Caroline Chapain "Edificar las ciudades creativas. ¿Qué función para los actores privados y públicos?"
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Ponencia de Caroline Chapain el jueves 26 de noviembre en las II Jornadas Ciudades Creativas en Barcelona, bajo el título "Edificar las ciudades creativas. ¿Qué función para los actores privados y públicos?".
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Caroline Chapain "Edificar las ciudades creativas. ¿Qué función para los actores privados y públicos?"
- 1. Construir la ciudades creativas. ¿ Qué función se asigna a los actores privados y públicos? Caroline Chapain, Centre for Urban and Regional Studies
- 14. Diseño Teatro Fotografia Arquitectura Industría editorial Musica Artesanía Radio TV Baile Software Moda Cine Juegos de computadora Publicidad
- 22. 3. Birmingham, Ingleterra Proyecto de regeneración – Brierley Hill La Custard Factory
- 23. 3. Birmingham, Ingleterra International Convention Centre y Symphony Hall. La escuela local de joyeria - Jewellery Quarter.
- 24. 3. Birmingham, Ingleterra “ Arts Fest” o fiesta del artes
Editor's Notes
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
- There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.