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Research and Ranking Report on Gender Representation at State/ Local Government Levels in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015.

An analysis of Socio-Economic Consequences: Gender Equity and the overwhelming need to rebalance things.
The Winihin Jemide Series research makes comparisons across nations, explaining the implications, and giving recommendations for a better way forward when it comes to female representation in Nigeria.
This Gender Representation Report on Nigeria (1999 to 2015) is the product of 26 months of collaborative work between The Winihin Jemide Series and National Bureau of Statistics.

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Research and Ranking Report on Gender Representation at State/ Local Government Levels in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015.

  1. 1. Report Prepared In Conjunction with: Powered by: Fem ale Representation at State/Local Governm ent Levels in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015 THE WINIHIN JEMIDE SERIES Research and Ranking Report The Research & Ranking Report on
  2. 2. 2 M cKinsey Global Institute (2015) envisages a “full- potential” scenario in which women take part in the global economy identically to men. It finds that this would add up to $28 trillion, or 26%, to annual global GDP in 2025 compared with a business- as-usual scenario.
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  4. 4. 4 “We must begin by determining exactly where we are in real terms with regards to Gender Equity in Africa. Only then can governments, development agencies and advocacy groups adequately plan for parity and fairness. This is where the specifics of surveys, research and data output from authentic sources come in to the play.” Mrs. Winhin Jemide, Founder Winhin Jemide Series Edition 1, March 2016 No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted electronically, mechanically, by photocopying or any web-based tool/website without the permission of the copyright holder. The sale of this book is prohibited, as is its hiring or circulation without the proper permissions in place. All contributors have waived any rights to their submission in this book and subject to the clause above. Published by Winihin Jemide Series 1B Adekola Balogun Street, Off Maruwa Bus Stop, Lekki, Lagos. Nigeria Copyright (c ), Winihin Jemide Series, March 2016 www.winihinjemideseries.org www.facebook.com/wjseries.genderemergence @winihinjemideseries @winihinjseries www.youtube.com/user/WJSeries
  5. 5. 5 The decision to embark on this study was borne out of the Manifesto decisions reached by delegates at the Winihin Jemide Series’ Women in Government and Politics (WIGP) Conference held in November 2013 themed “Increasing Numbers: Access and Progress” The Women in Government and Politics (WIGP) Conference, London 2013 was masterminded to launch a regional conversation with the abiding aim of providing women with the encouragement they need to prepare for and successfully participate in all aspects of politics and governance. It brought together a wealth of experience from a convergence of influential women drawn from the five regions of Africa. The conference theme was Increasing Numbers: Access and Progress, creating a platform for the first Africa-focused forum for women in government and politics. The conference discussions examined a number of topics that dealt primarily with some of the issues that impact the access and entry of women into government and politics. The delegates also compiled a list of specific courses of actions to address these issues. An immediate outcome of the WIGP Conference was a position document signed by 95% of attending delegates. It was this accord that formed the basis for the WIGP Manifesto developed at the end of the conference (see page 76). The WIGP Manifesto aims to set out the rationale and importance of conducting an audit of the current status of the access and numbers of women appointed or elected to positions in government. As a result of the conference, the cause of women working within Africa’s changing political climate will come under the microscope to drive research and create campaign messages that it is hoped will begin to change the status quo. The expectation for this research conducted by The Winihin Jemide Series is that it will engender a strong movement for the promotion of women in politics and government throughout the continent.
  6. 6. 6 Contents Preamble. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Foreword. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Methodology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Research Guidelines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Data Control and Verification Spot Checking. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Research and Ranking Report. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Research and Ranking Report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Findings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Academic Paper. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Executive Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Gender Equality and Economic Growth. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Gender, Climate Justice and Sustainability. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
  7. 7. 7 The Case of Women in Public Leadership Positions in Nigeria. . . . . . . 53 Women in Public Service Leadership in Nigeria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Main Findings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Implications of the Study for Countries in the African Continent and Around the World. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Gender Equality and Economic Growth in Brazil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Meanings of Gender Equality in Development: Perspectives from Norway and Ethiopia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Recommendations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Ranking Results. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Calculating Gender Representation in Nigeria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Ranking by State. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 GDP and Gender Representation in Nigeria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Appendix. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Profiles of Contributors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 The Winihin Jemide Series Manifesto. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Survey Tools and Metrics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
  8. 8. 8 Preamble Gender equity is an issue that has been discussed in various international forums as well as academic conferences and national conventions. The nature and extent of the problem of gender inequality has been defined and highlighted through a series of conventions, conferences and declarations. In addition, studies have shown that women tend to lag behind men on a number of social, economic and political dimensions. The United Nations has led some of the most noteworthy international actions taken to address gender inequality for women. In 1979, the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), considered the Bill of Rights for women, was adopted. It defined gender discrimination and issued a call for action. In 1995, the Fourth World Conference on Women was convened in Beijing. The Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action went further by outlining strategic objectives and actions for achieving gender equality in areas such as health, education, economics, human rights and decision making. Since Beijing, five-year reviews have been used to assess progress made in the various countries to implement the actions contained in the declaration. At the country level, many countries (or the women in the countries) have taken seriously the strategic objectives and actions from the Beijing Declaration and have adopted legislation and other measures to address gender inequity. One of the ways some countries have addressed gender inequity in government has been through adopting quotas – under constitutional or electoral law for the representation of women in their legislative bodies. In other countries, political parties have adopted quotas for the recruitment and selection of candidates for office. It has been recognised that in addition to the United Nations’ five-year reviews, there is a need for surveys of progress by individual countries and a need for ongoing dialogue regarding measures that work to reduce inequality.
  9. 9. 9 One such dialogue took place in London in November of 2013. The Winihin Jemide Series sponsored a Women in Government and Politics Conference that brought together women from Africa and the African Diaspora to start a conversation and promote research about women in government and politics on the continent of Africa. Since the conference, the conversation has continued, and research on issues related to women in government and politics has been conducted. This research document is an outgrowth of the conference. This document provides a good assessment of the status of women in key federal, state and local positions in Nigeria. Knowing and understanding the status of women in public sector positions helps to provide a foundation and platform to plan and implement strategies for increasing gender equity. The Nigerian study can serve as a template for surveys of other African countries as voluntary and legal quotas and other methods are used to speed up the pace of gender inequality reduction. The data in this study is very useful, but the researchers call attention to the need for improved data collection systems so they can be sure the data they are using are reliable and consistent across the various states. A similar study would be welcome in countries such as Rwanda where women outnumber men in a legislative chamber for the first time in the world. Government officials in other countries should use the study to identify and eliminate deficiencies in their data collection processes. The good news from this study is that progress has been made in increasing the representation of women in elected and appointed positions in Nigeria. The findings should not be used just to sing the praises of a particular administration or jurisdiction or as an opportunity to stop and relax efforts to increase the numbers. Instead, they should be used as an incentive and motivation to eliminate male dominance throughout the government at all levels. by Dr Elsie Scott Director, Ronald W. Walters Leadership and Public Policy Center Howard University, Washington, D.C., USA
  10. 10. 10 Foreword In 2015, the Winihin Jemide Series, in consultation with the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) of Nigeria, set out to determine how many women are in the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary branches of government, and how have these numbers changed since Nigeria’s return to democracy. This study covers the years 1999 to 2015 and provides compelling reasons as to why gender equality in politics and public administration is important. These reasons include fairness, accountability, justice, empowerment, and the importance of bringing women’s perspectives to policy and other discussion. The last of these reasons resonates deeply with me as an engineer. I have seen time after time that complex problems are solved best by teams whose members have a diverse range of perspectives: gender, age, background, etc. The increasing complexity of local and global challenges make it imperative that nations have broad representation in their public leaders – today’s challenges cannot be addressed adequately without voices that have hitherto been ignored. Unfortunately, however, the burden on non-traditional leaders can be heavy. As an engineer in a very male-dominated field, I know first-hand how tough it can be to be the only woman in a room, particularly when suggesting ideas that challenge the status quo.
  11. 11. 11 In light of the intrinsic value of diverse voices, and the difficulty of being a minority voice, regardless of the worth of one’s contributions, this report provides some encouragement. Among other statistics, women now represent an average of 15% of state commissioners and almost 20% of permanent secretaries at the state level; both represent significant gains on earlier years. But despite the progress that has been made, key governance positions remain overwhelmingly dominated by men, particularly at the national and state level.. It is therefore evident that vigilance and much more progress are needed, particularly in achieving better gender balance in national and state leadership positions. I wish to congratulate the Winihin Jemide Series for taking the bold step of tracking how the global call for gender equity is evolving, within the government structure in Nigeria. It would be very interesting to see how this plays out across the African continent and even in the many developing nations of the world. I want to encourage the Winihin Jemide Series to continue on its admirable course of exploring the ways women’s voices are growing and how they are making a difference in their countries. Fiona M. Doyle Dean Graduate Division and Donald H. McLaughlin Professor of Mineral Engineering Department of Materials Science and Engineering University of California, Berkeley, Member, National Academy of Engineering (United States).
  12. 12. 12 Introduction I am delighted to present to you the maiden research study by the Winihin Jemide Series titled Research Ranking Report on Female Representation at State/Local Government Levels in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015. Its timing is apposite. 2016 has been declared the ‘Africa Year of Human Rights with particular focus on the Rights of Women’ by the African Union (AU). At the 8th African Gender Pre-Summit, held in January 2016, H.E. Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC), urged women to “be change agents … to transform, not to conform”. As the first woman in history to lead the organisation, Dr. Zuma is a wonderful role model. She’s more than qualified to spur women on to make a difference. Greater gender equity, we believe at The Series, as does Dr. Zuma, has the single greatest potential to be the driver of sustainable economic development on the African continent. Hence our driving philosophy that Gender Equity Equals Economic Development (GEED). Indeed, a large study on gender parity conducted by the McKinsey Global Institute (2015) actually quantifies this. It envisages a “full- potential” scenario in which women take part in the global economy identically to men. It finds that this would add up to $28 trillion, or 26%, to annual global GDP in 2025 compared with a business- as-usual scenario. This impact is roughly equal to the size of the combined US and Chinese economies today. We also look at Sweden as a case in point, and an inspiration where gender equality is one of the cornerstones of Swedish society. The aim of Sweden’s gender equity policies is to ensure that women and men enjoy the same opportunities, rights and obligations in all areas of life. Our current objective is to also build statistical capacity on gender equity in Africa and introduce research and ranking to our output. We aim to create the definitive ‘Gender Index’ as the core source of gender emergence data in Africa. This is crucial in enabling, governments, policy makers, developmental agencies
  13. 13. 13 both benchmark and plan for increased gender parity. This in turn can only result in greater positive impact on the continents prosperity and social development. But, and it’s a big but, there’s a caveat here. We need to help women make this happen. We also need to help the men understand they too play an important role in achieving this paradigm shift. As our study shows, where there is a will, sometimes there is not always a way unless decisive and coordinated steps are taken to ensure results. The Series’ study has as its focus Nigeria’s clear progress with gender inclusion across the political and governance landscape since 1999. However, its remit is far broader. It also examines the degree of advancement made in gender representation in the public sphere in other countries, including Norway, Rwanda, Uganda, Namibia, Ethiopia and South Africa. What our findings show is that although a degree of advancement in women’s representation has undeniably been achieved in Nigeria, as elsewhere, barriers remain. It’s clear to us that while many national administrations proclaim their full commitment to enabling greater gender equity, the practical realities of daily life often mean that women are just not able to step up to the plate. Conservative socio-cultural norms, political exclusion and economic disadvantages mean they don’t have equal access to education, employment, technology, healthcare, or finance. So, if you are a politician, policy maker or legislator or a gender advocate about to study our report, we would urge you to consider our five recommendations. Today, almost 21 years after the Beijing Declaration, we have made tremendous strides. Yet despite the global unison of voices in favour of greater gender equity, there is still much more we can do. Let’s look at the strategic mechanisms that really reinforce the participation of women at national, regional and international levels. Research Projects such as this remain pivotal to the strategic mechanisms that reinforce the participation of women in Government Politics and Industry at both national, regional and international levels. We have all got so much to gain. Let’s give all women a fair chance. Mrs. Winihin Jemide Founder, Winihin Jemide Series
  14. 14. M ethodology 14
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  16. 16. 16 Research Guidelines A. Scope At the Federal Level, information on women that occupied the following positions was collected: i. President ii. Vice President iii. Senators iv. Members of the House of Representatives v. Ministers vi. Secretary to the Government of the Federation vii. Permanent Secretaries viii. Ambassadors and High Commissioners ix. Chief Justice of the Federation x. Chief of Staff to the President At the state level, information on women that occupied the following positions was collected: i. Governor ii. Deputy Governor iii. Members of the State House of Assembly iv. Secretary to the State Government v. Commissioners vi. Permanent Secretaries vii. Chief of Staff to the Governor viii. Chief Judge of the State At the local government level, information on women that occupied the following positions was collected: i. Chairperson ii. Vice-Chairperson iii. Secretary to the Local Government Council
  17. 17. 17 B. Data Sources The following authorities and institutions were contacted to obtain the data and information used in the preparation of this report: Federal Level i. Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation ii. Office of the Head of Service iii. National Assembly iv. Ministry of Foreign Affairs State Level i. Office of the Secretary to State Government ii. State House of Assembly Local Government Level i. Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs ii. Local Government Secretariat C. Design for Data Collection The data collection in each State was carried out by 1 team per state, consisting of 2 enumerators and 1 supervisor. 3 weeks was allocated for data collection and retrieval to the NBS headquarters in Abuja. Delays in data returns necessitated an extension of the period for data collection by a week. D. Data Entry and Analysis All questionnaires were compiled by local government and / or State, and batched to the NBS headquarters in Abuja, where data processing was also carried out. Three datasets were created namely: i. Federal Government Dataset ii. State Dataset iii. LGA Dataset E. Data Coverage While every effort was made to receive data in a timely manner from relevant authorities, this was not entirely possible. As a result, a few States have missing records. All data used in this study are those received as at 1 December 2015.
  18. 18. 18 Data Control and Verification Spot Checking Conducted by the team of Dr. Nic Chesseman; Assistant Professor of African Politics, Hugh Price Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford University, Co-editor of African Affairs and founder of www .democracyinafrica .org Dr. Sarah Jane Cooper-knock; Lecturer in International Development, Edinburgh University, co-editor of www .democracyinafrica .org ClaireElder;PhDcandidate,DepartmentofPoliticsandInternationalRelations,OxfordUniversity Task The team was asked to verify the data collected by the Winihin Jemide Series (WJS) in order to confirm the following points: 1. That the data was collected by researchers connected to the WJS. 2. That consistent methods were used across the 36 states. 3. That the data is reliable and reflects the reality on ground. Method We randomly selected researchers from the list used by the WJS and contacted them. Standard practice is to “back check” at least 10% of data collection points. In this case, 10% of the sample would have been around 4 people (one person per state, so 36 people in total). In order to exceed best practice, and given the small nature of the sample, we decided to contact 10 people, around 25% of the total. The states contacted are listed in Table 1. Each researcher was asked a set of questions relating to: 1. Their relationship with the WJS. 2. How they collected the data. 3. Any problems they had with the data. 4. To confirm the data that was provided to us by the WJS was correct. Summary: the data has been collected in a serious and robust manner, with due care and attention paid to securing accurate and verifiable data. There are some missing data, and some inconsistencies in coding, but these are relatively small and unlikely to impact on the overall results. Most of the problems identified in the data were not the result of failures of the research team but rather reflected the absence of data and inconsistencies in data collection practices by government officials themselves. This project, and these reports on it, therefore highlights the need for the Nigerian government to adopt a more thorough, consistent and professional approach to the collection of data on female political representation in Uganda.
  19. 19. 19 Report The random sample of ten data collectors confirmed full regional participation in the data collection process, although variance was reported in the ways in which the data was collected. In the majority of cases (70%), the data collectors first consulted the local government commission or general office (at the state level) to collect the available data on gender representation in the local government, before proceeding to the local governments for verification of data (although this was not always the case). Certain data collectors, for instance in Imo state, reported going first to local governments before being redirected back to the general office. Other data collectors went directly to the local governments (reporting significant delays, lack of cooperation or lack of availability of data at the general office), while others indicated high confidence in the data provided by the federal state (reporting no reason to verify at the local level). Those that reported inaccessible federal records demonstrated the highest commitment to pursuing local government sources (only unable to visit certain local governments due to high security concerns). The majority of others indicated going to most (more than 70%) of the local governments for data verification, while two reported going to less than half (both in cases of federal data availability), citing insecurity as well as inadequate remuneration for high transport costs. Table 1. Consulting Local Government Federal State Only Commission Both Only Local Government Abia X Adamawa X Bauchi X Bayelsa X Ekiti X Imo X Jigawa X Kaduna X Ondo X Yobe X
  20. 20. 20 All respondents indicated a high degree of confidence in the quality of the data collected and the findings – that there was low overall female representation in public sector positions, especially in the Northern regions. Respondents indicated that the questionnaire was easily understood by local government participants, and that local governments were willing and eager to partake in the study. However, a few respondents noted difficulties accessing the data through local governments – namely that, in certain cases, local government officials expected remuneration for their assistance/participation given delays in the payment of local government salaries. In most cases, data collectors hired local enumerators (students or statisticians) to spearhead the data collection process, while the team lead supervised and reviewed the data collected. In certain cases, where there was a deficit of information at the government office, enumerators accompanied the local government commissioners to the survey sites to collect the data. Significantly, there were some areas in which WJS researchers were not able to collect data. Although the data covers the vast majority of the target positions, information was not collected for around 5% of state data and around 8-­10% of local data. We were able to work with WJS researchers to fill some of these gaps, for example for Sokoto, but not all. In general, data is more complete for the historical period than it is for the most recent period, which seems to be because effective records have not yet been created for these years, and so data had to be collected by conducting interviews with those personally involved in government. The founder of the WJS, Mrs.Winihin Jemide, in the company of student delegates at the WIGP 2013 Conference.
  21. 21. 21 In our analysis of the data, we have dealt with this issue by leaving out positions in which we have no data from our calculations. The results are therefore unaffected, but it is important to note that if the positions that are missing are very heavily male (or female) dominated, their inclusion would likely result in slightly different outcomes. It is also important to note that the same areas tend to have data gaps over time, suggesting that they may reflect a broader pattern with regards to low state capacity and poor record keeping. The difficulty in securing information on women’s political representation at the local government level highlights the need for the Nigerian government to introduce guidelines ensuring that this information is recorded and made available to interested parties. While there should be only one elected chairman per local government, respondents described a process of local government formation that has been gradual and uneven, with many governors appointing as many as five administrators to stand in during the transition period for local governments. This is a potential source of inconsistency, which we have dealt with in our analysis of the results by averaging the results in cases in which a particular state has a number of chairmen, so that we generate one result for the position. Thus, a state that had four chairmen, there men and one woman, would be given a rating of 0.25 for this position overall. This method is essential for ensuring that the position of Chairman is not over-­weighted in states with a high number of chairmen during a single term. Table 2 shows the number of states that reported only having one chairperson per local government, while Table 3 lists the states in which there was more then one chairperson. Table 2: States with Local Governments with One Chairperson In many cases (66% of cases) states reported having had a number of chairpersons (more than 3) across the state. Larger numbers typically reflects a succession of administrators during the transitional period (from 2011 to 2015) – turnover that is generally higher than when a chairman has been elected. State No. of Local Governments No. of Chairman No. of Chairwoman Total Adamawa 21 20 1 21 Borno 26 26 0 26 Cross River 18 17 1 18 Delta 4 2 1 3 Ebonyi 13 12 1 13 Imo 27 24 3 27 Jigawa 27 27 0 27 Zamfara 14 14 0 14
  22. 22. 22 Table 3: States with Local Governments with More than One Chairperson State No. of Local Governments No. of Chairman No. of Chairwoman Total Abia 17 53 2 55 Akwaibom 27 29 6 35 Anambra 21 34 7 41 Bauchi 20 60 0 60 Bayelsa 7 17 0 17 Benue 11 36 4 40 Cross River 18 17 1 18 Delta 4 2 1 3 Edo 15 19 2 21 Ekiti 16 39 1 40 Enugu 17 21 1 22 Gombe 9 25 0 25 Kaduna 21 38 3 41 Kano 42 95 0 95 Katsina 33 35 0 35 Kebbi 21 22 0 22 Kogi 14 17 1 18 Kwara 10 9 3 12 Lagos 16 17 0 17 Nasaraw 8 14 1 15 Niger 22 42 3 45 Ogun 15 24 2 26 Ondo 15 24 1 25 Osun 22 24 1 25 Oyo 27 36 0 36 Plateau 16 52 2 54 Rivers 12 11 2 13 Taraba 15 29 0 29 Yobe 6 15 0 15
  23. 23. 23 Conclusion Overall, it is clear that the data collectors made a serious effort to collect robust and reliable data. Although there are gaps in the data, we have good quality information for the vast majority of positions targeted. Moreover, the variation in the data collected reflects real variation on the ground (i.e. the appointment of a succession of different chairpersons in some areas, compared to the presence of one chairperson for a long period in others), rather than the adoption of an inconsistent approach by WJS researchers. On this basis, we conclude that the data is suitable for use in academic and policy research.
  24. 24. Research and Ranking Report 24
  25. 25. 25
  26. 26. 26 Research and Ranking Report Gender equality, which is one of the targets of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), is both an essential development goal in its own right and also a driver of human development. International law recognises that everyone has a right to participate in public life, but it remains an ongoing challenge to achieve women’s equal participation, especially in decision- making roles. The importance of advancing women’s leadership in politics has continued to gain traction. Although much remains to be done, advances are being made slowly but surely. Unfortunately, less attention and support has been given to promoting women’s leadership in public administration. Public administration is the foundation of government and the principal instrument through which national policies and programmes are implemented. International norms require that public administration be guided by principles of fairness, accountability, justice, equality and non-discrimination, and that it serve as a model of governance for society, which includes By Winihin Jemide Series in collaboration with the National Bureau of Statistics, Nigeria Pictured are a number of delegates and participants representing various countries and continents at the Women in Government and Politics 2013 Conference.
  27. 27. 27 the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment. However, globally, this is not yet the reality. Instead of being a driving force behind the implementation of internationally- agreedgoalsongenderequalityandhumanrightsstandardsandprinciples,inmanydeveloped and developing countries, public administration often remains a patriarchal institution, perpetuating gender-biased traditions, attitudes and practices. Women do not yet participate equally in public administration, especially in leadership and decision-making roles. A critical mass of women in public administration, in particular in senior decision-making positions, is important for equality reasons and because it brings more women’s perspectives to policy and other discussions. Positions in public administration may also be among the few availableor‘acceptable’employmentopportunitiesforwomen,makingitallthemoreimportant that women have a fair chance of competing for them. Research based on qualitative case studies examines the ways in which women in parliament are impacting political culture, law- making, and social change. One study of Tanzania found that women’s greater participation in parliament improved the culture in parliaments, helped the formation of a women’s parliamentary caucus, improved training for women members, heightened invocation of women’s interests in parliament, increased women’s contributions to parliamentary debates, and led to modest increases in women’s appointments to cabinet positions. In Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda, the increase in women’s representation in parliaments has resulted in the promulgation of new laws, in particular in the areas of gender-based violence, family law, and land rights. There has also been an increase in the use of a ‘gendered perspective’ in the legislative process and the use of a ‘gendered lens’ to analyse and monitor national budgets. In some countries, the increased presence of women in parliament has had a more subtle impact, with the alteration of people’s attitudes towards women, the creation of a trans-generational effect, and the formation of a new political culture that accepts women as political leaders. Women in Public Service Leadership in Nigeria In Nigeria today, just as in many African countries, conservative socio-cultural norms, political exclusion and economic disadvantages have determined the strength of women’s voices in public life. The 2006 Nigerian population census figures indicate that women constituted 49% of the total population, yet there remains a significant gender gap between men and women, especially in political representation, economic management and leadership. Although reasonable progress has been made over time, political equality is still a distant goal in Nigeria. Men have control over assets and have relatively better education, hence they have a dominant position in terms of political power. For instance, male councillors may not necessarily be highly educated but such positions are not given to women who have the same educational level as them. The lack of awareness leads to situations where women often become dependent on male political positions or male-dominated political parties. Men’s participation in leadership will focus more on issues of men’s interest than on women’s concerns. In some cases, women are elected into a leadership position in an arm of
  28. 28. 28 government without actually participating in actual leadership. In Nigeria, a lot of women lack effective power or influence, especially in the federal government structure. Many of them do not have the necessary skills to present ideas effectively. Women’s lack of participation in politics, means inadequate contribution to public affairs and women’s empowerment. When women are given the opportunity of participation in leadership, they will recognise these problems and address them to accommodate the full participation of women in leadership at all levels of the arms of government. One of the important reasons why women have not received adequate benefits from years of planning and development is their inadequate representation, non-participation and non-involvement in the preparation and execution of plans for their economic development and social justice through decentralised institutions. Most political parties do not even maintain data on their female membership and few women aregrantedticketsforelections(ShamimandKumari,2002).Sincepoliticsistraditionallyamale domain and most financial, economic, commercial and political negotiations are conducted outside the home by males, Nigerian women have very limited access to decision-making processes, and they have a severe lack of access to and control over financial resources. This effectively reduces women’s chances of contesting elections and thus occupying decision- making positions. The factors and issues of women’s marginalisation and low participation in political leadership and decision-making have been attracting a lot of attention from scholars. Although women and men have a different biological and physiological make-up, women may share common features with men in terms of educational qualifications, socio-economic status and occupation, among others. Yet, they are marginalised in virtually all spheres of public life. To adequately address these observed gender disparities in the public sector leadership in Nigeria, it is necessary to take stock of the current situation. How many females are in positions of leadership in the three tiers of government in Nigeria? How many have been elected or appointed into public office since our return to democracy? To adequately address these questions, the Winihin Jemide Series in consultation with the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) set out to collect this information at all levels of government, from 1999 to the current (2015) dispensation. The information to be collected covered the 3 arms of government: Executive, Legislative and Judiciary. The result of this exercise provides useful information for the furtherance of the women’s equality agenda in Nigeria.
  29. 29. 29
  30. 30. 30 Findings In this section, the key results obtained from the data collected are presented according to the tiers of government: federal, state and local government. Furthermore, comparison is made between the five 4-year democratic dispensations witnessed in Nigeria since 1999. These are 1999-2003, 2003-2007, 2007-2011, 2011-2015 and 2015-2019. 2 a. Federal level Elected Positions i. President: Since the return to civil rule in 1999, Nigeria has successfully had four democratically-elected administrations at the federal level, and a fifth is currently under way, having been sworn in on May 29, 2015. Although there have been five administrations between 1999 and 2015, a total of four men occupied the position of president, with President Olusegun Obasanjo completing two terms of office. During the 2007-2011 administration, two men occupied the position of President: Alhaji Umau Musa Yaradua, who died in office in 2010, was replaced by Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, the vice president. Thus, President Obasanjo occupied the office of president between 1999 and 2007, and was followed by President Umaru Musa Yaradua (2007-2010), President Goodluck Jonathan (2010-2011; 2011-2015) and President Muhammadu Buhari (2015-present). No woman held the position of president during the period under review (see Figure 1). Figure 1: Position of President by gender 2 For convenience, reference is made to a period by mentioning only the start year.
  31. 31. 31 ii. Vice President: As is the case with the office of the president, the position of vice president has been held by four men since return to civilian rule. No woman has held the position of vice president (see Figure 2). Figure 2: Position of Vice President by gender iii. Senator: Since 1999, the Senate has been largely dominated by members who are men. Only 3 out of the 109 members in the Senate in 1999 were women, representing less than 3% of the members of the Senate. Currently, the number of women in the Senate is more than double what it was in 1999, at 7 members. However, this is a decrease from 9 women members in the 2007 to 2011 period (see Figure 3). Figure 3: Distribution of members of the Senate (1999-2015)
  32. 32. 32 iv. Members of the House of Representatives: Similar to the pattern observed in the Senate, the number of female members of the House of Representatives stood at 12 out of 360 in 1999, representing 3.3% of the total members. The number of women rose to 26 in 2007 however, but currently stands at 14 out of 360, which is only about 4% (see Figure 4). Figure 4: Distribution of members of the House of Representatives (1999-2015) Appointed Positions v. Secretary to the Government of the Federation: Since 1999, the position of the secretary to the government of the federation has been held by men. No woman has held this position since the return to civilian rule (see Figure 5). Figure 5: Occupants of the position of Secretary to the Government by gender
  33. 33. 33 vi. Ministers/Ministers of State: In 1999, only 2 women held the position of minister/minister of state, out of a total of 43. The number of women however rose gradually over the years. In 2007, 10 out of 57 (or 17.5%) ministers/ministers of state were women, and the figure reached 11 out of 46 (or 23.9%) in 2011. Currently, the number of women ministers stands at 6 out of 37 (or 16.2%).   Figure 6: Distribution of Ministers and Ministers of State, by gender vii. Ambassadors and High Commissioners: 5 (or 8.5%) of the 59 ambassadors and high commissioners in 1999 were women. The number of women rose to 9 out of 86 (or 10.5%) in 2007 and 11 out of 90 (or 12.2%) in 2011. No appointments have been made since a new administration commenced in 2015. Figure 7: Distribution of ambassadorial positions (1999-2015)
  34. 34. 34 viii. Permanent secretaries: In 2011, 9 out of 38 (or 23.7%) federal permanent secretary positions were held by women. Currently, 11 out of 36 positions (30.6%) are held by women.   Figure 8: Gender distribution of federal Permanent Secretaries (2011 and 2015) ix. Chief of Staff to the President: Since 1999, no woman has held the position of chief of staff to the president. Between 2007 and 2011, two men held the position of chief of staff to the president. Similarly, between 2011 and 2015, two men held this position. Figure 9: Position of Chief of Staff to the President (1999-2015)
  35. 35. 35 x. Chief Justice of the Federation: Since 1999, only one woman has held the position of chief justice of the federation, during the 2011-2015 era. However, during the period 2003 to 2007, two men held the post of chief justice of the federation, and this was also the case between 2007 and 2011. Figure 10: Gender distribution of Chief Justices of the Federation b. State level Elected Positions i. Governor: Since 1999, all elected state governors have been men. The only exception was in Anambra State during the 2007-2011 era when the female deputy governor was briefly installed as governor of the state but later reverted to the position of deputy governor. While some states have had more than one person as governor during the same administration, no woman has ever been elected governor since the return to civilian rule in 1999 (see Figures 11a-c). Figure 11a: Occupants of the position of State Governor, 1999 Note: figures include replacements due to impeachments, resignations, death etc.
  36. 36. 36 Figure 11b: Occupants of the position of State Governor, 2007 Figure 11c: Occupants of the position of State Governor, 2015 Note: figures include replacements due to impeachments, resignations, death etc. Note: figures include replacements due to impeachments, resignations, death etc.
  37. 37. 37 3 Administration tenure overlap occurs due to the fact that some state government administrations do not coincide exactly with the four-year cycle, as a result of nullified and re-scheduled elections. Note: figures include replacements due to impeachments, resignations, death etc It is useful to mention that since 1999, a number of states have had more than one person occupy the position of deputy governor and, as such, the number of deputy governors (as indicated in Figure 12) exceeds the number of states (36). Furthermore, due to administration tenure overlaps, the number of individuals indicated in Fig. 12 during any particular era does not necessarily equal the number of states3 . iii. State Houses of Assembly: A total of 990 members of State Houses of Assembly were recorded between 1999 and 2003, out of which 29 (or 2.9%) were women (see Figure 13). On average, each state had 28 members with an average of 1 woman in each House of Assembly. Nineteen states did not have any women members in their state legislature. Enugu and Niger States had the highest numbers of women members, at 4 each. Between 2003 and 2007, 48 (or 4.85%) of the 990 members of the state legislative houses were women. Anambra and Enugu States recorded the highest number of women legislators, with 5 each. The number of states without women legislators declined to 13 compared to 1999. In 2015, 51 (or 5.42%) of the 941 members of the state legislative houses were women. The number of states without women legislators stood at 16. Bayelsa State had the highest number of women legislators of any state (6), as well as the highest share of women legislators (25%). ii. Deputy Governor: In 1999, there was only 1 woman deputy governor, in Lagos State. In 2003, this number increased to 3, in different states: Anambra, Ekiti and Ogun states. The number of women deputy governors rose to 4 in the 2007 dispensation: Anambra, Imo, Ogun and Lagos States. Currently, there are 5 states with women deputy governors in Nigeria: Enugu, Lagos, Ogun, Osun and Rivers. Since 1999, Lagos State has recorded the highest number of women deputy governors, a total of 4 different women.   Figure 12: Number of individuals who serve(d) as Deputy Governors
  38. 38. 38 Figure 13: Members of State Houses of Assembly Appointed Positions iv. Secretary to the State Government: In 1999, 3 states had women as secretaries to the state government (Akwa-Ibom, Ekiti and Imo). This number remained the same in 2007 although Imo State was replaced by Taraba State. In 2007, Lagos and Plateau States were the only states with women secretaries to the state government. In the current dispensation, only 2 states now have women secretaries to the state government: Cross River and Ekiti (see Figure 14). Since 1999, 3 states have had at least 2 women occupy this position: Akwa- Ibom, Ekiti and Lagos States. Figure 14: Position of Secretary to the State Government by gender, 2015
  39. 39. 39 v. Commissioners4 : In 1999, a total of 633 individuals held positions as commissioners in the 36 states of the federation. Out of this number, 68 (or about 11%) were women5 Taraba and Ebonyi States had the highest number of commissioners, at 46 and 44 respectively, with 1 woman in Taraba and 2 women in Ebonyi occupying the position. 4 Records were not available for 7 states: Bauchi, Imo, Kebbi, Niger, Plateau, Yobe and Zamfara 5 Excluding Federal Capital Territory (FCT). See Appendix table 2.
  40. 40. 40 Plateau State had the highest number of women commissioners of any state: out of 21 commissioners, 6 (or 28.5%) were women. A total of 4 states did not have any women commissioners. On average, about 12% of commissioners in a state were likely to be women. In 2015, a total of 544 individuals hold the position of commissioners in the 36 states of the federation. Out of this number, 82 (or about 15%) are women. Lagos and Delta States have the highest number of commissioners, at 37 and 30 respectively, with 5 women in Lagos and 7 women in Delta occupying the position. Delta State also has the highest number of women commissioners of any state. All 36 states have at least one woman as a commissioner. By share of total number of commissioners, Ogun State ranks highest with 6 women (or 20%) among the 30 commissioners (see Figure 15). On average, about 15% of commissioners in a state were likely to be women. vi. Permanent Secretaries: In 2003, a total of 901 persons held the position of permanent secretary across the states, out of which 145 (or 16.1%) were women. Twenty-seven states had at least 1 woman occupying the position of permanent secretary. Ebonyi State had the largest number of permanent secretaries (65), all of which were men.
  41. 41. 41 Figure 16: Women Permanent Secretaries in States of the Federation
  42. 42. 42 Lagos State had the highest ratio of men to women occupying this position, with nearly half (48.9%) of occupants being women. In 2015, out of 996 permanent secretaries at the state level across the country, 195 (about 20%) were women. Only 4 states do not have at least 1 woman as permanent secretary. Ondo State has the highest number of permanent secretaries (53), of which 28% are women. Cross River State has the highest share of women permanent secretaries (50%) among the states (see Figure 16). On average, less than 20% of permanent secretaries in the states are likely to be women. vii. Chief of Staff to the Governor: In 1999, only Yobe State had a woman occupying the position of chief of staff to the governor. In 2003, Enugu was the only state in this position. In 2007, Enugu and Anambra had women occupying this position, but only Enugu had a woman in this position till 2011. In 2015, Ekiti and Kaduna States are the only states with women occupying the position of chief of staff to the governor (Figure 17). Figure 17: Gender distribution of Chiefs of Staff to the Governor, 2015 viii. Chief Judge of the State: Between 1999 and 2003, 41 persons held office as chief judges in the states, out of which 7 (or 17.1%) were women6 . Between 2003 and 2007, this number declined to 4 states, while between 2007 and 2011, it doubled to 8 states. Between 2011 and 2015, 10 states had women chief justices but this has dropped to 8 in 2015 (see Figure 18). 6 Excluding the Federal Capital Territory; see Appendix Table 2.
  43. 43. 43 Figure 18: Gender distribution of states’ Chief Judges, 2015 c. Local Government level 7 Elected Positions i. Chairman: Between 1999 and 2003, a total of 972 people held positions as chairman/ person of local governments across the nation’s 774 local governments. Out of this total, 28 women (or 2.9%) held office as local government chairpersons. Abia and Enugu States had the highest number of women in this position, with 6 and 5 women respectively. Twenty- one states had no woman in this position in any of their local governments. In the current 2015 dispensation, there are 35 women (or 5.6%) among the 627 individuals in this position, indicating an increase compared to 1999. Cross River State (5 women) and Lagos State (4 women) have the highest number of women in this position, while 15 states have no woman in this position (see Figure 19). 7 Data for Imo and Sokoto States are not included in 1999 while Adamawa, Imo, Oyo and Sokoto are not included in 2015.
  44. 44. 44 Figure 19: Women as local government chairpersons
  45. 45. 45 ii. Vice-chairman: Between 1999 and 2003, 781 individuals held the position of vice- chairman of local governments across the country. Nineteen (or 2.4%) were women. In Lagos, 3 women held this position, which was the most for any state. Twenty-three states did not have any woman holding such a position in any of their local governments. In 2015, 77 (or 16.9%) of the 455 individuals occupying the position of vice-chairman were women, a considerable increase compared to 1999. Twelve states did not have any woman in this position, which is about half the number in 1999. In the 2015-2019 dispensation, Cross River State has the highest number of women occupying this position, at 15 women (see Figure 20). Figure 20: Women as local government vice-chairpersons
  46. 46. 46 Appointed Position iii. Secretary: In the 1999-2003 dispensation, 824 people held position as secretaries to the local government, of which 22 (or 2.7%) were women. In 25 states there was no woman in this position during this period. Enugu State had 6 women in this position, while Ebonyi and Lagos States had 4 each. In the 2015-2019 dispensation, 43 (8.2%) of the 523 people in this position are women. Ebonyi State has 13 women occupying this position, the highest of any state. Fifteen states do not have any woman in this position in the current democratic dispensation, a significant decrease from 1999 (see Figure 21). Figure 21: Women in the position of Secretary to the Local Government
  47. 47. 47 Conclusion The findings of this report indicate that considerable progress has been made regarding the election and appointment of women to key political positions at the different levels of government in Nigeria, when comparing the current profile of women’s representation with the situation in 1999. More women occupy positions within the local government system compared to previous years while an increasing number of states have women who are in the top leadership positions of the local government system. At the state level, the number of women deputy governors has doubled compared to 1999. More women are also seen in positions of commissioners and permanent secretaries at the state level. The number of state legislatures without women dropped from one-half to about one-third of all the states in the country. Women have also retained a relatively constant share of judicial leadership in the states. At the federal level, more women have occupied the positions of ambassadors / high commissioners, as well as permanent secretaries. Inspiteofthisprogresssince1999,therestillappearstobestrongdominanceofkeygovernance positions by men. For example, at the federal level, no women have occupied the position of president, vice-president or secretary to the government. The ratio of women ministers also appeared to have dropped in the current dispensation. Only one women has ever been appointed as chief justice and no woman has ever been elected as governor. Furthermore, data suggests that even when an official is being replaced due to resignation, impeachment or death, there is often a high chance that the replacement will not be a woman. As a result, even during one dispensation, it is not uncommon to observe multiple individuals holding the same position but usually not a woman. Although this report does not reflect on or consider the cause(s) for the prevailing challenges facing the advancement of women’s election and appointments, possible reasons include social, economic, political, familial, religious and choice factors.
  48. 48. Academ ic Paper 48
  49. 49. 49
  50. 50. 50 Academic Paper Camilla Quental, PhD Audencia Business School, France Gender Equality and Sustainable Economic Growth: The Case of Women in Public Leadership Positions in Nigeria Executive Summary Research in various countries shows that greater gender diversity and equality has a positive impact on business. For instance, companies with a higher representation of women at the most senior levels deliver stronger organisational and financial performance, as well as better corporate governance than those run only or mostly by men. At the same time, governments are realising that gender equality plays a significant part in both economic growth and sustainable development. However, as many as 860 million women do not partake in the global economy , indicating that the challenge remains. Many countries still fail to engage half of their resources in the formal workforce. Moreover, even when women are engaged in the workforce, few make it to the top. The gendering of climate change should also be addressed. Indeed, the impacts of climate change are different for women and men , and women are more likely to bear the greater burden in situations of poverty. In order to ensure climate justice, women’s participation in decision-making processes is required. In this paper, we expose the results of a study conducted by the Winihin Jemide Series, in consultation with the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) of Nigeria, which set out to determine how many women are in positions of leadership in the three tiers of government (Executive, Legislative and Judiciary), and indicate how these numbers have evolved since Nigeria’s return to democracy. The study covers the years 1999 to 2015. Based on the study conducted in Nigeria, we make comparisons with other countries and discuss implications for countries on the African continent and around the world. Finally, we draw some recommendations for increasing gender equality and the participation of women in decision-making, in order to promote sustainable economic growth and social justice. Introduction Sustainable economic growth can only be achieved through long-term investments in economic, human and environmental capital. Currently, half of the world’s human capital
  51. 51. 51 is undervalued and underutilised – the female human capital. As a group, women have been marginalised, as well as their potential contributions to economic advances, social progress and environmental protection. We argue that better use of the world’s female population could increase economic growth, reduce poverty, enhance societal well-being, and help ensure sustainable development in all countries. Closing the gender gap depends on enlightened government policies which take gender dimensions into account (OECD, 2008). In the present paper, we will first review the literature on gender equality and global growth, focusing on the economic aspects. We will then discuss the issue of gender and sustainability, calling attention to the fact that the impacts of climate change are different for women and men, with women being more likely to bear the greater burden in situations of poverty (the Mary Robinson Foundation, 2015). Moreover, gender equality has been shown to be a prerequisite for sustainable development, given that women live more sustainably than men, leave a smaller ecological footprint and cause less climate change (Johnsson-Latham, 2007). Furthermore, we expose, in this paper, the results of a study conducted by the Winihin Jemide Series, in consultation with the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) of Nigeria, which set out to determine how many women are in positions of leadership in the three tiers of government (Executive, Legislative and Judiciary), and indicate how these numbers have evolved since Nigeria’s return to democracy. The study covers the years 1999 to 2015. Based on the study conducted in Nigeria, we discuss implications for some countries on the African continent and around the world. We also make some recommendations to increase gender equality and the participation of women in decision-making, in order to promote sustainable economic growth and social justice.   Gender Equality and Economic Growth Research shows that gender equality strengthens long-term economic development. This assertion is based on many pieces of analysis, including an analysis of the relationship between birth rates and attitudes toward gender equality in a range of countries (OECD, 2005). The study conducted by the OECD concluded that trends in gender equality should be incorporated more firmly into economic models for long-term growth. Such models would then show two things. First, that the gap in performance between OECD economies has a compelling gender-related dimension. And second, that without a change in attitudes, the growth prospects of many OECD countries will remain severely compromised (OECD, 2005). More recently, a large study on gender parity conducted by the McKinsey Global Institute (2015) showed that gender inequality is not only a pressing moral and social issue but also a critical economic challenge. In this study it is stated that if women – who account for half the world’s population – do not achieve their full economic potential, the global economy will
  52. 52. 52 suffer. Indeed, they argue that narrowing the global gender gap in work would not only be equitable in the broadest sense but could double the contribution of women to global GDP growth between 2014 and 2025. The authors of this important study by McKinsey Global Institute consider a “full-potential” scenario in which women participate in the economy identically to men, and find that it would add up to $28 trillion, or 26%, to annual global GDP in 2025 compared with a business- as-usual scenario. This impact is roughly equivalent to the size of the combined US and Chinese economies today. They also analysed an alternative “best-in-region” scenario in which all countries match the rate of improvement of the best-performing country in their region. This would add as much as $12 trillion in annual 2025 GDP, equivalent in size to the current GDP of Japan, Germany, and the United Kingdom combined, or twice the likely growth in global GDP contributed by female workers between 2014 and 2025 in a business- as-usual scenario (McKinsey Global Institute, 2015). Gender, Climate Justice and Sustainability In 2007, a study (Report to the Environment Advisory Council, Sweden 2007) brought out often-neglected facts concerning dissimilarities in the lifestyles and consumption patterns of women and men, and thus in th eir environmental impact, by describing how men, primarily through their greater mobility and more extensive travel, accounted for more carbon dioxide (COB2B) emissions than women, in both rich and poor countries. The study pointed to how changed behaviour among men – notably rich men who are decision-makers – can be crucial in addressing climate change and in enhancing the opportunities of all human beings to enjoy sustainable development (Johnsson-Latham, 2007). The study also looked at how women live less sustainable lives in terms of their own health and welfare, due to a lack of rights, to stress and to time poverty. Indeed, while women are producers/providers of care services, men by consuming such services are in a position to live more sustainably as individuals – although men as a group take more risks and are more inclined to use violence, not only to their own detriment and the detriment of others but also to the detriment of the environment and the climate (Johnsson-Latham, 2007). Morerecently,areportbytheMaryRobinsonFoundation(2015),callsattentiontothefactthat climate change exacerbates existing social inequalities, leaving women disproportionately vulnerable to climate impacts. Indeed, women constitute 50% of the world’s population and the majority of the world’s poor. Over 60% of the people living on less than one US dollar a day in Sub-Saharan Africa are women, and poverty increases vulnerability to the impacts of climate change. Some examples of how climate change exacerbates social inequalities, leaving women in particular vulnerable, are listed below: • Women are more dependent for their livelihood on natural resources that are threatened by climate change;
  53. 53. 53 • Women are often constrained in their response to sudden onset disasters such as floods and cyclones. During natural disasters, women and children are 14 times more likely to die than men; • Women farmers are disproportionately affected by climate change because of their limited access to natural resources and limited access to information and services about climate- resilient and adaptive agricultural strategies and technologies; • Women face additional social, economic and political barriers that limit their participation and coping capacity. Acknowledging that men and women are impacted differently by climate change and enabling equal participation in the design, planning and implementation of climate policy can contribute to the development of gender-responsive climate policies which are ultimately better for people and the planet. However, the evidence base on the benefits of women’s participation in the design and implementation of gender-responsive climate policy and climate action is limited. While the importance of women’s participation at multiple levels of decision-making, and of integrating gender into climate actions is well documented, there is a dearth of documented follow-up on the impact of such participation. This is in part due to the fact that women’s participation remains limited in many aspects of life but in addition there is a need to document the impact of women’s meaningful participation on the effectiveness of climate actions (Mary Robinson Foundation, 2015). Increasing women’s participation in the design, planning and implementation of climate actions can lead to improved environmental and development outcomes for all. At a political level, women’s participation results in greater responsiveness to citizen needs, often increasing cooperation across party and ethnic lines and delivering more sustainable peace (Markham, 2013). Female parliamentarians tend to prioritise social issues such as childcare, equal pay, parental leave and pensions, physical concerns such as reproductive rights, physical safety and gender-based violence; and development matters such as poverty alleviation and service delivery (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2008). In fact countries with higher female parliamentary representation are more likely to ratify international environmental treaties (UNDP, 2011). The Case of Women in Public Leadership Positions in Nigeria Social Norms and How they Affect Gender Equality in Nigeria The 1999 Constitution of Nigeria prohibits discrimination on the grounds of gender, but customary and religious laws continue to restrict women’s rights. As Nigeria is a federal republic, each state has the authority to draft its own legislation. The combination of federation and a tripartite system of civil, customary and religious law makes it very difficult to harmonise legislation and remove discriminatory measures. Moreover, certain states in the north follow Islamic law, which is unfavourable to women. The government has established
  54. 54. 54 a National Committee on the Reform of Discriminatory Laws against Women, which has drafted a decree for the abolition of all forms of discrimination against women (OECD, 2010). Nigerian women have very limited ownership rights. Civil law entitles women to have access to land, but certain customary laws stipulate that only men have the right to own land. In practice, women can obtain access to land solely through marriage or family. Under civil and Islamic law, married women have the right to have access to property other than land. By contrast, customary law denies them any entitlement to household property or to assets acquired by their husbands. In daily life in Nigeria, men generally make all decisions regarding property. Women’s access to bank loans is restricted by their limited financial resources and the difficulties in obtaining the necessary guarantees. National programmes and other microcredit schemes have been established to assist women, but access is still low. Statistics show that less than one-third of loans in Nigeria are awarded to women (OECD, 2010).   Women in Public Service Leadership in Nigeria As in many African countries, in Nigeria currently, conservative socio-cultural norms, political exclusion and economic disadvantages have determined the strength of women’s voices in public life. The 2006 Nigerian population census figures indicate that women constituted 49% of the total population. Nevertheless, there remains a significant gender gap between men and women, especially in political representation, economic management and leadership. Although reasonable progress has been made over time, political equality is still a far cry[ in Nigeria. Men have control over assets and have relatively better education, hence they have a dominant position in terms of political power. Men councillors, for instance, may not necessarily be highly educated but such positions are not given to women who have the same educational level as them. The lack of awareness leads to situations where women often become dependent on male-dominated political positions or political parties. Men’s participation in leadership will focus more on issues of men’s interest than on women’s concerns. In some cases, women are elected into a leadership position in an arm of government without actually participating in actual leadership. In Nigeria, a lot of women lack effective power or influence, especially in the federal government structure. Many of them do not have the necessary skills to present ideas effectively. Lack of awareness of political participation means inadequate contribution to public affairs and women’s empowerment. When women are given the opportunity of participation in leadership, they will recognise these problems and address them to accommodate full participation of women in leadership at all levels of the arms of government. To adequately address these observed gender disparities observed in the public sector leadership in Nigeria, it is necessary to take stock of the current situation. How many females are in positions of leadership in the three tiers of government in Nigeria? How many have been elected or appointed into public office in the period since our return to democracy?
  55. 55. 55 To adequately address these questions, the Winihin Jemide Series in consultation with the NationalBureauofStatistics(NBS)setouttocollectthisinformationatalllevelsofgovernment, from 1999 to the current (2015) dispensation. The information to be collected covered the 3 arms of government: Executive, Legislative and Judiciary. The result of this exercise provides useful information for the furtherance of the women’s equality agenda in Nigeria. Main Findings According to Professor Nic Cheeseman from the African Studies Centre at the University of Oxford, overall, it is clear that the data collectors made a serious effort to collect robust and reliable data. He concluded that the data is suitable for use in academic and policy research. The findings of this report provide some encouragement. They indicate that considerable progress has been made regarding the election and appointment of women to key political positions at the different levels of government in Nigeria, when comparing the current profile of women’s representation with the situation in 1999. Indeed, among other statistics, women now represent an average of 15% of state commissioners and almost 20% of permanent secretariesatthestatelevel;bothrepresentsignificantgainsonearlieryears.Ahighernumber of women occupy positions within the local government system compared to previous years even as an increasing number of states have women who are in the top leadership positions of the local government system. At the state level, the number of women deputy governors has doubled compared to 1999. More women are also seen in commissioner and permanent secretary positions at the state level. The number of state legislatures without women dropped from one-half to about one-third of all the states in the country. Women have also retained a relatively constant share of judicial leadership in the states. At the federal level, more women have occupied the positions of ambassadors / high commissioners, as well as permanent secretaries. Despite the progress that has been made since 1999, key governance positions remain overwhelmingly dominated by men, particularly at the national and state level. There is also a worrisome suggestion that some ground may have been lost since 2014, notably in the Senate and House of Representatives at the national level, and the State Houses of Assembly. Indeed, there still appears to be strong dominance of key governance positions by men. For instance, at the federal level, no women have occupied the positions of president, vice-president or secretary to the government. The ratio of women ministers also appears to have dropped in the current dispensation. Only one woman has ever been appointed as chief justice and no woman has ever been elected as governor. Furthermore, data suggests that even when an official is being replaced due to resignation, impeachment or death, there is often a higher chance that the replacement will not be a woman. As a result, even during one dispensation, it is not uncommon to observe multiple individuals holding the same position but usually not a woman.
  56. 56. 56 Implications of the Study for Countries in the African Continent and Around the World The Case of Post-Genocide Rwanda The first important point to note as a pertinent implication of the study made in Nigeria is the fact that increasing the number of women in the public sphere may not increase women’s ability to influence policy making, at least not in the short term. The exact opposite effect has taken place in Rwanda, for instance. In this country, only nine years after a genocide in which at least 500,000 Rwandans lost their lives, Rwandans went to the polls to elect a national Parliament. In September 2003, the population elected 39 women to the 80-member Chamber of Deputies through a tiered electoral system. Rwanda replaced Sweden as the country with the highest percentage of females in its national legislature (Bauer Evelyn Britton, 2006). Many observers, including journalists, the Rwandan President, the Minister of Gender and Women in Development, representatives of international NGOs and the United Nations, heralded the representation of women in the Rwandan Parliament as the dawn of a new, more ‘peaceful’, and ‘equitable’ age in Rwandan politics. Indeed, in the past 15 years, women’s participation in governance across the continent has increased dramatically. Several countries, including Rwanda, Uganda, Namibia, and South Africa,haveinstitutedreservedseatsforwomenorquotasystemstoensuretherepresentation of women. A growing literature on women in governance has begun to assess the impact of women’s increased representation (Bauer Evelyn Britton, 2006). Discussions about female political participation in post-genocide Rwanda tended to assume that increased participation by women would lead to greater gender equality and a ‘better’, more peaceful society. However, these changes have not necessarily increased the political power of women or led to more egalitarian notions of citizenship. The second phenomenon explored in Burnet’s study (2008) is the ways in which the Rwandan state has become increasingly authoritarian under the guise of ‘democratisation’. As a result of this increasing authoritarianism, female political participation represented a paradox in the short-term: as their participation has increased, women’s ability to influence policy making has decreased. In the long term, however, the increased participation of women could prepare the path for their meaningful participation in a genuine democracy because of a transformation in political subjectivity (Burnet, 2008). This case of an authoritarian, single-party state pushing for greater gender equality highlights a few key points relevant to political theory and democratisation studies as well as the increasingly female political representation across Africa. First of all, even in an authoritarian state, policy can be influenced by interest groups (such as women) who have access to decision makers and who have the political savvy to operate the hidden levers of power. Second, the emphasis on elections in lieu of other aspects of democratic governance may reduce
  57. 57. 57
  58. 58. 58 rather than increase the capacity of interest groups to shape policy. Third, top-down gender initiatives, even when implemented by authoritarian regimes, can lead to transformations in political identities, subjectivities, and agencies. Finally, these transformations in political subjectivity may pave the way for effective engagement in democratic governance should it emerge (Burnet, 2008). Gender Equality and Economic Growth in Brazil A second very important study is the one conducted in Brazil to investigate the long-run impact of policies aimed at fostering gender equality on economic growth in this country. The analysis of this study showed that fostering gender equality, which may partly depend on the externalities that infrastructure creates in terms of women’s time allocation and bargaining power, may have a substantial impact on long-run growth, as well as educational and health outcomes in Brazil (Agénor Canuto, 2014). The results of this study have broader implications. Indeed, the role of women in promoting growth remains a critical issue on the agenda of a number of countries. Studies have shown that in many cases there has been slow progress, if not setbacks, in reducing the barriers that women face in access to education, formal sector employment, production technology, healthcare, or the financial system. What this study suggests, beyond its specific results for Brazil, is that promoting gender equality is not only desirable from a social equity point of view – it is also good economics. At the same time, to achieve that goal policymakers should not think only in terms of microeconomic, gender-focused interventions; macroeconomic factors also do matter. In particular, improving women’s access to infrastructure may be essential to promote gender equality in the long run. This perspective should not be lost in the current debate about the need to promote public infrastructure investment in developing countries; this is not only about creating jobs in the short run, or increasing the efficiency of private inputs in production, but also about alleviating structural constraints on women’s ability to engage in market work and strengthen their contribution to economic growth (Agénor Canuto, 2014). Meanings of Gender Equality in Development: Perspectives from Norway and Ethiopia This study is also very insightful regarding the implications of the study in Nigeria for countries on the continent and around the world. It explores how differently situated actors in Norway and Ethiopia relate to global gender and development policies and interpret the concept of gender equality. The study shows that a universalising gender language influenced by both United Nations policies and the World Bank’s gender discourse have made strong imprints on how gender equality is conceptualised at policy and grassroots levels in Ethiopia and in Norwegian gender and aid policies. However, diverging meanings of gender equality also emerged in this research, showing how an apparently dominant terminology may be
  59. 59. 59 transformed by actors whose conceptualisations are contextually embedded, selective and strategic (Ostebo Haukanes, 2016). In addition, the Brazillian study shows that the rhetoric of the World Bank’s policy ‘Gender Equality as Smart Economics’ appears to have considerable influence in both countries, Norway and Ethiopia. What the authors have identified as a bending of gender equality towards economic growth is evident to some extent in Norwegian aid policies and very clear in Ethiopia’s ambitious Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP). This rhetoric also emerged in the translations of gender equality at grassroots level in Oromia, where gender equality had, to a significant extent, been shrunk to a focus on work – and where reference to economic growth and poverty reduction also surfaced as a major rationale for gender equality (Ostebo Haukanes, 2016). While the research revealed, on the one hand, that the universalising language of the Beijing Declaration and World Bank gender policies has made relatively strong imprints on how gender equality is conceptualised by many of the actors in the development aid chain, alternative meanings of gender equality that emerged through this study suggest that a one-sided focus on the power of global policies is flawed. As ideas travel, through time and geographical space, new meanings emerge, meanings that are shaped by historical, political and socio-cultural factors. These multiple and shifting meanings reflect the contested and situated nature of gender equality and gender-related policies, the presence of competing discursive processes and logics at a particular time and place and the multi-directional Delegates stand for a group photo at the WIGP 2013 Conference against the backdrop of the House of Commons.
  60. 60. 60 nature of development discourse and practice. Despite an apparent unison and strong global gender and development discourse, what emerged through this research was a rather rugged landscape where actors position themselves selectively and make their own sense of what is descending upon them (Ostebo Haukanes, 2016). Recommendations Based on the study conducted by the Winihin Jemide Series in consultation with the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) of Nigeria, and after having discussed the implications of increased gender equality for certain countries around the world, we can make some recommendations: • Increase gender parity in decision-making at all levels: Involving women in the design, planning and implementation of strategic decision-making and actions has positive benefits for men and women. While the evidence base is low, the examples presented here demonstrate the positive benefits for people and the planet when women are enabled to participate more intensely. • Understand the context in relation to women’s ability to participate: Women’s ability to meaningfully participate in decisions that affect their lives hinges on a multitude of factors: structural inequality, political marginalisation, restrictive cultural norms and informal discriminatory practices. • Shift the emphasis from women’s representation to meaningful participation in public administration: There is evidence that the barriers do not disappear once women reach the decision-making table. There is a need to avoid just counting numbers of women and ensure the meaningful participation of women in public administration. • Invest in training and capacity building to enable meaningful participation: In order to fully realise women’s participation in decision-making processes, women need to be supported with training, networks and access to resources. • Document the good work that is going on to enable women’s participation: This research found that there is limited evidence of the extent of women’s participation in public administration. In order to share lessons learned and establish good practice there is a need to document and share the impact of women’s meaningful participation on strategic decision making.   Bibliography Agénor, P.R; Canuto, O. (2014). ‘Gender equality and economic growth in Brazil: A long-run analysis’, Journal of Macroeconomics, 43, pp. 155-172 Bauer, G.; Evelyn Britton, H. (2006). ‘Women in African parliaments: a continental shift?’ in Hannah Evelyn Britton and Gretchen Bauer (eds), Women in African Parliaments (Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder, CO, 2006) Burnet, J.E. (2008). ‘Gender balance and the meanings of women in governance in post- genocide Rwanda’, African Affairs, 107/428, pp. 361-386
  61. 61. 61 EY (2013). ‘Untapped opportunity: The role of women in unlocking Australia’s productivity potential’, Ernst Young, July 2013 Inter-Parliamentary Union (2008). ‘A survey of women in parliament’, available at http:// www.ipu.org/pdf/publications/equality08-e.pdf Johnsson-Latham, G. (2007). ‘A study on gender equality as a prerequisite for sustainable development’, Report to the Environment Advisory Council, Sweden 2007:2 Markham, S. (2013). ‘Women as agents of change: Having voice in society influencing policy’, The World Bank, Washington D.C. McKinsey Global Institute (2015). ‘The power of parity: How advancing women’s equality can add $12 trillion to global growth’, full report, September 2015. National Bureau of Statistics in collaboration with Winihin Jemide Series (2015). ‘Research ranking report on gender representation at state/local government levels in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015’, December 2015. OECD (2005): ‘Does gender equality spur growth?’ OECD Observer, n. 250, July 2005 OECD (2008). ‘Gender and sustainable development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women‘ OECD (2010). ‘Atlas of gender development: How social norms affect gender equality in non- OECD countries’ Ostebo, M.T.; Haukanes, H. (2016). ‘Shifting meanings of gender equality in development: Perspectives from Norway and Ethiopia’, Progress in Development Studies 16, 1 (2016) pp. 39–51 The Mary Robinson Foundation (2015). ‘Women’s participation: An enabler of climate justice’, November 2015 UNDP (2011). Human Development Report. ‘Sustainability and equity: A better future for all’, United Nations Development Programme. New York.
  62. 62. Ranking Results 62
  63. 63. 63
  64. 64. 64 Calculating Gender Representation in Nigeria by Dr. Nic Cheeseman and his team (Dr. Sarah Jane Cooper-Knock and Claire Elder) There are two ways to count the degree of female political representations. One is simply to look at the percentage of all government posts held by women (so: total posts held by women/ total posts x 100). This is the cleanest and simplest measure, but it is also very problematic. This is because it may be that women are all elected/appointed to the least important posts. If this is the case, a government may look like it has a high proportion of women in government positions, even though they do not have the capacity to effect change. An alternative way to calculate the influence of women in politics is to weight the positions in government according to their legitimacy and authority, and to use this weighting to develop a more nuanced picture of the proportion of political power wielded by women in a given state. In order to provide a full picture of the state of gender equality in Nigeria, we provide both figures, one using a straight proportionality calculation, and one weighting the importance of the different government positions covered in this study. The Institutional Power Index The aim of the Institutional Power Index is to show the potential power that office holders can wield in particular positions. We refer to institutional potential in this context because we know from political science studies that the actual power wielded by any office holder is dependent upon more than simply the institutional parameters of their role (Arriola and Johnson 2014; Nkwankwor 2014). Nonetheless, we believe that securing women’s access to powerful institutional positions remains an important part of the broader agenda of gender equality. With this in mind, we have weighted the relative importance of each institution explored in our study for the potential power it offers. At the local government level, we have deployed a simple ranking, as the roles delineated are fairly easily drawn into relationship with one another. It is clear, for example, that the role of chairman is considerably more significant than that of vice chairman and that this is considerably more significant than that of secretary. At the state level, we have disaggregated the potential in each role to explore the multiple facets of institutional power in play. The key factors we consider are the autonomy, legitimacy, budgetary influence, oversight capacity, and security of tenure of the position. Our weighting measures can be found in the tables below. Note that in all cases the total weighting adds up to 100%.
  65. 65. 65 Governor Deputy Governor Sec to State Governor Commissioner Permanent Secretary Chief of Staff to the Governor Chief Justice of the State State of House Assembly Members Total Legitimacy (Election vs. Appointment) 20 20 0 0 5* 0 5* 20 Policy Autonomy: (Initiation vs. Implementation) 15 5 0 10 0 0 0 10 Budgetary Control 15 5 0 5 0 0 0 10 Oversight 20 5 15 10 10 15 10 5 Security of Tenure 20 20 10 5 5 5 20 20 Total score 90 50 25 30 20 20 35 35 305 Weighting 28 15 8 9 6 6 11 17 100 * Appointment with element of qualification.   Chairman Vice Chairman Secretary to the Local Government Total Score 20 10 5 35 Weighting 57 29 14 100 Local government weighting State government weighting
  66. 66. 66 Ranking by State Lagos 1st Osun 13th Ekiti 9th Ogun 5th Oyo 10th Kwara 9th Niger 5th Kogi 14th Benue 9th Enugu 3rd Anambra 3rd Ebonyi 15th Abia 8th Cross River 2nd Imo 4th Delta 7th Edo 6th Bayelsa 6th Rivers 5th Akwa Ibom 10th Nasarawa 12th Abuja Kaduna 11th Zamfara 15th Sokoto 15th Kebbi 14th Katsina 15th Kano 17th Jigawa 15th Yob 14th Bauchi 16th Plateau 6th Gombe 13th Taraba 16th Ondo 7th Analysis and Ranking provided by Professor Nic Cheeseman, Assistant Professor of African Politics, Hugh Price Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford University, Co-editor of African Affairs
  67. 67. 67 be h Borno 14th Adamawa 7th Based on the Percentage of Appointment Index Average 2003 to 2015 (includes women in elected offices) The Winihin Jemide Series would like to congratulate the top 5 States: Lagos State - 1st Cross River State - 2nd Anambra State Enugu State - Joint 3rd Imo State - 4th Niger State, Rivers State Ogun State - Joint 5th States Percentage Appointment Index 2003-2015, Whole Period % Rank Lagos 24 1 Cross River 19 2 Anambra 18 3 Enugu 18 3 Imo 17 4 Niger 16 5 Rivers 16 5 Ogun 16 5 Plateau 15 6 Edo 15 6 Bayelsa 15 6 Delta 14 7 Adamawa 14 7 Ondo 14 7 Abia 13 8 Kwara 12 9 Ekiti 12 9 Benue 12 9 Oyo 11 10 Akwa-Ibom 11 10 Kaduna 10 11 Nasarawa 9 12 Osun 7 13 Gombe 7 13 Yobe 6 14 Kogi 6 14 Kebbi 6 14 Borno 6 14 Ebonyi 5 15 Jigawa 5 15 Katsina 5 15 Sokoto 5 15 Zamfara 5 15 Taraba 4 16 Bauchi 4 16 Kano 3 17
  68. 68. 68 GDP and Gender Representation in Nigeria Lagos $91,000 Osun $7,280 Ekiti $2,848 Ogun $10,47 Oyo $16,121 Kwara $3,841 Niger $6,002 Kogi $4,642 Benue $6,864 Enugu $4,396 Anambra $6,764 Ebonyi $2,732Abia $8,687 Cross River $9,292 Imo $14,212 Delta $16,749 Edo $11,888 Bayelsa $4,337 Rivers $21,073 Akwa Ibom $11,179 Nasarawa $3,022 Abuja Kaduna $10,334 Zamfara $4,123 Sokoto $4,818 Kebbi $3,290 Katsina $6,022 Kano $12,393 Jigawa $2,988 Yobe $2,011 Bauchi $4,713 Plateau $5,154 Gombe $2,501 Adam $4, Taraba $3,397 Ondo $8,414 /15 /26 /6 /- /31 /27 /24 /32 /22/30 /19 /29 /28 /17 /21/15 /5 /12 /2 /1 /14 /20 /16 /-/13 /35 /7 /4 /3 /8 /33 /11 /9 /10 / $ PPP GDP (2010; in millions of USD) Institutional Power Index Rank 2007-11 Analysis and Ranking provided by Professor Nic Cheeseman, Assistant Professor of African Politics, Hugh Price Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford University, Co-editor of African Affairs
  69. 69. 69 Borno $5,175 mawa ,582 /23 /18 GDP Rank 2010 State Institutional Power Index Rank 2007-11 PPP GDP (2010; in millions of USD) 1 Lagos State 1 US$91,000 2 Rivers State 13 US$21,073 3 Delta State 7 US$16,749 4 Oyo State 5 US$16,121 5 Imo State 4 US$14,212 6 Kano State 27 US$12,393 7 Edo State 20 US$11,888 8 Akwa Ibom State - US$11,179 9 Ogun State 2 US$10,470 10 Kaduna State 19 US$10,334 11 Cross River State 16 US$9,292 12 Abia State 11 US$8,687 13 Ondo State 14 US$8,414 14 Osun State 15 US$7,280 15 Benue State 17 US$6,864 16 Anambra State 3 US$6,764 17 Katsina State 31 US$6,022 18 Niger State 15 US$6,002 19 Borno State 23 US$5,175 20 Plateau State 9 US$5,154 21 Sokoto State - US$4,818 22 Bauchi State 30 US$4,713 23 Kogi State 28 US$4,642 24 Adamawa State 18 US$4,582 25 Enugu State 8 US$4,396 26 Bayelsa State 35 US$4,337 27 Zamfara State 6 US$4,123 28 Kwara State 12 US$3,841 29 Taraba State 10 US$3,397 30 Kebbi State 26 US$3,290 31 Nassarawa State 29 US$3,022 32 Jigawa State 24 US$2,988 33 Ekiti State 21 US$2,848 34 Ebonyi State 33 US$2,732 35 Gombe State 22 US$2,501 36 Yobe State 32 US$2,011 GDP and Female Political Representation at the State Levels in Nigeria We have compared the GDP data at the state level in 2010, when it is last easily available, with the Institutional Power Index in the same period (2007-­ 2011), which is when we have the most complete data. Dashes (-) indicate states we do not have adequate data about to include. Results There appears to be a correlation between the two sets of figures, as demonstrated by the Table (left). For example, many states that featured in the top 10 as ranked by GDP are also in the top 10 as ranked by gender representation on the Institutional Power Index (Lagos, Delta, Oyo, Imo, and Ogun). However, it is recognised that a number of states also deviate from this pattern. Kano, for example, is 27th on the Institutional Power Index for this Period but 6th in the GDP rankings, while Edo state is 20th on the IPI but 7th when ranked according to GDP. Causation and Correlation It is important to realise that correlation does not equal causation. The fact that a state ranks highly on both indicators does not mean that one is driving the other. Both could be being driven by a third factor. And even if there is not a third factor at play it is important to think carefully about the direction of causation. For example, it is as likely that the causality runs from thelevelofeconomicdevelopmenttotherepresentation of women as the other way round. This is because states that have stronger economies are likely to a) create more opportunities for women, b) see patterns of social change driven by education and expanding incomes, c) be located in areas in which educational levels tend to be higher due to the varying penetration of missionaries, and so on. Further research is therefore required to fully understand the relationship between GDP and female political representation.GDP and Institutional Power Ranking, by State, 2010
  70. 70. Appendix 70
  71. 71. 71
  72. 72. 72 Acknowledgements The Winihin Jemide Series would like to acknowledge the contributions of the following people and organisations: • University of Oxford • Audencia Business School, France • The National Bureau of Statistics • Dr. Elsie Scott; Director, Ronald W . Walters Leadership and Public Policy Center Howard University, Washington, D .C ., USA • Professor Fiona Doyle - 1st female Dean Graduate Division and Donald H. McLaughlin Professor of Mineral Engineering Department of Materials Science and Engineering University of California, Berkeley, Member, National Academy of Engineering (United States). • Dr. Nic Cheeseman - Assistant Professor of African Politics, Hugh Price Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford University, Co-editor of African Affairs and founder of www.democracyinafrica.org. He is the former Director of the African Studies Centre at Oxford University, and his team, • Dr. Camilla Quental - Assistant Professor Management, Organization Law Department, Audencia Business School, France, • Mr. Emuesiri Ojo - Research Consultant and Technical Adviser, National Bureau of Statistics, • Ngozi Okoye PHD - National Institute for Policy and Strategic Planning (NIPSS), • The Winihin Jemide Series Team; Nsikan Udo, Director Programs; Abi Bulus Galadima, Project Coordinator, Halima Disu, Director Operations • All participants at the Women In Government and Politics Conference London (WIGP 2013), • The youngest parliamentarian, Proscovia Alengot, from Katakwi, Uganda. Who at age 19, became the youngest member of parliament in Uganda, and on the African continent. Proscovia inspired the first Women In Government and Politics Conference in London in November 2013 • Speakers and Sponsors at all of the Winihin Jemide Series’ Gender Emergence and Economic Development (GEED) conferences and events to date.
  73. 73. 73
  74. 74. 74 Dr Nic Cheeseman, Assistant Professor of African Politics, Hugh Price Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford University, Co-editor of African Affairs and founder of www.democracyinafrica.org. Nic Cheeseman is the former Director of the African Studies Centre at Oxford University. He spends much of his time explaining the implicationsofhisworktopolicymakersandisamemberoftheadvisory board of the UNICEF Chair on Communication Research (Africa) and an advisor to, and writer for, Kofi Annan’s African Progress Panel. He also writes a popular column in the Sunday Nation, the most read newspaper in Eastern Africa, and is the joint editor of African Affairs, the number one journal in African Studies and all of Area Studies according to the Journal Citations Reports prepared by Thomson Reuters. Dr Sarah Jane Cooper-Knock, Lecturer in International Development, Edinburgh University, co-editor ofwww.democracyinafrica.org. Sarah-Jane completed her DPhil in International Development at the University of Oxford. She also holds an MPhil in International Development from the University of Oxford, and a BA (hons) in History and Politics from Nottingham University. She has been awarded an ESRC studentship (2007-2011), and a Senior Hulme Scholarship (2013-2014). Profiles of Contributors
  75. 75. 75 Camilla Quental, PhD, of Brazilian and Italian nationalities, is a professor and researcher in Management, Human Resources and CSR at Audencia Business School, France Camillas research involves gender and diversity in organizations, gender equality and Brazilian cultural aspects in organizations. She received a master’s degree from Sciences Po Paris and a Ph.D. in Management from HEC Paris, having done her doctoral thesis on the topic of women’s careers in professional services firms. She is a member of the UN PRME Working Group on Gender Equality and a coordinator of the Management Discipline for the global repository. Claire Elder, PhD candidate, Department of Politics and International Relations, Oxford University. Claire has great experience of working on policy issues and African politics, having been the International Crisis Group’s Horn of Africa Consulting Advisor.

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