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Caroline Chapain "Edificar las ciudades creativas. ¿Qué función para los actores privados y públicos?"
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Caroline Chapain "Edificar las ciudades creativas. ¿Qué función para los actores privados y públicos?"

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Ponencia de Caroline Chapain el jueves 26 de noviembre en las II Jornadas Ciudades Creativas en Barcelona, bajo el título "Edificar las ciudades creativas. ¿Qué función para los actores privados y …

Ponencia de Caroline Chapain el jueves 26 de noviembre en las II Jornadas Ciudades Creativas en Barcelona, bajo el título "Edificar las ciudades creativas. ¿Qué función para los actores privados y públicos?".

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  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • There are a number of trends in the research on old industrial regions. There is an established body of work on deindustrialisation, especially in the North American context, (e.g. Cowie & Heathcott, 2002, High, 2003, Linkon & Russo, 2003) and the effects and processes of closure in old industrial regions (e.g. Pike, 2005, Henderson & Shutt, 2004, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). Deindustrialization has been accepted as a complex process that cannot be confined to emblematic places or a particular time period but that needs to be seen as showing varying causes, timing and consequences. Chapain and Murie (2008) summarise the two main foci of the research on closures as 1, looking at the process itself with emphasis on multi-plant closures and 2, the impacts on the local economy and labour markets. They also highlight the need for long-term perspectives in the examination of closures, an issue that has received equally little attention in the literature on restructuring. In general, there has been a strong emphasis on policy analysis and policy evaluation. The changes of the state from the welfare state to the ‘glocal’ entrepreneurial state (Harvey, 1989), the Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop, 1993) and the new authoritarian state (Swyngedouw, 1996) have been extensively discussed. Therefore, questions of governance, governing beyond-the-state and the ‘re-scaling’ of the state have become integral elements in the literature on restructuring (Swyngedouw, 2005, Pike & Tomaney, 2009). One aspect of the developments discussed in this thesis is the development from local government to local governance in the last decades. Swyngedouw (1996: 1499) posits that this shift in the forms of governance “takes place through the formation of new elite coalitions on the one hand and the systemic exclusion of further disempowerment of politically and/or economically weaker social groups on the other.” The paper therefore touches upon relevant policy instruments available in response to the need for restructuring from the early 1980s to the late 1990s/ early 2000s. Several phases have been identified in the literature, e.g. Oatley (1998) describes a phase of entrepreneurialism from 1979 – 1991 and an emphasis on competitive policies from 1991 onwards. A further shift in the conception and execution of regeneration has been acknowledged with the arrival of the Labour government in 1997 (e.g. Furbey, 1999, Morgan, 2002) with the increasing importance of partnerships, governance and joined-up approaches. The dominant actors in the field, however, have remained the same under differing constellations of the distribution of power: local and central agencies of the state, the private sector and the voluntary or community sector.
  • Transcript

    • 1. Construir la ciudades creativas. ¿ Qué función se asigna a los actores privados y públicos? Caroline Chapain, Centre for Urban and Regional Studies
    • 2. Introdución
      • La idea de economía creativa ha crecido en los diez ultimos años en el mundo (UN, 2004; Garhnam, 2005; Hartley, 2005; Wiesand and Söndermann, 2005; KEA, 2006, 2009; UNESCO, 2006; CE, 2007; Galloway and Dunlop, 2007; O’Connor, 2008; UNCTAD, 2008).
    • 3. Introdución
      • y con ella la idea de ciudad creativa como el symbol de un desarollo económico próspero ( Hall, 2000; Hospers, 2003; Duxbury, 2004; Florida, 2005; Leslie, 2005; Tay, 2005; Scott, 2006; Švob-Đokić Nada, 2007; Yun, 2008; Kong and O’Connor, 2009 )
    • 4. Introdución
      • Pero el concepto es poco claro.
      • Sin embargo, Smith y Warfield (2008) proponen un marco de referencia interessante con dos enfoques:
          • Un enfoque cultural
          • Un enfoque económico
    • 5. Introdución
          • Enfoque cultural
          • La ciudad creativa es “un lugar donde se practican formas varias y inclusivas de arte y cultura ”, un lugar donde las valores centrales se edifican sobre el arte, la cultura, la inclusión y el bienestar de la gente.
    • 6. Introdución
          • En esto enfoque, las políticas urbanas tienen que ser imaginativas, transparentes y democráticas y resultan en paisajes urbanos inspiradores, inclusivos, atractivos y flexibles.
    • 7. Introdución
          • Enfoque económico
          • La ciudad es “ un lugar de innovación económica, de talento creativo y industrias creativas ” donde las valores centrales se edifican sobre el desarrollo económico sostenible y el bienestar de la gente , suportado por la promoción de iniciativas y industrias creativas.
    • 8. Introdución
          • En esto enfoque, la políticas urbanas tienen que favorecer un arte y una cultura locales fuertes pero también un mano de obra creativa, industrias, redes, conexiones y competitividad fuertes .
    • 9. Introdución
          • Aunque los dos enfoques se completen , el enfoque económico es más importante en el discurso público actual.
    • 10. Introdución
          • Este marco de referencia enfatiza la función de las politicas urbanas y de los actores públicos … pero no dice mucho sobre los actores privados .
    • 11. 1. Los conceptos fundamentales
      • Creatividad – Boden (2003)
      • La habilidad de generar ideas o objetos nuevos, sorpredentes y que tienen valor (economico, práctico, symbolico…)
    • 12. 1. Los conceptos fundamentales
      • Creatividad – UNCTAD (2008)
      • Artistica : imaginacíon y interpretacíon del mundo (texto, sonido, imagen);
      • Científica : experimentar y hacer experiencias nuevas para solucionar problemas;
      • Economica : innovación de productos, de processos o organizacional
    • 13. 1. Los conceptos fundamentales
      • Industrías creativas – Hartley (2005)
      • Convergencia del talento individual (creación) y de los industrías culturales (reproducción) en el contexto de la nuevas technologías de comunicación (el internet…).
      • Exploitación de la propriedad intellectual
    • 14. Diseño   Teatro   Fotografia  Arquitectura   Industría editorial   Musica   Artesanía   Radio   TV   Baile Software   Moda Cine   Juegos de computadora   Publicidad 
    • 15. 1. Los conceptos fundamentales
      • … lo es que importante son los individuos y sus creatividad y como esta es explotando en estas industrías y otras partes de la económia.
    • 16. 2. Actores privados
      • Definimos los actores privados como la mano de obra creativa y/o los directores/gerentes de las empresas y organizaciones creativas.
      • Estos actores son tanto habitantes de la ciudad como actores económicos de esta y no puede edificar la ciudad creativa sin ellos.
    • 17. 2. Actores privados
      • Es porque es muy importante comprender las razones porque viven y trabajan en la ciudad , como la ven, que piensen de las políticas urbanas existentes así que el tipo de dinámica que entretienen entre ellos y con los actores públicos.
    • 18. 3. Birmingham, Ingleterra
      • Es la segunda ciudad del Reino Unido (1 millíon de habitantes).
      • La locomotora de la Revolución Industrial en Gran Bretaña
      • “ La fábrica del mundo" o la "ciudad de los mil negocios".
    • 19. 3. Birmingham, Ingleterra
      • La ciudad ha conocido procesos importante de reestructuración económica y regeneración durante los 20 ultimos a ños.
      • Hoy, la ciudad ha desarrollado en los a ños 1990 como una ciudad de turismo y comercio al detalle con edificios culturales importantes ( International Convention Centre and Symphony Hall, National Indoor Arena...) y organizaciónes creativas (Birmingham Royal Ballet, Teatro Rep, etc.) .
      • Hay dos barrios creativos : el barrio antiguo de la joyeria y un nuevo barrio llamado la “Custard Factory” donde se localizan empresas de nuevos medios de communicación.
    • 20.
      • Desde el fin de los a ños 1990 , el gobierno nacional se ha concentrado sobre el desarrollo de la industrías creativas como motor del desarrollo económico.
      • Ademas, el gobierno ha decentralisado parte del poder economico al nivel regional y local.
      3. Birmingham, Ingleterra
    • 21.
      • Ha resultado en la creación de asociaciónes de actores culturales y creativas locales y regionales y estrategias de parte de los actores públicos para desarrollar estas industrías.
      • En parallelo, los actores privados han creado associaciónes propias para representar todas las industrías o algunos sectores creativos : por ejemplo la “Creative Republic” o el “Producer Forum”.
      3. Birmingham, Ingleterra
    • 22. 3. Birmingham, Ingleterra Proyecto de regeneración – Brierley Hill La Custard Factory
    • 23. 3. Birmingham, Ingleterra International Convention Centre y Symphony Hall. La escuela local de joyeria - Jewellery Quarter.
    • 24. 3. Birmingham, Ingleterra “ Arts Fest” o fiesta del artes
    • 25.
      • Hicimos dos projectos de investigación con los actores creativos privados desde 2004 para comprender porque viven y trabajan en la ciudad , como la ven, que piensen de las políticas urbanas existentes.
        • Una encuesta telefónica con 350 directores/gerentes de empresas creativas y mas de 60 entrevistas detalles
        • Una encuesta con 200 trabajadores creativos
      3. Birmingham, Ingleterra
    • 26.
      • Las razones personales son muy importante para estar en Birmingham:
      • Nacido o estudiado en la ciudad y tienen familia o amigos
      • Le gustan el ambiente y la regeneración de la ciudad
      • Le gusta vivir en una ciudad media en comparación de London
      3. Birmingham, Ingleterra
    • 27.
      • Las razones económicas son también muy importante para estar en Birmingham:
      • Hay alrededor de 26 000 empleos en las industrías creativas
      • Los costos de operación (mano de obra, alquiler...) son mas barros que en London y no esta muy lejos de la capital
      • Hay menos competencia
      • La ciudad es muy importante para industrias de joyeria y concentrada produción creativa de tipo etnico.
      3. Birmingham, Ingleterra
    • 28.
      • Los actores creativos entretienen relaciones con otros actores privados o públicos en la ciudad pero tienen redes económicas importante afueras :
        • La universidades y las politícas urbanas locales y regionales juegan un función attractiva y de sopporte para algunos actores
        • Pero el sentimiento es que los actores públicos no entienden los necesidades de los actores privados muy bien
        • Ademas, varias políticas o actores nacionales son muy importante para las dínamicas economicas de algunos sectores como Radio y TV, Teatro...
      3. Birmingham, Ingleterra
    • 29. 4. Conclusión
      • Hay razones personales importante que explican la presencia de las industrias creativas en ciudades;
      • Ademas existen actividades creativas privadas sin soporte público;
      • La situacion ecónomica de las ciudades en el contexto nacional es muy importante para explicar el desarollo de estas industrías;
    • 30. 4. Conclusión
      • Politícas económicas locales y regionales para desarrollar estas industrías son importante pero otras politícas de desarollo urbano (transporte, alojamiento...) juegan una función crucial también.
    • 31. 4. Conclusión
      • Por consiguiente, el reto de los actores públicos es de encontrar un equilibrio entre soporte indirecto y directo al económia creativa . Es possible si existe un buen diálogo entre actores privados y públicos.

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