1. Alina Tukhieva
Professor Langford
FLIT 491
10 May, 2015
Breaking away
Kabuki and its impact on erasing social differences during the Edo period.
On January twelfth of 1714 one of the most scandalous affairs occurred in the Edo city
(modern Tokyo), Japan. It involved two individuals, both respected in their circles: Ikushima
Shingoro and lady Ejima (or Enoshima). Ikushima at that time was a famous kabuki actor at the
Yamamura-za theater, who was "said to have been extraordinarily handsome, and that the
women of Edo were wild about him" (Shively 348). Ejima, on the other hand, was a court person
who served the mother of the shogun (the head of the country) Ietsugu. On that day, Ejima
fulfilled her duties at the mausoleum at Zojoji in Shiba after which she was expected at abbot's
quarters. Instead, she left the temple along with other ladies who accompanied her and went to
the Yamamura-za kabuki theater to see the performance of her lover. Watching the play was not
the only fun activity as the ladies also enjoyed actor's company in their box. Unfortunately, news
about their party spread fast, resulting in a serious investigation. Apparently, lover's sensational
relationships went on for nine years, making this story even more scandalous. The government
severely dealt with all the participants, banishing or executing them. "The lady officials were
placed in the custody of different lords, and Ikushima was banished to Miyake-jima, where he
remained eighteen years until he was pardoned the year before his death" (Shively, 349). This
scandalous romance exacerbated the already tense relationships between the government and the
kabuki theater. As a result, approximately two weeks after the revelations, the Yamamura

2. Theater was closed for another hundred and fifty years, leaving only three theaters in Edo:
Nakamura, Ichimura and Morita (Dunn & Torigoe, 16). These theaters were "closed until the
ninth day of the fourth month when they were permitted to reopen under stringent conditions"
(Shively, 349). Nevertheless, the kabuki personnel and the authorities continued their "cold war"
while people of all classes kept going to see kabuki performances as they did from the heyday of
the theater, regardless of the authorities and their decrees.
During the time, the ordinary people could not see the Kagura (Shinto theatrical dance)
dances or the No drama that were the privileges of the upper-class people. For a long time, there
were no theatrical stages or any kinds of performances available for the lower classes. However,
at the beginning of the Tokugawa (or Edo) period (1603), finally born kabuki drama established
itself as a theater for common people (Shively, 326). This new genre emerged at the beginning
of the seventeenth century on the basis of folk songs and dances. One of these dances called
nembutsu odori originally had a religious context, but with time became "a popular
entertainment with all sorts of embellishments" (Ortolani 165). Meanwhile, a miko or a young
woman serving at the Shinto shrine named Okuni became famous for her shamanistic ritual
performances not only in her hometown Izumo but also in Kyoto. She then connected her
ceremonial dances with nembutsu and created her own style known as kabuki.
Okuni's nembutsu went far enough in the direction of an outrageous mixture of sacred
and outlandish elements that it deserved the name kabuki…. She mixed the nembutsu
with profane popular dances and did not refrain from mimicking the daring looks and
actions of the kabuki mono of her days (Ortolani 166).

3. New genre quickly became popular and Okuni's success resulted in a massive adaptation of her
style and dancing. In particular, groups of prostitutes expanded on it and created a rather erotic
and sensual dance to attract more customers (Ortolani 166). Initially, the courtesans played both
male and female roles in comic plays and scenes from everyday life. Their performance included
songs and dancing with a little bit of acting. Since all actors were females the troops were called
onna (women's) kabuki (Dunn & Torigoe 4). In the meantime, another perspective of the kabuki
performance called wakashu or "youth's" kabuki developed. "The wakashu were boys between
eleven and fifteen... Their business was no different from that of the female prostitutes" (Ortolani
167).These young actors took women's place after the law in 1629 that will be explained further
and continued theater's legacy. Along with this innovation, the nature of plays changed as the
emphasis was now put on the dramatic aspect rather than dance (Dunn & Torigoe, 5). However,
this had little impact on the moral side of the performances, besides young men-actors were
equally accessible to the public as their predecessors. As a result, in 1652 the government
banned wakashu but allowed it to reopen later under certain conditions. Consequently, it gave
kabuki a new name - yaro (fellow's) kabuki (Shively, 333). It should be noted that "with the
prohibition against appearance on the stage of women and with the realism that had characterized
kabuki from its beginning were conditions that created the phenomenon of the onnagata, or
female impersonators" (Ortolani, 168). In other words, it was a technique through which male
actors depicted a female image not only by having a feminine appearance (i.e. clothes, make-up,
and hairstyle) but also by keeping this impersonation even in daily life (Dunn & Torigoe, 51).
Onnagata skill was kabuki’s unique feature that certainly attracted a lot of attention. Now then,
an affair discussed above, happened in the period of yaro kabuki when no boys were allowed on
the stage, but only talented and handsome men who successfully lured both sexes of any classes.

4. This was one of the important reasons why the shogunate (the military government of Japan)
was strongly against the growing popularity of the kabuki performances.
Indeed, the officials thought "that kabuki was, like prostitution, a necessary evil" (Shively,
336). The fact that the atmosphere of these places ran counter to the values of the shogunate
resulted in a series of laws regarding prostitution and the kabuki theater. For a long time female
and then male kabuki actors were involved in prostitution as it was their main source of income.
Later on, this concept changed as acting rapidly developed and actors made enough money from
their performances (Dunn & Torigoe, 124). However, even famous actors with good income still
had intimate relationships with a couple of rich admirers. As for prostitution, it was always in
great request especially after tedious hostilities that recently ended (Shively, 327). The previous
era called Azuchi-Momoyama (1573-1600) marked the end of Japan's feudal fragmentation.
With the onset of the Edo period, the country transitioned from the medieval internecine strife
for power between the daimyo lords to the establishment of a single government represented by
the Tokugawa shogunate (Manson 171). Since there were no more wars, “the large numbers of
men who had entered the military profession craved abandoned entertainment.… The early
kabuki performances, tailored to attract them, were crude and down to earth" (Shively, 327). In
troth, women's kabuki amused with dancing and singing, besides it offered a wide variety of
courtesans that entertained customers in private. Beyond doubt because of its strong popularity
along with immoral and evil influence it had in the eyes of the government officials, onna kabuki
was prohibited. In Donald H. Shively article Bakufu versus Kabuki (1955) the author quote’s
from a guidebook of Kyoto, Kyo-warabe (1658) which confirms this conclusion by stating:
Men threw away their wealth, some forgot their fathers and mothers, and others did not
care if the mothers of their children were jealous. Day and night they had their hearts on

5. [the actresses] and exhausted the money-boxes in their godowns. They did not tire of
dallying as long as their wealth lasted…. Because it was so disturbing to the country and
an affliction of the people, the kabuki of prostitutes was banned (Shively, 329).
As discussed previously, closure of onna kabuki did not eliminate prostitution. Moreover, it gave
a greater selection since newly minted male actors offered services as well. Importantly, clients
who were visiting kabuki theaters, were from all kinds of classes as indicated by Ejima-Ikushima
affair. This was another reason for the anger of the authorities. Referring back to Shively, many
people close to the government (including shoguns relatives) or even to the imperial court, along
with monks and the common people were charmed by the actors. Moreover, some of them lost
interest in their jobs and duties, monks would even sell offerings of their temples to buy tickets
to the show (Shively, 331). Naturally, the government had to take action that resulted in various
restrictions and prohibitions.
Ejima-Ikushima affair was not the only one involving an upper-class person and a kabuki
actor. However, it was the first time such serious consequences as a closure of a very popular
Yamamura-za ever occurred. Overall, throughout the Edo period (1603 - 1868) the Tokugawa
government or the so-called bakufu passed a generous amount of regulations regarding the
kabuki theater due to the reasons briefly discussed above (i.e. prostitution). One of the major
laws, as mentioned earlier was passed in 1629 and resulted in "banning all women from the
stage" (Shively 330). Furthermore, the government banned female impersonation in 1642, as
wakashu or "youth's kabuki” took over the genre and many actors looked rather provoking in
their female roles. They [the authorities] allowed it again 1644 with the proviso that there would
be a clear distinction between male and female roles and that actor's gender would be evident.
(Shively 332). Following a massive closure of the kabuki and the puppet theaters in 1652, the

6. bakufu softened its aggression and formulated a set of rules that the theater had to use for more
than two centuries (Shively 333). It included minor and major reforms, such as the law that
actors must shave their forelocks (like the rest of the male population) in order to make them
look less feminine (Dunn & Torigoe, 50). After this regulation, the troupes started a series of
clashes with the government by dodging the laws any possible way. As a result, the shogunate
passed a series of new bans prohibiting any kinds of innovations. For example, the actor's usage
of wigs called maegami-gatsura to cover their shaved forelocks was forbidden in 1644 (Shively
334). Some actors dared not to obey the law as evident by this quote: "there is even mention of
onnagata of the early 1670's whose forelocks were unshaven". Due to this," the actors were
required to appear at a government office to pass inspection to show that their forelocks were not
more than a half-inch long" (Shively, 335). Furthermore, in 1694 the number of actors was
limited to "twenty actors and ten apprentice actors” (Shively 340). This restriction was passed
also because the number of iroko or sex youths who were working for some famous kabuki
actors or the theater, greatly increased. These young boys from about thirteen to seventeen sold
their bodies upon request and trained to become an onnagata, despite official’s disapproval
regarding boy’s prostitution. Other minor prohibitions regarding clothing materials and colors,
hairstyles and types of plays allowed on stage, were passed as well. Importantly, the government
continued to follow a policy of treating the prostitution and theater quarters as parallel concerns
(Shively, 11). Yet, nothing seem to have much effect on the popularity of the kabuki plays and
actors involvement in the sexual services industry since the demand for these pleasures was still
very high. As a result, the authorities took a step further and tried to illuminate kabuki quarters
from the rest of the city and set a distinction between acting and prostitution.

7. Be that as it may, the shogunate persistently attempted to separate acting and prostitution
into two different fields. These attempts were only successful to some degree but did not
completely prevent actors from selling their bodies and visiting houses of their patrons. Due to
this, the bakufu adopted new measures that set physical boundaries for the theater district, in
order to isolate it from the rest of the city. In addition, the actors did not have a permit to leave
these quarters and were basically prisoners in this small space. Shively describes this situation by
saying:
They were required to live in the close neighborhood of the district, and could not reside
in the homes of non-actors, nor allow those of other professions to live in their residences.
The authorities were interested primarily in preventing the actors from accepting
invitations to entertain outside the quarter, particularly in the mansions of the feudal lords
(daimyo) in Edo, or in the residences of samurai or wealthy merchants…. Countless
arrests, imprisonments, and banishments seem to have been insufficient deterrents
(Shively 341).
No wonder that even this time around the actors found workarounds and continued meetings
with adorers at the tea houses and etc. Some even pretended to be regular townsmen just to sneak
into the client's house (Shively, 342). Before moving on, Shively provides a good summary of
the discussion so far:
The origins of kabuki were deeply tied to both male and female prostitution, and although
the government repeatedly attempted to forge clear separation between the two
professions by banning women from the stage and concentrating houses of prostitution in
designated quarters detached from the theaters and actors residences, the distinction of

8. function was not always clearly drawn…. and many of the actors served as social and
sexual companions (Shively, 3).
As a matter of fact, most of the taboos were either ignored or avoided in every possible way. Not
to forget, that kabuki was an entertainment industry that could not possibly function without the
audience. Courtesans, gay love-making, dancing, singing, drinking and so on was available
because there was a need for it. People of different professions and backgrounds as already
mentioned such as monks, feudal lords or townsmen enjoyed spending time at the kabuki
quarters. Ironically, to some degree it was the political system of the country that affected such
close connection between the theater and the society.
Throughout the Japanese history, the country always had a class system that divided
people into classes on a professional basis. The Tokugawa Japan was not an exception, in fact
the rules influenced by the Chinese Confucian ideas were promoting even stricter pecking order
(Mason, 271). A passage from Benito Ortolani's book Japanese Theater from Shamanistic Ritual
to Contemporary Pluralism profoundly describes shogun's hierarchy:
It was impossible to escape from it, as much as it was impossible not to belong to some
group which would be held responsible for the actions of each of its members; thus were
created the premises for such frequently seen extreme dramatic situations as where
individuals are torn between contrasting allegiances and are painfully conscious of the
consequences of their actions for the whole family or group (Ortonali, 157)
Therefore, the nation was under constant pressure. At the top of the hierarchy was the Emperor
of Japan and his court, who did not have any power, but acted as a cultural heart of the nation.
The shogunate which was beneath, in reality ruled the country and had the actual control. The
rest of the citizens were organized into four main classes, in descending order, samurai, peasants,

9. artisans, and a townsman (merchant) or chonin. (Mason, 272). From the government's
perspective, the classification system allowed to maintain the stability of the Japanese society in
which the individual professional groups complemented each other. In addition, social mobility
was much more limited than before. “Once the country was unified, the social mobility of the
previous years, of a kind which permitted men of ability to climb from the lowest ranks to join
the military nobility… was viewed… as a cause of prolonged chaos and internecine warfare"
(Sheldon, 477). In order to support these principles and prevent people from moving up or down
the list, the Tokugawa shogunate was constantly passing strict policies regarding class divisions
and lifestyles. Meanwhile, the society was undergoing an unseen change. Countries rapid
economic growth had a positive impact on enriching chonin's pockets. Despite being at the
bottom of the Edo hierarchy, they flourished socially and economically and became extremely
wealthy (Manson 172). "Wealth accumulated in the hands of merchants…. Some merchants,
especially those who secured monopolized of vital products, could compete in wealth with the
most powerful daimyo" (Ortolani, 159). No wonder that the majority of rich chonin families
were spending their money on outfits, celebrations or basically anything higher classes could
afford. Townsmen were also brothel and kabuki frequenters. The government, of course, was not
happy with such consequences because every class had to correspond its status, but chonin did
not.
As far as one can tell, the shogunate much favored law-passing activity, especially when
it came to sumptuary regulations. The government viewed it as a way of controlling social
borders. Overall, a big portion of these adjustments concentrated around clothing and textile that
were in great request especially by the townsmen. In particular, during the Shogun Tsunayoshi's
(1646-1709) rule, a huge amount of "clothing laws" was passed. As evident in Shively’s article

10. Sumptuary Regulations and Status in Early Tokugawa Japan where the author describes
Tsunayoshi by saying: "although a profligate spender himself, he far outstripped earlier shoguns
in the issuing sumptuary laws. From the year 1683 alone, we have at least seven laws mentioning
the clothing of various urban elements". In addition, Ihara Saikaku who was one of the famous
writers and poets of this period, talked about these so-called "clothing laws" in his collection of
short stories Japan's Eternal Storehouse (Nippon Eitaigura, 1688). He said: "the recent clothing
edicts were truly for the good of every one of us, in every province in the land, and on second
thought, we are grateful. A merchant wearing fine silks is an ugly sight. Not only homespun
better suited to his station, but he also looks smarter in it". Townsmen, however, did not share
Saikaku's opinion and continued wearing lavish and expensive clothing, provoking more
restrictions in various areas. Shively provides a list of prohibitions regarding townsman lifestyles,
such as:
1. Servants of chonin should not wear silk
2. Entertainment by chonin should not be elaborate
3. Chonin should not dress in an outlandish fashion and so on. (Shively 129).
Likewise, other classes experienced similar difficulties. For instance, farmers could not eat rice,
drink sake and tea (unless a special occasion), wear clothes made of silk and etc., (Shively 154).
Higher classes, such as samurai, along with daimyo (feudal lords) and hatamoto (vassals) also
underwent changes in their clothing, housing and entertainment (Shively 145). Moreover, the
authorities issued sets of laws (hatto) for different social groups. These were Kuge shohatto for
court nobility, Buke shohatto for daimyo lords and Shoshi hatto for hatamoto (Shively 144).
Generally, these laws restricted costly, fancy garments and lush celebrations as well as dictated
suitable prices for materials (Shively 145). There were even limitations that indicated possible

11. living spaces and divisions between the quarters of different classes (Shively, 142).Thus
separating classes not only mentally and economically, but also physically. Therefore, no matter
what social stratum it was, the government constantly passed limitations on their lifestyles to
somehow keep everyone under strict frames of control.
Concrete ideology that promoted unconditional loyalty and respect to the superior was
highly honored by the court and the shogunate making it almost impossible to escape from.
However, this system was not perfect and despite shogun's decrees of any deviation from the
prescribed norms of behavior in food, clothing, movement, architecture and etc., social mobility
still existed but in negative terms. For example, Edo's time of peace negatively influenced many
samurai as "the long wars had multiplied the number of samurai deprived of a lord, and therefore
of an official position and a steady income" (Ortolani 158). Since there were no more wars and
demand for warriors was low, number of the ronin (masterless samurai) greatly increased.
Besides the several ranks of samurai in the active service of either Shogun or of about
two hundred daimyo existing at the beginning of the seventeenth century, hundreds of
thousands of ronin became an unexpected element of social mobility within the
apparently unshakeable stability of the system…. Many ronin were forced by necessity to
take jobs considered unworthy of a samurai and concealed their shame under a false
name" (Orlotani, 158).
Thus, many samurai warriors were moving down the stairs challenging social hierarchy.
Likewise, "peasants had been abandoned the land in droves, turning to the cities to step down the
social ladder and hopefully step into prosperous security…. as taxation became more and more
crippling, this demographic shift continued unabated" (Mason, 173). Technically, going from
peasant to chonin and samurai to ronin was an adverse change. Furthermore, there were even

12. lower classes called eta (impure) and the hinin (non-human). "These unfortunates could be
peasants or townsmen who had lost their positions on the land" (Mason, 273). Thus, despite the
government's desire, there were many things that it could not control. Kabuki was definitely one
of them. "Early kabuki was another form of rebellious, non-conformism, perverse in its eroticism,
transvestism, outrageous costumes, and a hybrid mixture of religious elements with licentious
contents" (Ortolani, 158). No matter what the government thought of kabuki, for the suppressed
population, it was a destination that provided them with all sorts of entertainment.
In particular, the townsmen who by getting richer caused government's frustration, were
always welcome in the red light district since they were some of the richest people. Among other
things, kabuki theater was closely related to chonin as it "was an art form which represented the
taste and interests of the class of townsmen" (Shively, 326). For rich chonin, it was a place to
relax from the Tokugawa regime and spend capital as they desire.
Socially inferior in the official society, the merchants found in the "floating world" of the
red light districts - glittering with the tea houses, kabuki theaters, and every type of
entertainment - an island where social distinctions did not count and only cash decided
issues (Ortolani, 159).
Certainly, "it was the one sector where money was clearly more important than rank" (Shively
131). Kabuki actors and courtesans valued customers who could pay, no matter from what social
class they were coming from. Samurai and daimyo lords also often visited theater quarters
(Shively 131). In fact, "the petty samurai, deprived in the peaceful society of any meaningful
military function, were among the first to fill their idle time by constant attendance at… kabuki...
shows (Ortolani, 158). Knowing that, the bakufu prohibited the appearance of the upper-class
persons there (Shively. 343). Yet, even “the lord's wives, daughters, and ladies of the shogun's

13. court were consumed with eagerness to have a glimpse of actors on the stage". Most did not go
in, instead stopped in front of the theater's entrance and ordered their footmen to part the curtains
making actors visible (Shively, 344). This practice was soon prohibited too. "Such was the envy
of the upper classes for the townsmen's kabuki (Shively, 344).Verily, the bakufu worried about
the evil influence that kabuki on the lords and samurai. Bakufu's position is explained by
Shively's precise explanation:
Because of the fascination of these quarters for all levels of the society, the authorities
felt obliged to maintain even there some semblance of public morality and sumptuary
orderliness…. They [actors] were forbidden to accept engagements at the residences of
samurai, but the frequency with which this order was reissued is an index of the difficulty
of enforcing it (Shively 131).
Indeed, lack of enforcement was a serious obstacle for the shogunate and an advantage for
everyone else. Due to this issue, the majority of laws were not complied, thus not affecting the
popularity of the pleasure quarters. Surely, the bakufu was irritated by the kabuki because it
often disobeyed the law, but also because it was bringing along people of different classes,
almost erasing social boundaries, much treasured by the government.
Quite affordable, beautiful ladies replaced by handsome men, non-judgmental
atmosphere along with drink and food were surely meaningful to the kabuki audience. Even so,
not to forget that it was a theater and after all plays did matter. Most kabuki theater plots were
jidaimono, or history plays, that typically focused on important events in Japanese history. The
other popular genre of plays was sewamono, which depicted the lives of ordinary people. As
previously mentioned, kabuki’s performances were changing from simple, comic dancing to
serious dramatic plots. A piece called The Ronin and the Sake Cup is a great example of an early

14. kabuki play. As suggested by the title, this simple story talks about a ronin and a samurai who
were former comrades. They remember their past and samurai promises to ask his lord to hire
jobless ronin. The story ends with them drinking sake and a saying goodbye with tears in their
eyes (Dunn & Torigoe, 38-40). This ordinary story "has a certain sentimental tone, implying that
they [samurai and ronin] were lovers in the past and that they still have fond memories" (Dunn
& Torigoe, 41). Indeed, themes of male love were pretty popular and "there was an immense
curiosity to know what went on in the gay quarters" (Dunn & Torigoe, 47). Another example of
performances were Keisei (a courtesan, in this case, played by an onnagata) plays which mostly
depicted a private meeting of the client and a prostitute. They were rather comical and usually
included music and dancing (Dunn & Torigoe, 47). Evidently, both plays had a quite realistic
though a simple plot which was important to the audience as they could relate to it or imagine
themselves in a provided situation.
One imagines that the men found considerable vicarious pleasure in seeing their hero
enjoy himself in an activity which they could probably not afford themselves. Perhaps the
respectable women liked to see a world which was otherwise closed to them (Dunn &
Torigoe, 47).
For the audience, it was a mental escape "where they could fantasize about superhuman feats of
brave men and women, the palaces of shogun and emperors, quarrels and love affairs in the
families of great lords, and high living in the finest houses of assignation" (Shively, 31). In other
words, it was a world without the trapped society of the Tokugawa dictatorships.
Eventually, kabuki had become an established art form that was capable of the serious,
dramatic presentation of genuinely moving situations. Kabuki, as the people's theater, provided a
vivid commentary on contemporary society. Strict censorship was employed to make sure the

15. plays did not incite criticism of the government and did not mention names of existing people
(Shively, 25). However, in 1748 a unique play on a forbidden topic was staged (Shively, 23).
Kanadehon Chushingura depicted the famous incident of 1701–03 about a group of forty-seven
ronin whose lord was forced to commit seppuku (ritual suicide) for assaulting a court official,
Kira Yoshinaka who in fact insulted him. After having waited patiently for almost two years,
ronin wreaked their revenge upon Yoshinaka in the full knowledge that they would be forced to
commit seppuku to atone for their crime. To avoid shogunate censorship, the play was set in the
earlier Muromachi period (1333–1568) and the names of the characters were altered. This play
was performed many times by the kabuki and the puppet theaters and was still very popular
(Shively, 23). Perhaps, it appealed to the audience because it revealed contemporary issues of
the society, such as the corrupt government, the matter of samurai honor and issues with jobless
ronin. Samurai viewers most definitely could imagine themselves in a situation like this.
Townsmen perhaps thought that despite having a few rotten apples, the government still has
some good people. Certainly, people of all classes enjoyed watching the play, making it
everyone's favorite.
On the contrary, a famous sewamono play The Love Suicides at Amijima by Chikamatsu
Monzaemon described a different perspective of the society. The story focused on a love story
between a courtesan named Koharu and a struggling, married chonin Jihei, a father of two
children. Their story ended with them killing themselves because of inability to be together in
real life. This drama depicted many ordinary concerns of the time. As discussed numerous times,
many men were in love with kabuki actors or prostitutes, torn between the family and the
pleasure quarters, as evident in Jihei's case. His often visits to Koharu implied that he, similarly
to the rest of the society, wanted to escape from the everyday world. On the other hand, Jihei was

16. financially incapable of ransoming Koharu's contract, whereas another chonin Tahei was an
"easy winner when it comes to money" (Monzaemon, 47). Therefore, the play introduced the
matter of the money which, as already stated was a crucial device in the red light district.
Furthermore, the play emphasized a sense of imprisonment as Jihei felt trapped at home under
his duties as a husband and impossibility to be with his loved one. These motifs reflected on the
society that pressured its people and values of love versus marriage. Hence, different kinds of
kabuki plays had their unique approach to the audiences. These performances, both comical and
dramatic, gave people an opportunity to dive into imaginary or sometimes real world where the
viewers could relax and forget everyday lives at least for some time.
During the Edo period, kabuki theaters around the country flourished more than ever.
The structure of plays along with elements of stylization rapidly developed. The theater's
relationships with the authorities were not any better and constant prohibitions made things
harder each year. The Tokugawa shogunate suppressed the society with its hierarchical
restrictions and obligations. However, different classes united under a need for pleasures and
kabuki theaters, in particular, were the places of ultimate freedom and joy. In spite of
government's strict policies and multiple attempts to close the theater, it continued to enjoy
success. Kabuki created a space, both mental and physical where actors and audiences played
with social stereotypes, values and ideals of the time.
.
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