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Asbjørn Wahl presentation to #ISS14

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Gli summer school 2015
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Asbjørn Wahl presentation to #ISS14

  1. 1. 1 Capitalism, Anti-Capitalism and the Trade Union Movement GLI International Summer School Northern College, UK 7 July 2014 Asbjørn Wahl Advisor Norwegian Union of Municipal and General Employees
  2. 2. 2 Focus on four particular issues 1. Some thoughts about the connection between capitalism, globalisation, crises and neo-liberalism 2. The ideological legacy of the social pact – or how to understand the social partnership ideology 3. The need to politicise the trade unions – as the political parties have let us down so awfully 4. The need to radicalise our messages and to develop our struggle to match our adversaries
  3. 3. 3 1Some thoughts about the connection between capitalism, globalisation, crises and neo-liberalism
  4. 4. 4 Neo-liberalism and the crisis • Neo-liberalism did not create the economic crisis • Quite the opposite: the crisis created the need for the neo-liberal ideology – as a response to the crisis • It was the internal contradictions in capitalism itself which led to the crisis – a systemic crisis • Neo-liberalism won hegemony also due to the lack of resistance from the trade union and labour movement
  5. 5. 5 Considerable redistribution from wages to profits played a decisive role for the development of the financial crisis. The purchasing power became too weak to buy all the goods and services which were/could be produced. This was partly compensated for through increased loaning, which together with massive speculation resulted in a gigantic financial bubble. A crisis of overproduction
  6. 6. 6 The war on workers (wage share)
  7. 7. 7 Financial capital and GNPTrillion$
  8. 8. 8 Capital’s need for expansion • Surplus of capital (financial capital) • Desperate hunt for profitable investments • Public sector the biggest potential • Unparalleled financial speculation • ‘Globalisation’ is not a law of nature – it is the result of deregulation and capital’s strategy for expansion
  9. 9. 9 2The ideological legacy of the social pact – or how to understand the social partnership ideology
  10. 10. 10 The social partnership ideology I • A true-born child of the class compromise • The result of a very specific historic development in which the balance of power shifted towards labour • Capitalists felt their interests threatened and gave in to workers demands to damp their radicalism • The need for popular support in the Cold War against Soviet Union contributed in the same direction • The result: 20 years of unprecedented social progress
  11. 11. 11 The social partnership ideology II • Social progress was less and less seen as a result of certain power relations in society • It was the compromise itself – social peace and social dialogue – which led to social progress • This contributed to depoliticising, deradicalising and demobilising the working class/trade unions • Changed the character of social democracy – from a class movement to a mediator between the classes
  12. 12. 12 Regulation of capital Fixed exchange ratesCapital control Regulation of investments Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  13. 13. 13 The turning point • The 1970s: crisis in the world economy and a continued deep crisis of capitalism • The triumph of neoliberalism and the following restructuring of global capitalism • Deregulation - abolishment of capital control • Immense shift in the balance of power (and it’s all about power, stupid) • The breakdown of the class compromise
  14. 14. 14 The neoliberal offensive Fixed exchange ratesCapital control Regulation of investments Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  15. 15. 15 The neoliberal offensive Capital control Regulation of investments Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  16. 16. 16 The neoliberal offensive Regulation of investments Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  17. 17. 17 The neoliberal offensive Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  18. 18. 18 The neoliberal offensive Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital
  19. 19. 19 The neoliberal offensive Labour legislation Reduced public sector Private capital
  20. 20. 20 The current situation Attacks on labour legislation Reduced public sector Private capital
  21. 21. 21 What went wrong? • The social pact was not a stable situation • A compromise in a concrete historical situation • Tactical compromise became the final aim • Basic power relations remained in tact • The ideology of the social pact deradicalised • Taken by surprise by the neo-liberal offensive
  22. 22. 22 This was just not enough ! Fixed exchange ratesCapital control Regulation of investments Trade protectionism Labour legislation Huge public sector Private capital Ownership Democratic control Mobilisation of social power
  23. 23. 23 The big question In retrospect, who gained the most from the class compromise and the resulting welfare state?
  24. 24. 24 3The need to politicise the trade unions – as the political parties have let us down so awfully
  25. 25. 25 Labour movement in crisis • Deep political-ideological crisis on the left • System criticism is more or less non-existent • Few attempts at mobilising for a power struggle • No efforts to curb the power of financial capital • The labour movement is losing trust, since it has supported the policy which led to the crisis • Left parties in governments have been a failure
  26. 26. 26 «Neither society nor democracy» «In the last decade European social democracy has ceased to be about either society or democracy. In government it has embraced liberal economic principles that undermined solidarity and association. Along the way the idea of the common good has been lost and there is no vision of a 'Good Society'.» «The Future of European Social Democracy» published by the social democratic Social Europe Journal
  27. 27. 27 Is there an alternative solution? • The crisis gives an opportunity to disarm financial capital and regulate the markets • The public sector should be used to damp the effects of the crisis and stabilise the economy • A radical redistribution of wealth is necessary • Only the trade union movement has the potential to push solutions in this direction • Potential is one thing, practice something else – a formidable mobilisation will be necessary
  28. 28. 28 Need agency and strategies • We need alternatives, but not without also considering agency – who is going to carry out the struggles – social forces, alliances • Wishful thinking and arm-chair theories, alternatives and models are easy to produce • What is realistic, what is possible, how do we prioritise – and how to we get there (strategies)? • This is too little discussed on the left today
  29. 29. 29 Right wing populism/extremism • The capitalist crisis creates a real basis for alienation, exclusion, discontent and polarisation • Workers feel betrayed by their ‘own’ politicians • The extreme Right supports all discontent and channels it in perverted political directions • The only alternative: A policy of the left which politicises the discontent and channels it into real fights for collective solutions
  30. 30. 30 A strategy for the unions • Alternative analyses – a system-critical view • Building of new, broad social alliances • Development of concrete alternatives • Due to the party political misery, trade unions must take a broader political responsibility • Develop solidarity across all borders • Create democratic and action-oriented unions prepared for the confrontations which will come
  31. 31. 31 4The need to radicalise our messages and to develop our struggle to match our adversaries
  32. 32. 32 Emancipation is our goal! • The (positive) effects of a class compromise can never be more than a temporary achievement • Emancipatory social policies presuppose a huge shift in the balance of power in society • Today, we demand too little and accept too much • As authoritarian rule and oppression increase, our response has to be bolder and more radical • If the right to strike is restricted or banned, trade unions have to win back the right in practise
  33. 33. 33 A minimum programme • Fight austerity – defend our public services! • Redistribute our wealth – Let the rich pay! • Cancel public debt created by the financial crisis! • Socialise banks and financial institutions! • Defend democracy – break with trade & fiscal pacts! • Unify the environmental with the social struggle • Organise, mobilise and meet the confrontations!
  34. 34. 34 Madrid, 22 March 2014
  35. 35. 35 The Rise and Fall of the Welfare State In an age of government imposed austerity, and after 30 years of neo-liberal restructuring, the future of the welfare state looks increasingly uncertain. Asbjørn Wahl offers an accessible analysis of the situation across Europe, identifies the most important challenges and presents practical proposals for combating the assaults on welfare. £ 15,-

Editor's Notes

  • Offentlige institusjoner har vært blant verstingene i å fremme det brutaliserte arbeidsliv (Posten).
    Late som om man er et privat selskap.
    Hvorfor i all verden skal Posten gå med milliardoverskudd?
  • New Public Management bygger på dette verdigrunnlaget.
  • Offentlige institusjoner har vært blant verstingene i å fremme det brutaliserte arbeidsliv (Posten).
    Late som om man er et privat selskap.
    Hvorfor i all verden skal Posten gå med milliardoverskudd?

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