or
still a recruit?
7. Was the academy as militaristic as you thought it should have been? Is
that good or bad?
8. What part of the job tightens you up the most?
9. What kind of people are you dealing with the most?
10. Why do we have police and what is our function?
Data Collection
Data were collected over the course of the fifteen-week academy session
with on-site visits each week. Means of collection included weekly class
observations, informal interviews with staff and recruits, and formal semi-
structured interviews with staff and recruits.
The academy director introduced me during the opening lecture of the
session. The recruits were told that I was a graduate student at Purdue
University researching police training and a first sergeant with the Indiana State
Police. I was allowed to read from a prepared script approved by the IRB (see
Appendix B) where the purpose of my research was described.
During the third week I provided an IRB consent form (see Appendix C
and D) to recruits and staff. They were invited to read it and if they agreed to be
interviewed, sign and return it. Of the seventeen recruits, twelve agreed to
formal interviews; ten actually made themselves available for interviews. The
two lead instructors also agreed to formal interviews.
