Sobre los Defensores de DH en Guerrero y la construcción de la indentidad

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Sobre los Defensores de DH en Guerrero y la construcción de la indentidad

  1. 1. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

Regis
University
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management
672
Social
justice,
community
organizing
and
activism
Marcos
Villa
 April
30,
2009
 FINAL
PAPER
 THE
HUMAN
RIGHTS
WATCHERS
IN
GUERRERO,
MEXICO:
 THE
CONSTRUCTION
OF
IDENTITY

 
Abstract.

Human
 Rights
 has
 been
 an
 important
 issue
 especially
 in
 the
 last
 years,
 since
December
10th,
1948
when
the
general
Assembly
of
the
United
Nations
adopted
and
proclaimed
 the
 Universal
 Declaration
 of
 Human
 Rights.
 Countries
 have
 agreed
 to
promote
them
as
a
consequence
of
the
existence
of
democracy
and
as
the
symbols
that
 express
 that
 the
 governments
 are
 working
 for
 building
 the
 infrastructure
 for
making
life
of
their
countrymen
possible
and
full
of
opportunities.

There
 are
 many
 documents
 signed
 by
 different
 countries
 that
 commit
 to
 those
nations
to
oversee
those
rights;
even
thou,
some
of
these
countries
develop
internal
politics
that
question
or
eliminate
the
guarantees
of
those
rights.

In
this
paper
we
try
to
reflect
Mexico’s
situation
in
Human
rights
through
the
lens
of
the
last
experiences
that
some
of
the
civil
society
organizations
from
Guerrero
State
have
 lived
 in
 order
 to
 share
 the
 experience
 and
 learnings
 to
 other
 states
 or

countries.
 We
 will
 reflect
 in
 possible
 actions
 that
 might
 help
 to
 strengthen
 the
identity
 of
 Human
 Rights
 groups
 and
 try
 to
 remove
 the
 social
 image
 governments
are
trying
to
impose
on
these
groups.

Dark
reality
in
Mexico

Raúl
Lucas
Lucía,
president
of
Organization
for
the
Future
of
the
Indigenous
Mixtecos
Indigenous,
 OFPM1
 escaped
 four
 times
 from
 death
 during
 ten
 years.
 In
 1999,
 after
























































1
OFPM
for
the
Spanish
name:
Organización
para
el
Futuro
de
los
Pueblos
Indígenas
Mixtecos

REGIS
UNIVERSITY
 
 MARCOS
VILLA

  2. 2. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

the
 slaughter
 of
 “el
 Charco”,
 he
 was
 tortured
 and
 threatened
 by
 members
 of
 the
Mexican
Army.
Two
years
later,
in
September
2001,
he
was
again
tortured
with
his
brothers
 and
 brother
 in
 law.
 He
 was
 also
 threatened
 in
 October
 2006
 after
 the
Zapatista
 Army
 of
 National
 Liberation
 EZLN2
 marched
 in
 peace
 through
 his
community.
 In
 2007,
 the
 15th
 of
 February
 somebody
 tried
 to
 kill
 him
 and
 he
 was
wounded
with
a
bullet
in
his
neck
in
a
prepared
ambush.
(Hernández,
2009)
Finally,
the
past
13th
February,
a
couple
of
months
ago
he
and
Manuel
Ponce,
the
secretary
of
the
same
OIPM
organization
were
“levantados”3
in
an
public
event
in
the
city
of
Ayutla.
 Around
 1:30
 pm
 three
 men
 with
 heavy
 weapons
 got
 in
 the
 building
screaming:
“police!”
They
hit
Manuel
and
Raúl,
took
them
out
and
put
them
into
a
black
Liberty
that
was
waiting
for
them
outside.
Half
 an
 hour
 later
 his
 wife,
 Guadalupe
 Castro
 Morales
 got
 a
 warning
 call:
 “Stop
fucking.
 Be
 quiet
 or
 we
 will
 kill
 your
 husband.
 This
 is
 a
 consequence
 for
 defending
Indians”.


The
20th
of
February
they
both
appeared
dead
with
torture
marks
(González,
2009)
and
with
a
shot
in
their
heads
half
buried
in
a
near
mountain.
It
was
well
known
that
Raúl
 Lucas
 had
 documented
 4
 cases
 of
 violations
 of
 Human
 Rights
 during
 2008
against
the
Mexican
Army
and
two
police
corporations
of
“Ayutla
of
the
freemen”.
The
 16th
 of
 February,
 before
 they
 appeared
 dead,
 International
 Amnesty
 made
 a
public
 statement
 ‐AI:
 AMR
 41/007/2009‐
 asking
 the
 Army,
 State
 and
 Federal
authorities
 to
 investigate
 the
 situation
and
 doing
 everything
 for
 bringing
 the
possible
authorities
in
to
justice;
nothing
was
done
(AI,
2009).
On
the
other
side,
the
 National
 Commission
 of
 Human
Rights
 hadn’t
 made
 any
 declaration
before
 different
 international
 
 Guerrero
State
in
Mexico
organization
 like
 Human
 Rights
 Watch,
 Among
the
three
poorest
states
of
the
 country
























































2 
EZLN
for
the
spanish
name:
Ejército
Zapatista
de
Liberación
nacional
3
Spanish
name
used
for
the
people
that
is
kidnapped
without
reclaiming
a
reward
for
the
victim’s
life.

REGIS
UNIVERSITY
 
 MARCOS
VILLA

  3. 3. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

Latin
 America
 Working
 Group,
 Washington
 Office
 on
 Latin
 America
 and
 Front
 Line
confirming
 the
 lack
 of
 justice
 in
 the
 country
 on
 Human
 Rights
 issues
 (Saavedra,
2009).

As
a
consequence
of
these
cases
the
High
Commission
of
the
United
Nations
Alberto
Brunori
came
to
the
state
of
Guerrero
and
visited
Guadalupe
Castro
Morales
and
Margarita
Martín
de
las
Nieves,
widows
of
Raúl
Lucas
y
Manuel
Ponce.
He
expressed
 
 CDHM
Tlachinollan
that
for
the
High
Commission
 Alberto
Brunori
(black
cloth)
listened
to
Guadalupe
 Castro
Morales
and
Margarita
Martín

widows
of
Raúl
the
extra
official
execution
of
 Lucas
and
Manuel
Ponce

Raúl
and
Manuel
were
one
of
 
the
worst
cases
that
are
documented
at
the
United
Nations.
He
also
noticed
the
risk
conditions
that
existed
for
them
and
he
expressed
his
concern
about
it

Some
light
brought
more
cases
up
The
17th
April
of
2008
another
organization
that
is
well
connected
to
the
OFPM,
the
Independent
Organization
of
Mixtecos
Natives
OPIM4,
were
also
persecuted
and
five
of
its
members
were
pointed
out
as
murderers
of
an
informant
of
the
Mexican
army.
Amnesty
International
declared
all
of
them
conscience
prisoners:


 “They
are
prisoners
of
conscience,
detained
solely
for
the
peaceful
opposition
 to
 the
 cacique
 while
 defending
 the
 rights
 of
 members
 of
 their
 indigenous
 community.
 According
 to
 their
 families,
 since
 the
 men
 have
 been
 detained,
 their
children
have
been
stigmatized
and
discriminated
against
in
their
school
























































4
OPIM
for
the
spanish
name:
Organización
del
Pueblo
Indígena
Me
́phaa
REGIS
UNIVERSITY
 
 MARCOS
VILLA

  4. 4. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

 by
the
head
teacher,
who
the
families
say
is
one
of
the
caciques
supporters,
 and
other
students
have
called
them
"sons
of
criminals"
(AI,
2009)
Susan
Lee,
Director
of
the
Program
for
America
of
Amnesty
International,
visited
the
five
 indigenous
 people
 in
 jail
 and
 also
 visited
 the
 communities
 were
 these
 groups
work
 towards
 Human
 Rights
 noticing
 the
 level
 of
 poverty
 and
 the
 significant
presence
of
the
Mexican
Army.
 The
 20th
 of
 October2008,
 a
 Federal
 Judge
 ordered
 the
 release
 of
 them
 but
 the
 Public
 Prosecutor
 of
 the
 “Procuraduría
General
de
la
 República,
 PGR”
 appealed
 this
 resolution
 and
 it
 was
 received
 even
 thou
 they
 didn’t
 give
 more
 evidence.
 
 Tlachinolan/Rodrigo
A
Cruz
 After
being
one
year
in
jail,
 Felipe
Arreaga
Sánchez
in
jail
 the
 18th
 of
 March
 2009,
four
of
them
were
released;
Raúl
Hernandez
is
still
in
jail.
Susana
stated:
“It
is
time
that
the
authorities
 recognize
that
the
trial
 against
 these
indigenous
 people
are
an
answer
 for
 their
 legitimate
 activities
 towards
 the
 Human
 Rights
 within
 their
communities
and
their
continuous
denouncement
against
the
local
oppression
of
the
authorities
 and
 the
 landowners.
 When
 social
 workers
 are
 punished
 for
 their
legitimate
 work,
 authorities
 send
 a
message:
 to
 promote
 and
 protect
 human
rights
ask
a
high
cost”
(AI,
2009).

Interviewing
 to
 a
 member
 of
 the
 OFPM5,
s/he
 referred
 two
 other
 historical
 cases:
The
first
one
was
Felipe
Arreaga
who
was
 
in
 jail
 for
 defending
 land
 that
 was
 CDHM
Tlachinollan
 Indigenous
Valentina
Rosendo
Cantú
with
 Louise
Arbour
High
Commissionate
of
the
























































 UN
for
Human
Rights
5
Asked
not
mentioning
the
name
 

REGIS
UNIVERSITY
 
 MARCOS
VILLA

  5. 5. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

exploited
by
“caciques”.
Between
1992
and
2000
40%
of
the
trees
in
Guerrero
forest
were
lost
(Calvillo,
2005).
The
“caciques”
tried
to
get
him
in
to
jail
by
charging
him
for
assassination.
The
local
authorities
asked
the
judge
to
find
him
guilty
and
asked
for
 40
 years
 in
 prison
 while
 Tlachinollan,
 A
 Human
 Rights
 Organization
 provided
information
 that
 questioned
 the
 credibility
 of
 the
 assassination
 charges.
 They
provided
 more
 information
 of
 two
 previous
 cases
 against
 the
 Ecological
 Farmers
Organization
from
Petulant
y
Coyuca
de
Catalán,
OCESP6:
Rodolfo
Montiel
y
Teodoro
Cabrera
who
worked
in
the
same
organization
that
Felipe
Arriaga
did.
They
were
also
jailed
but
the
international
pressure
from
Greenpeace
among
other
organizations
to
the
National
Government
set
them
free.
One
of
the
non‐senses
of
the
charges
was
that,
 there
 were
 two
 accused:
 Felipe
 and
 a
 second
 person.
 The
 other
 accused
 was
already
 dead
 two
 years
 before
 the
 assassination
 happened.
 After
 this
 trial
 there
were
still
apprehension
orders
against
members
of
the
group
and
I
confirmed
that
there
were
still
thirteen
apprehension
orders
left
(Ballinas,
2005).

The
 second
 case
 was
 a
 me´phaa
 indigenous,
 Valentina
 Rosendo
 Cantú.
 She
 is
 one
example
of
the
many
violations
that
the
Mexican
Army
has
infringed
to
indigenous
women.
The
local
government
do
not
do
anything
and
when
these
cases
came
in
to
the
 media
 they
 just
 say
 that
 they
 are
 lying,
 that
 they
 are
 part
 of
 the
 communities
that
produce
drugs
and
they
want
the
army
out
of
there.

Other
facts
to
consider
 Guerrero
 State
 has
 been
 historically
 one
 of
 the
 three
 poorest
 of
 the
 country
 and
 some
 of
 its
 municipalities
 are
 ranked
 as
 poor
 as
 some
 of
 the
 African
 regions.
 Guerrero
 state
 is
 the
 first
 ranked
 in
 national
 migration
 and
 
 the
 fifth
 in
 US
 migration
 reaching
 Guerrero
en
datos
 Three
poorest
states
of
Mexico
























































6

Organización
de
Campesinos
Ecologistas
de
la
Sierra
de
Petatlán
y
Coyuca
de
Catalán

REGIS
UNIVERSITY
 
 MARCOS
VILLA

  6. 6. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

around
73,000
people
each
year.
There
are
near
of
300,000
migrants
from
Guerrero
only
 in
 Chicago,
 US
 that
 has
 become
 the
 second
 larger
 city
 with
 people
 from
Guerrero,
just
after
Acapulco.

Guerrero
has
seven
regions
as
we
can
 see
 in
 the
 right
 box.
 The
region
 of
 “La
 Montaña”
 (brown)
is
 the
 poorest
 region
 of
 the
country;
most
of
the
people
that
live
 within
 this
 region
 are
indigenous.
 
 73.9%
 of
 the
 
 Guerrero
en
datos,
Guerrero
Regions
municipalities
 that
 keep
indigenous
 languages
 haven’t
developed
 income
 sources
(Guerrero,
 2009)
 so
 they
 become
the
main
source
of
migration
in
all
levels.
 In
 the
 right
 box,
 the
 green
are
 indigenous
 municipalities
 and
blue
 ones
 are
 the
 main
municipalities
 receiving
 people
 as
 
 Municipalities
with
indigenous
population
a
 result
 of
 migration.
 If
 we
compare
 both
 maps
 we
 can
 see
that
match
between
poverty
and
migration.


 Guerrero
 has
 also
 become
 an
 important
 source
 of
 marihuana
 and
 “amapola”
 or
 poppy.
 As
 we
 can
see
in
left
map
there
are
some
 areas
 of
 “La
 Montaña”
 that
 have
 some
 drug
 producing
 areas
 but
 the
 main
 ones
 of
 the
 state
 are
 in
 
 Guerrero
en
datos,
Drugs
Areas:
 Green
–
Marihuana
and
Red
‐
Amapola

REGIS
UNIVERSITY
 
 MARCOS
VILLA

  7. 7. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

the
“Costa
Grande”
and
“Tierra
Caliente”.
As
we
can
see
in
the
next
map
the
most
military
 prescience
 is
 concentrated
 in
 “La
 Montana”
 region
 where
 most
 of
 the
Human
Rights
infringements
are
committed
(Yellow
marked).
 
The
indigenous
populations
of
“La
Montaña”
have
these
characteristics:
 • 96%
 of
 their
 population
 has
 no
 access
 to
 health
 services
 with
 qualified
 medics.
 • 50%
of
the
population
is
analphabet.
 • Between
80%
and
100%
of
the
houses
don’t
address
the
minimum
conditions
 of
dignity
 • There
 is
 one
 hospital
 located
 in
 Tlapa
 de
 Conmonfort
 that
 is
 supposed
 to
 attend
300,500
people
from
17
municipalities.
In
the
most
margined
areas
it
 reaches
to
88%
(San
Marcos)
 • 46%
of
the
people
above
the
15
years
old
has
no
source
of
income
 • 24%
of
the
population
that
has
an
income
earns
5
USD
per
day

 • 1
gynecologist
for
attending
17,654
women
in
fertile
stage
 • 97%
of
the
houses
has
no
sewage
system
 • 45.4%
 of
 the
 indigenous
 population
 above
 15
 years
 old
 never
 went
 to
 a
 school
and
the
majority
of
them
are
women.

REGIS
UNIVERSITY
 
 MARCOS
VILLA

  8. 8. SOCIAL
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COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
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 MMN
PROGRAM

Criminalization
of
Human
Rights
Watchers

After
 recognizing
 the
 reality
 that
our
 indigenous
 people
 lives
 and
trying
 to
 imagine
 the
 fight
 they
are
struggling
in
an
everyday
basis
I
 understood
 that
 they
 have
realized
 some
 of
 the
 developed
tactics
 by
 Saul
 Slinky
 in
 his
 Rules
for
 Radicals.
 One
 of
 them
 is
 the
Ninth
rule:
“Any
effective
means
is
automatically
 judged
 by
 the
opposition
 as
 being
 unethical”
(Alinsky,
 1989)
 and
 they
 are
 also
developing
the
media
as
an
ally
to
face
 the
 different
 issues
 they
 are
facing.
We
need
to
recognize
that
 
 Tlachinolan/Rodrigo
A
Cruz
they
 appear
 in
 the
 printed
 media
but
 they
 have
 no
 appearance
 in
the
television
news,
mostly
because
nobody
access
to
their
communities.
In
Mexico
very
few
people
reads
newspaper,
even
thou
it
has
a
powerful
symbolic
impact.
An
important
 action
 might
 be
 to
 provide
 them
 with
 several
 tools
 that
 might
 let
 them
record
visual
images
that
they
might
be
sending
to
national
and
international
allies.
Many
national
countrymen
that
joined
so
faithfully
to
the
EZLN
in
1994
for
example,
was
 because
 the
 media
 coverage
 they
 achieved.
 A
 similar
 campaign
 should
 be
addressed.
The
 major
 strength
 of
 the
 organizations
 of
 human
 rights
 of
 Guerrero
has
 been
 the
presence
and
coverage
of
international
agencies
that
has
an
important
moral
image
around
 the
 world.
 Therefore
 their
 most
 effective
 source
 of
 power
 comes
 from
 an
outside
 third
 actor
 and
 this
 makes
 them
 very
 vulnerable.
 IN
 the
 picture
 above
 we
can
see
how
they
created
an
alliance
called:
“Red
Guerrerense
de
Organismos
Civiles

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 MARCOS
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  9. 9. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
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ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

de
 Derechos
 Humanos”
 but
 they
 do
 not
 have
 a
 web
 page
 nor
 other
 tool
 for
communication
and
their
most
closest
organization
is
Tlachinollan
that
has
to
speak
for
all
the
Human
Rights
violations
of
the
state.
It
has
become
a
known
actor
and
as
consequence
 people
 from
 government
 or
 private
 sector
 refuse
 to
 dialogue
 with
them.
In
a
scenario
where
Tlachinollan
could
be
the
objective
of
an
open
attack
they
would
be
left
almost
without
contacts
to
the
rest
of
the
country.

They
 have
 few
 resources
for
 defending
 themselves
but
 what
 they
 have
 they
use
 it
 very
 effectively
 and
they
 “clothe
 it
 with
 moral
garments”
 which
 makes
their
 testimonials
 very
strong
‐tenth
Slinky
‘s
rule‐.
 
 Militar
Army
in
the
community
of
Barranca
Piña,
An
 effective
 suggested
 municipality
of
Acatepec

action
 for
 impacting
 this
rule
is
to
get
financial
help
for
making
a
documental
or
a
short
about
this
issue
and
to
show
up
the
everyday
life
about
indigenous
Human
Rights
Violations
and
sharing
the
documented
information.

They
also
were
part
of
a
campaign
where
other
national
Human
Rights
organizations
have
positioned
the
“Criminalization
of
social
movements”
that
goes
directly
to
the
Federal
Government
that
has
developed
and
strengthened
the
military
tactics
(Villa,
2009).
They
should
make
a
state
campaign
searching
for
local
organizations
that
are
well
known
for
their
moral
capital
such
as
the
Catholic
church,
private
universities,
if
possible
 Civil
 Society
Organizations
 that
are
focused
to
the
assistance
of
the
upper
classes
to
the
poorest
areas
of
Guerrero
and
ideally
private
for‐profit
organizations
knowing
that
this
might
be
unlikely.
They
need
the
help
of
the
actors
they
now
rely
on
like
Human
Rights
Watch,
Amnesty
International,
Greenpeace,
Front
Line
and
of
course
all
the
support
of
the
nationals
that
launched
the
campaign
where
important
allies
 will
 be:
 Academia
 Mexicana
 de
 Drenches
 Humanos,
 Artículo
 XIX,
 Asistencia

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Legal
 por
 los
 Derechos
 Humanos,
 AC
 (ASILEGAL),
 CENCOS
 (Centro
 de
 Nacional
 de
Comunicación
Social),
Centro
de
Derechos
Humanos
“Fray
Francisco
de
Vitoria
OP”,
AC,
 Centro
 de
 Derechos
 Humanos
 “Miguel
 Agustín
 Pro
 Juárez”,
 AC,
 Centro
 de
Derechos
Humanos
Fray
Bartolomé
de
las
Casas,
AC,
Centro
Mexicano
de
Derecho
Ambiental
 (CEMDA),
 Centro
 Regional
 de
 Derechos
 Humanos
 José
 María
 Morelos
 y
Pavón,
 AC,
 Colectivo
 Contra
 la
 Tortura
 y
 la
 Impunidad,
 AC,
 Colectivo
 por
 la
Transparencia,
 Comisión
 Mexicana
 de
 Defensa
 y
 Promoción
 de
 los
 Derechos
Humanos,
 AC,
 Consejo
 Ciudadano
 del
 Premio
 Nacional
 de
 Periodismo,
 AC,
 DECA‐Equipo
 Pueblo,
 AC,
 El
 Caracol,
 AC,
 Fundar
 Centro
 de
 Análisis
 e
 Investigación,
 AC,
Incide
Social,
AC,
Iniciativas
para
la
Identidad
y
la
Inclusión,
AC,
Instituto
Mexicano
de
 Derechos
 Humanos
 y
 Democracia,
 AC,
 Red
 Nacional
 de
 Organismos
 Civiles
 de
Derechos
 Humanos
 “Todos
 los
 Derechos
 para
 Todas
 y
 Todos”,
 Mujer
 y
 Medio
Ambiente,
Promotores
de
la
Autogestión
para
el
Desarrollo
Social
(PADS),
Proyecto
de
 Derechos
 Económicos
Sociales
 y
 Culturales,
 AC
(PRODESC)
 and
 Alianza
Cívica,
AC.
The
bolded
ones
are
 nationally
 well
 known
and
 has
 important
 social
and
 political
 capital,
 the
rest
 has
 important
grassroots
 development
 
 CDHM
Tlachinollan
and
 might
 join
 in
 to
 a
 Military
Army
in
El
Llano
community,
Acatepec

future
movement.

Identity
It
is
a
fact
that
human
beings
have
come
together
to
organize
themselves
to
get
a
specific
objective;
no
matter
if
it
was
a
decision,
for
getting
food,
for
survival
or
for
establishing
 a
 society.
 “Human
 being”
 is
 a
 structurally
 social
 being,
 socially
constructed
 and
 with
 the
 capacity
 to
 modify
 himself
 as
 a
 consequence
 of
 this
construction
 (Zubiri,
 1986).
 Our
 identity
 is
 build
 by
 others
 that
 are
 ‘like
 me’,
 the

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“others”
 define
 pretty
 much
 about
 me
 while
 making
 my
 life
 possible,
 even
 if
 they
were
not
aware
or
they
were
not
conscious
about
the
importance
of
their
actions.
This
 is
 the
 way
 we
 all
 learn
 to
 see
 the
 world
 and
 the
 others,
 the
 way
 we
 learn
 to
distinguish
myself
from
things
and
the
others;
this
is
the
first
approach
we
have
to
reality,
the
way
we
are
socially
constructed
at
the
beginning
of
our
lives.


 It
 is
 very
 important
 we
 realize
 that
“the
other”
is
the
one
that
 allows
me
to
grow,
“the
other”
 allows
 the
 possibility
 to
 choose;
 “the
 difference”
 gives
 us
 possibilities.
 The
 difference
 provides
 me
 with
 the
 
 possibility
 to
 enhance
 my
 own
 Tlachinolan/Rodrigo
A
Cruz
 Women
from
an
ecologic
group
of
Petatlán
mountains
 life
 or
 to
 confirm
 my
 own
 practice,
 the
 possibility
 to
confirm
myself
on
what
I
am
and
what
I
do,
or
not
to.
This
process
is
only
achievable
through
difference,
in
this
process
we
build/confirm
our
identity.


The
identity
of
the
indigenous
groups
is
being
“attacked”
‐as
we
all‐
in
a
continuous
basis
 and
 with
 all
 the
 existing
 available
 media.
 The
 western
 culture
 that
 arrived
hundreds
of
years
ago
has
made
a
tremendous
effort
to
bring
those
cultures
in
to
a
standardization
 trying
 to
 establish
 a
 typical/average
 way
 of
 life
 that
 responds
 to
specific
interests.
To
be
able
to
get
some
independence
of
that
way
of
living
we
need
to
 develop
 critical
 thinking
 (Ore,
 2009).
 The
 indigenous
 has
 kept
 most
 of
 their
traditions
 not
 only
 through
 this
 critical
 thinking
 but
 also
 because
 the
 geographical
difficulties
they
have
had
historically.
Within
these
days
television
has
been
able
to
arrive
 even
 to
 those
 places
 and
 they
 are
 learning
 the
 western
 culture
 and
understanding
 that
 being
 men
 and
 being
 happy
 is
 equal
 to
 being
 oppressors
 They
are
starting
to
understand
that
living
and
the
meaning
of
the
pursuit
of
happiness
as
going
in
to
the
cities
to
make
money.
The
cosmos‐vision
that
relies
in
their
traditions
is
being
questioned.


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Identity
and
human
rights

I
have
come
to
realize
that
the
fight
 for
 human
 rights
 within
the
 indigenous
 people
 might
have
in
the
bottom
an
identity
fight.
It
might
be
a
fight
where
the
principles
expressed
in
the
Pedagogy
of
the
Oppressed
of
 
Paolo
 Frere
 are
 practiced
 in
 Roberto
García
Ortíz
 Celsa
Valdovinos
y
Felipe
Arreaga,
after
they
had
a
press
those
communities.
 conference

in
Mexico
city.

It
is
the
indigenous
people
that
are
 fighting
 against
 different
issues
 as
 we
 saw
 at
 the
beginning
 of
 the
 paper.
 It
 is
them
 who
 are
 in
 the
 frontline
assuming
their
“historical
role”
and
 several
 members
 of
 an
external
 community
 supports
them
in
their
fights.


Specifically
 the
 Human
 Rights
Center
 “Tlachinollan”
 arrived
 Roberto
García
Ortíz
 Celsa
Valdovinos
y
Felipe
Arreaga,
after
they
had
a
press
more
 that
 13
 years
 ago
 to
 conference

in
Mexico
city.
Tlapa
de
Conmonfort
in
“La
Montaña”
and
just
has
opened
an
office
in
other
three
places
in
the
state
of
Guerrero.
They
have
defined
as
their
mission:
“To
promote
and
defend
 the
 rights
 of
 the
 Naua,
 Na
 savi,
 Me´phaa
 and
 non‐indigenous
 peoples
 in
 La
Montaña
and
Costa
Chica
from
an
integral
cultural
perspective,
and
help
them
create
legitimate
 and
 peaceful
 means
 to
 ensure
 respect
 for
 their
 human
 rights”
(Tlachinollan,
1996)

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It
is
not
a
coincidence
that
they
add
themselves
into
the
fight
of
the
people.
The
verb
help
 means
 they
 are
 doing
 something
 and
 what
 they
 are
 doing
 is
 to
 “create
legitimate
 and
 peaceful
 means”
 which
 is
 a
 consequence
 of
 the
 cultural
 identity
 of
the
Me’phaa
culture.
 
Military
 intimidating
 Me’
phaa
women
 from
the
 community
 Caxitepec
 
 
 Pictures:
CDHM
Tlachinollan

The
indigenous
organizations
they
have
created
like
OPIM
and
OFPM
are
a
result
of
the
 construction
 of
 the
 identity
 they
 are
 achieving
 and
 through
 them
 they
 are
looking
forward
in
keeping
their
achievements.
We
should
not
forget
that
the
nature
of
an
institution
is
to
keep,
to
maintain,
to
avoid
changes,
to
continue
and
if
possible
to
reproduce
it
self
as
a
system.
An
institution
is
made
to
prevent
changes
that
will
go
 against
 its
 defined
 nature,
 that’s
 why
 we
 created
 them.
 In
 this
 sense
 the
institutions
 become
 the
 foundation
 of
 a
 society.
 The
 OPIM
 and
 the
 OFPM
 are
 the
foundations
 of
 a
 different
 society
 that
 is
 working
 with
 the
 principles
 of
 their
 own
culture
 with
 the
 learning
 of
 our
 western
 culture
 about
 the
 creation
 of
 a
 “Legal”
institution.

At
the
moment
they
have
created
an
important
social
capital
within
the
world
with
their
commitment.
Having
people
killed
and
achieving
the
international
support
they
have
achieved
is
not
a
simple
task.
The
support
and
media
coverage
they
have
had
is

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consequence
of
the
commitment
they
have
developed.
The
lack
of
social
justice
in
their
immediate
context
makes
them
stronger
and
having
the
Mexican
Army
within
their
 communities
 are
 two
 sources
 of
 union,
 identity,
 strength
 and
 a
 continuous
confirmation
of
the
dreams
they
want
to
achieve.


I
think
that
the
core
of
their
strength
is
the
grass
root
they
have
on
their
behalf
and
this
 strength
 does
 not
 appear
 in
 the
 media.
 The
 organization
 they
 have
 responds
geographically
 and
 they
 all
 know
 ‐because
 they
 have
 lived
 it‐
 that
 any
 attack
 for
human
rights
organizations
will
affect
their
ecology
organizations,
any
attack
in
their
educational
 structure
 will
 affect
 their
 identity…
 they
 have
 done
 this
 identity
“survival”
through
hundreds
of
years…

The
Human
Rights
Organizations
of
Guerrero
 State
 need
 to
 capitalize
their
 achievements
 by
 developing
symbols
 of
 their
 successes.
 The
EZLN
 and
 the
 Chiapas
 State
organizations
 have
 much
 to
 share
in
 this
 point.
 For
 example,
 the
“Abejas
 Organization”
 in
 Chiapas
has
 the
 “Column
 of
 infamy”,
 a
monument
 built
 by
 the
 Danish
Jens
 Galschiot
 in
 honor
 for
 the
 45
killed
 people
 (15
 children,
 21
women,
 and
 9
 men)
 and
 the
 25
wounded
 by
 paramilitaries
 while
they
 were
 praying
 in
 the
 small
chapel
 they
 had.
 They
 also
 have
 
 Column
of
infamy

created
a
chorus
were
the
children
 Acteal,
Chenaló,
Chis
of
the
community
sing
very
diverse
songs.
 These
 actions
 strengthen

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their
identity
and
provide
them
with
a
physical
reminder
of
what
they
are
and
what
they
dream,
it
is
an
important
way
of
expanding
their
institutionalization
process.

The
 Abejas
 Organization
 has
 also
 created
 a
 coffee
 cooperative
 known
 as
 “Maya
Vinic”
 and
 they
 distribute
 their
 products
 under
 fair
 trade
 to
 United
 States
 and
 the
European
Union.
In
the
US
for
example
Higher
Grounds
Trading
Company,
located
in
Michigan
distributes
their
coffee.

A
future
agenda
The
 human
 rights
 organizations
 have
 been
 severely
 damaged
 by
 the
 image
 the
government
has
positioned
upon
them
through
several
years.
Some
of
the
needed
actions
 are
 focused
 to
 attend
 and
 to
 strengthen
 the
 internal
 identity
 and
 some
actions
should
be
focused
to
get
more
moral
capital
through
the
media
and
through
alliances
with
different
actors
within
society.

Sen
 principles
 of
 “picking
 the
 good
 fight”,
 direct
 action
 and
 leading
 forward
 (Sen,
2003)
are
key
concepts
that
these
organizations
 need
to
strengthen,
especially
the
last
two
concepts.
They
need
to
develop
a
continuous
campaign
to
position
Human
Rights
as
a
minimum
in
the
state
agenda.
They
are
normally
acting
in
a
responsive
way.
The
lack
of
resources
of
these
organizations
is
deep
and
at
the
same
time
their
appearances
 in
 the
 international
 media
 hasn’t
 been
 capitalized
 in
 a
 donors
campaign.
It
is
awful
to
be
in
the
position
they
are
but
with
the
elements
I
had
I
can
confirm
 they
 haven’t
 asked
 any
 foundation
 for
 support
 to
 their
 causes
 and
 their
presence
 in
 national
 and
 international
 media
 has
 been
 important.
 What
 they
actually
 have
 developed
 is
 good
 relations
 that
 improves
 them
 but
 not
 necessarily
makes
 them
 independent
 or
 “individually”
 stronger,
 their
 dependency
 to
Tlachinollan
makes
them
weak
and
I
believe
it
is
time
to
start
going
forward
in
this
specific
aspect
by
“themselves”
(Sen,
2003).

Their
 alliances
 are
 their
 stronger
 area.
 They
 are
 well
 positioned
 within
 the
 civil
society
 sector
 but
 their
 presence
 is
 only
 in
 this
 sector,
 they
 should
 improve
 in
 an

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international
level
and
try
to
connect
with
private
and
government
as
suggested
in
the
previous
lines.

They
haven’t
worked
in
developing
new
leaders
and
this
is
an
important
powerless
area.
 They
 should
 ask
 for
 scholarships
 to
 their
 national
 allies
 for
 their
 people
 go
outside
and
get
back
different
tools
for
development,
not
only
in
Human
Rights
but
in
 helping
 the
 rest
 of
 the
 community
 to
 improve
 their
 reality
 economically,
medically,
 or
 any
 other
 aspect
 of
 their
 needs.
 People
 that
 might
 be
 able
 to
 go
outside
 will
 also
 get
 a
 bigger
 overview
 of
 the
 complexity
 of
 their
 issues
 and
 the
context
 of
 the
 state
 and
 country
 so
 s/he
 can
 come
 back
 and
 share.
 Even
 to
 bring
other
 indigenous
 from
 different
 national
 communities
 (and
 send)
 might
 be
 an
enlightening
 experience.
 These
 might
 be
 part
 of
 a
 complete
 plan
 and
 focusing
 in
getting
 small
 successes
 will
 make
 them
 stronger
 and
 will
 bring
 more
 hope
 back.
These
are
actions
that
hasn’t
been
used
and
their
effectiveness
will
take
them
out
of
the
 experience
 “of
 the
 enemy”
 (Alinsky,
 1989)
 At
 the
 same
 time
 developing
 role
plays
will
make
them
stronger
and
better
in
the
long
run
(Dobson,
2003)

I
 believe
 that
 they
 should
 avoid
 direct
 conflict
 with
 military
 army
 due
 to
 the
experience
has
shown
that
for
the
moment
they
aren’t
an
addressable
achievement
and
to
focus
on
local
and
state
politicians
that
has
something
to
do
directly
with
the
issue.
 The
 congress
 might
 be
 the
 most
 important
 factor
 due
 they
 do
 not
 often
appear.
Federal
authorities
and
army
issues
might
be
documented
and
supported
by
them
but
never
leaded.

We
 should
 never
 forget
 their
 every
 day
 reality.
 We
 should
 never
 fall
 to
 remember
the
lack
of
social
justice,
the
absence
of
possibilities
to
develop
their
humanity,
the
consequences
 of
 our
 actions
 as
 a
 society
 that
 accepts
 and
 reproduce
 unjust
structures
 because
 our
 absence
 of
 critical
 thinking.
 We
 need
 to
 retake
 our
 citizen
role
and
to
remember
that
these
brothers
have
the
same
rights
that
I
have.


An
important
learning
in
this
journey
is
that
we
need
to
re‐valuate
the
richness
we
have
with
our
indigenous
people,
we
need
to
go
back
to
our
origins
and
to
re‐take

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from
them
their
vision
of
the
world,
men
and
society;
their
difference
will
bring
us
the
 possibility
 to
 re‐think
 and
 to
 develop
 a
 deepest
 critical
 thinking
 in
 front
 of
western
culture
that
tries
to
orientate
our
actions
towards
the
individualism
and
the
minimization
of
the
common
good.


One
 of
 my
 personal
 great
 learning’s
 among
 indigenous
 communities
 is
 that
 their
celebration
of
life
and
dead
is
so
close,
their
pain
and
happiness
are
so
connected.
One
 Jesuit
 friend
 that
 was
 working
 with
 Acteal
 communities
 while
 the
 massacre
occurred
shared
how
people
cried
them
and
made
the
ritual
goodbye
one
day
after.
He
highlighted
how
the
goodbye
rituals
were
full
of
dances
that
celebrated
the
life
of
their
 dead
 friends,
 moms,
 and
 children…
 they
 relate
 dance
 with
 life,
 and
 how
dancing
is
a
similar
way
of
“living”,
of
expressing
life;
a
way
of
feeling
the
blood
in
our
 veins
 and
 a
 way
 of
 celebrating
 life,
 in
 contact
 with
 mother
 earth,
 under
 the
blessed
sky
and
expressing
yourself
within
the
community,
within
“the
others”
that
make
my
life
possible:

“to
dance
or
die”.

 I
believe
that
this
dance
is
the
heart/source
 of
their
social
justice
passion/inspiration.















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UNIVERSITY
 
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  18. 18. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

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PROGRAM

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REGIS
UNIVERSITY
 
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VILLA

  20. 20. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM
 
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Editorial,
Madrid,
España
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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UNIVERSITY
 
 MARCOS
VILLA

  21. 21. SOCIAL
JUSTICE,
COMMUNITY
ORGANIZING
AND
ACTIVISM
 MMN
PROGRAM

Appendix

 

REGIS
UNIVERSITY
 
 MARCOS
VILLA


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