David Cameron seems bored by this campaign. No wonder http://koshersnachbar.com/uncategorized/bloggi...

1. David Cameron seems bored by this campaign. No wonder
the polls aren't shifting
David Cameron seems bored by this campaign. No wonder
http://koshersnachbar.com/uncategorized/blogging-tips-you-can-implement-right-now/ the polls
aren't shifting - Telegraph
Mr Miliband was not pleasing. He trumpeted that he was a man of ideas, principles and decency
without explaining how these fine things would translate into action. He was gawky and confusing,
by turns robotic and almost childishly boastful. This Primrose Hill Frank Sinatra telling us how he
did it his way (he hasn't done it yet!) was embarrassing. But the viewer did pick up one strong and,
to many, new impression about the man. He is not in any take-it-or-leave-it mood - he wants to win.
He proved something.
As a result, the evening which Mr Miliband lost did him more good than it did Mr Cameron, who
won. It was an example of why the incumbent should always scorn the broadcasters and stay out of
these comparison shows completely. They almost inevitably assist the challenger.
In 2010, Mr Cameron and his advisers casually sacrificed his challenger advantage. By the
unprecedented, complacent act of letting the Liberal Democrats into the debate on equal terms, the
Conservative leader turned himself into part of the establishment and let
http://www.gmwq.org/how-to-pursue-proper-blog-design/ Nick Clegg become the insurgent. Just
when voters were wanting to back Mr Cameron, he failed to supply them with decisive reasons for
doing so. He did not win the election; he has never fully recovered from this error.

2. The Tory leadership began this Parliament five years ago with a petty, unsuccessful manoeuvre to
take control of the party's backbench 1922 Committee. This week, on this Parliament's last day, it
attempted a petty, unsuccessful manoeuvre to http://www.photoboardinternational.com/?p=31
undermine the Speaker. Luckily for the Tories, voters barely notice these Westminster games, but
one does find oneself asking, are the Conservatives incapable of learning from mistakes?
To be fair, Mr Cameron's misreading of the Paxman "Q & A" was much less grievous than the 2010
debacle, much less watched and much earlier in the campaign. Mr Miliband certainly achieved no
Clegg-like ?clat. But the Prime Minister seemed underprepared, even under-motivated. I wouldn't
say that he seemed smug, but he was somewhat static, not fighting a war of movement. He has
decided, under the influence of his campaign manager, Lynton Crosby, that he has two strong points
- the progress of the economy and the fact that Dave is much better than Ed. He has agreed to stick
to these to the exclusion of almost everything else, but seems a bit bored by them, pining, perhaps,
for the now-abandoned Big Society.
Both the Crosby propositions are true, but what the Paxman attack exposed is how much both will
suffer if they sit still and wait to be bombed. Without counter-attack, they could be cratered. On
Thursday night, Mr Cameron often had the answer to the first question, but not the follow-up. He
could boast of reducing the deficit, but not explain why it is still so high. He could point to the
impressive pace of job creation, but not explain how it arises from his policies. (It was astonishing
how the whole evening contained scarcely a mention of business taxes or enterprise, and how Mr
Cameron did not try to turn the talk on to this subject.) He could reiterate his promise of an EU
referendum in 2017, but did not really say what he wanted it for.
This Prime Minister, though he is presiding over serious reductions in some sorts of welfare and
some functions of government, cannot make up his mind whether to speak up for the smaller state or
not. When he was asked about private companies running NHS services, he said that five per cent of
the National Health was run this way when he came in 2010, and now it is six per cent. He made the
smallness of that increase sound good. Is it? If that is how Mr Cameron thinks, Mr Miliband's cap on
such companies' profits, proposed yesterday, will outclass him.
Mr Miliband supposedly said, a few weeks ago, that he wanted to "weaponise" the NHS. Mr
Cameron should surely weaponise the Crosby propositions. The first - about the deficit - is far too
often expressed solely as a question of managing the public finances. Put like that, it is of little
interest to voters. The human point is about getting the right balance of opportunity and security for
most families. The Prime Minister knows this, but tends to stick it in as an afterthought.
Polls open in:::DaysHrsMinsSecs
The second Crosby proposition is about leadership. Both lines play, justifiably, on the fear of what
might happen if the other lot got in, but they are capable of much greater expansion. A classic
leadership advantage for a Tory prime minister, for example, should be in military affairs, yet
George Osborne and Philip Hammond seem to have conducted an accountancy-driven culture war
against the armed services. This has gone so far that Britain feels undefended as the international
scene grows darker and natural supporters feel bitter.
Another, in the social realm in which the Tories traditionally feel weak, is the reform of schools.
Here government radicalism was paying off, but then Mr Cameron got frightened and demoted
Michael Gove, the minister accomplishing it. On individual days, as you can see when he wins his
jousts at Prime Minister's Questions, Mr Cameron is an able and competitive fighter, but when it
comes to the constant assertion of direction and purpose, he is too posh to push. He is not really

3. preaching to us about what he wants Britain to be in the next five years: possibly he does not know
himself. Possibly that is why he already, aged 48, envisages retirement.
The ultimate strength of the Crosby strategy is that it reminds voters that they face a choice - that
there is a cost if they make the wrong decision. This can only be truly decisive, however, if they can
also be convinced that there is a benefit if they make the right one. There are 40 days to go, and that
deal remains unsealed.