European View - Volume 2 - Autumn 2005 Europe, its Borders and Role in the World

4,882 views

Published on

0 Comments
0 Likes
Statistics
Notes
  • Be the first to comment

  • Be the first to like this

No Downloads
Views
Total views
4,882
On SlideShare
0
From Embeds
0
Number of Embeds
3
Actions
Shares
0
Downloads
18
Comments
0
Likes
0
Embeds 0
No embeds

No notes for slide

European View - Volume 2 - Autumn 2005 Europe, its Borders and Role in the World

  1. 1. E UROPEAN V IEW Volume 2 - Autumn 2005EUROPE, ITS BORDERS AND ROLE IN THE WORLD Wilfried Martens EU-US Relations: Old Challenges and New Opportunities • Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas Sasmatzoglou Democracy-building in Europe and Beyond • Elmar Brok The EU as a Global Player in the 21 st Century Perspectives for the Common Foreign and Security Policy • Fraser Cameron The EU and Global Governance • Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Turkey - The Missing Link in the European Puzzle • Benita Ferrero-Waldner Future Prospects for the European Neigh- bourhood Policy • Franco Frattini Europe, Global Security and the Fight Against Terrorism • Ingo Friedrich Quo Vadis? Europe’s Role in a Globalised World • Lawrence Gonzi Mediterranean Security and Regional Management • Leonid Gozman Russia and Europe: Between Love and Hate • Annette Heuser Europe’s World - A Global Power in the Making • John Howard Australia - EU Relations: Shared Interests, Common Challenges • Ioannis Kasoulides Cyprus: Becoming Europe’s Hub in the Middle East • Jyrki Katainen Releasing the Northern Potential: Benefiting from Baltic Area Investment • John McCain Transatlantic Relations: An American View • Don McKinnon The Commonwealth and the European Union • John Edwin Mroz Securing Europe and Its Neighbours • Per Stig Møller Working Even Closer: the EU, the United Nations and the Reform of the Security Council • Ong Keng Yong Advancing ASEAN- EU Relations in the 21st Century • Jan Petersen Europe’s Role in Solving Conflicts and Building Peace • Mariano Rajoy EU and Latin America - A Special Relationship • Dimitrij Rupel Security and Cooperation in Europe - A View of the Future • Mikheil Saakashvili Democratic Choice • Nicolas Sarkozy France for a More Ambitious Europe • Jacek Saryusz- Wolski Belarus: The Gate of Europe • Mirek Topolánek Enlargement, European Neighbourhood Policy and the Role of New Member States • Yannis Valinakis Paving the Western Balkans’ European Path • René van der Linden The Council of Europe and the EU - Partners for a Stable Europe • Victor Yushchenko Ukraine Towards the European Project A Journal of the Forum for European Studies
  2. 2. EUROPEAN VIEW European View is a Journal of the Forum for European Studies, published by the European People’s Party. European View is a biannual publication that tackles the entire spectrum of Europe’s political, economic, social and cultural developments. European View is an open forum for academics, experts and decision-makers across Europe to debate and exchange views and ideas. EDITORIAL BOARD Chairman: Wilfried Martens, President of the European People’s Party, former Prime Minister, Belgium Carl Bildt, former Prime Minister, Sweden Elmar Brok, Member of the European Parliament, Germany John Bruton, former Prime Minister, Ireland Mário David, Member of Parliament, Portugal Vicente Martínez-Pujalte López, Member of Parliament, Spain Loyola de Palacio, former Vice-President of the European Commission, Spain Chris Patten, former Member of the European Commission, United Kingdom Jan Petersen, former Foreign Minister, Norway Hans-Gert Poettering, Chairman of the EPP-ED Group in the European Parliament, Germany Alexander Stubb, Member of the European Parliament, Finland József Szájer, Vice-Chairman of the EPP-ED Group in the European Parliament, Hungary Andrej Umek, former Minister for Science and Technology, Slovenia Per Unckel, former Minister of Education and Science, Sweden Yannis Valinakis, Deputy Foreign Minister, Greece ADVISORY BOARD Antonio López-Istúriz, Christian Kremer, Luc Vandeputte, Kostas Sasmatzoglou, Ingrid Goossens, Guy Volckaert EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Tomi Huhtanen Assistant Editors: Michèle Cimenti, Mélanie Dursin, Galina Fomenchenko For editorial inquiries please contact: European View Editor-in-Chief Rue d’Arlon 67 1040 Brussels email: thuhtanen@epp-eu.org Tel. +32 2 285 41 49 Fax. +32 2 285 41 41 Url: www.epp-eu.org/europeanview The Forum for European Studies is a think-tank dedicated to Christian Democrat and like-minded political values, which is engaged in open, comprehensive and analytical debate. European View and its publishers assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication. Articles are subject to editing and final approval by the Editorial Board. This publication is partly funded by the European Parliament.2 European View
  3. 3. CONTENTS• Editorial: Democracy-building in Europe and Beyond ................................................................................................5 Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas Sasmatzoglou• EU-US Relations: Old Challenges and New Opportunities ........................................................................................13 Wilfried Martens• The EU as a Global Player in the 21st Century - Perspectives for a Common Foreign and Security Policy ..............................................................................................................................................................................19 Elmar Brok• The EU and Global Governance .................................................................................................................................................27 Fraser Cameron• Turkey - The Missing Link in the European Puzzle .......................................................................................................33 Recep Tayyip Erdoğan• Future Prospects for the European Neighbourhood Policy .......................................................................................41 Benita Ferrero-Waldner• Europe, Global Security and the Fight Against Terrorism ........................................................................................47 Franco Frattini• Quo Vadis? Europe’s Role in a Globalised World ............................................................................................................53 Ingo Friedrich• Mediterranean Security and Regional Management ...................................................................................................57 Lawrence Gonzi• Russia and Europe: Between Love and Hate......................................................................................................................65 Leonid Gozman• Europe’s World - A Global Power in the Making .............................................................................................................71 Annette Heuser• Australia - EU Relations: Shared Interests, Common Challenges .........................................................................77 John Howard• Cyprus: Becoming Europe’s Hub in the Middle East ....................................................................................................83 Ioannis Kasoulides• Releasing the Northern Potential: Benefiting from Baltic Area Investment..................................................87 Jyrki Katainen• Transatlantic Relations: An American View......................................................................................................................95 John McCain• The Commonwealth and the European Union ..............................................................................................................103 Don McKinnon• Securing Europe and its Neighbours ....................................................................................................................................107 John Edwin Mroz 3 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  4. 4. • Working Even Closer: the EU, the United Nations and the Reform of the Security Council .............................................................................................................................113 Per Stig Møller • Advancing ASEAN-EU Relations in the 21st Century ................................................................................................119 Ong Keng Yong • Europe’s Role in Solving Conflicts and Building Peace ...........................................................................................125 Jan Petersen • EU and Latin America - A Special Relationship ...........................................................................................................131 Mariano Rajoy • Security and Cooperation in Europe - A View of the Future .............................................................................. 137 Dimitrij Rupel • Democratic Choice ............................................................................................................................................................................143 Mikheil Saakashvili • France for a More Ambitious Europe ...................................................................................................................................147 Nicolas Sarkozy • Belarus: The Gate of Europe .......................................................................................................................................................153 Jacek Saryusz-Wolski • Enlargement, European Neighbourhood Policy and the Role of New Member States.........................159 Mirek Topolánek • Paving the Western Balkans’ European Path .................................................................................................................165 Yannis Valinakis • The Council of Europe and the EU - Partners for a Stable Europe ..................................................................171 René van der Linden • Ukraine Towards the European Project ..............................................................................................................................177 Victor Yushchenko4 European View
  5. 5. Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas Sasmatzoglou Editorial Democracy-building in Europe and Beyond By Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas SasmatzoglouWith the fall of the Berlin Wall and Beyond our immediate neighbour-the collapse of the Iron Curtain, the hood, the EPP is particularly concernedEuropean Union faced enormous with the democratic challenges ofchallenges in its effort to stabilise the Middle East and North Africaand gradually integrate the newly and the grave dangers of religiousestablished, but fragile Central and and political extremism. The post-Eastern European democracies. A major part September 11 global environment and the surgeof this challenge was to help build strong of terrorist acts – many of them on European soiland reliable democratic foundations in these – has made us particularly sensitive to the needcountries, based on the fundamental political for greater stability, democracy and prosperityvirtues of post-WWII Europe; the same ones that in the problematic parts of the world.inspired the creation of a common and unitedEuropean home. Another region that was, is, and will continue to be for the foreseeable future politicallyThe European People’s Party (EPP) – whose problematic is Latin America. The EPP and ourfounding fathers and member-parties have global partners have, for many years, been atpioneered the European project from its the forefront of assisting democratic forces andinception – was determined to take a leading exposing authoritarian regimes, such as Cubarole, despite the magnitude of the task (dozens and Venezuela, and will not rest until democracyof countries, hundreds of economic and social takes root throughout the region.problems, limited EU resources, etc.). Theprimary aim was to bolster the political forces Enlarging through Enlargementthat were committed to democracy, socialmarket economy and the rule of law, particularly The integration of the newly-establishedsince many of them were kept marginalized democracies of Central and Eastern Europeby refurbished post-communist political elites, was a pain-staking process with politicalgroomed by the European Socialists. reform at its heart. With the swift submission of EU membership applications by the CzechThe hard work of the last 15 years has brought Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania,impressive results since our like-minded political Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia the EPP, soonpartners have entered the center-stage of national enough, received a wave of applications byand European politics and have managed to political parties eager to join our political familybring the most recent EU enlargement cycle to and to utilise our political experience, resourcesa successful conclusion. Nevertheless, the drive and democratic methods. This eagernessfor democracy-building by the EPP is far from was understandably acute in countries whereover. Our work in the Western Balkans is still yesterday’s communists became today’sevolving and we have only started becoming ‘democrats’ who helped preserve largeengaged in Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus, not parts of the old economic and bureaucraticwithstanding our ad hoc activities in the Trans- establishments while dipping into the newCaucasus and the Russian Federation. ‘spoils’, generated by the free-market economy. 5 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  6. 6. Democracy-building in Europe and Beyond More importantly, these post-communist The results from all these efforts proved to politicians quickly found refuge in the Party be very positive since, slowly but surely, most of European Socialists (PES) and the Socialist of these parties entered the center-stage of International (SI) who, due to their traditional national and, eventually, European politics. By ‘flexibility’ towards such politicians and practices, gradually integrating with the EPP as observers rose triumphantly to the occasion. and associate members they managed, at the pre-accession stage, to become well-acquainted The EPP, therefore, had the task of commencing with European-level political behaviours and its own enlargement process that would also practices. For example, with the participation complement the overall enlargement policy of of their leaders at the EPP Summit – which the European Union. It would, first, have to prepares the agenda of the EU Council Summit identify potential political partners that would – they had the opportunity to become engaged generally adhere to the basic ideological with EU policies prior to the accession of their principles and values of the EPP and that countries. Furthermore, political leaders from would also represent a noteworthy portion of these countries began playing a role in the the national electorate. After identifying such a internal decision-making process of the EPP. party and before even considering any type of At the October 2002 EPP Congress in Estoril membership affiliation1, European political think (Portugal) for example, two out of the eleven tanks2 affiliated to the EPP would overtake the EPP Vice-Presidents elected came from the challenge of offering training and educational enlargement countries: the Hungarian leader of programmes to the leaders, advisers, youth and FIDESZ and former Prime Minister Victor Orban to any other party member that was considered and the Bulgarian leader of UDF4 and former important for the greater democratization and Minister of Foreign Affairs Nadezhda Mihailova. ‘Europeanization’ of the political party. In parallel, the EPP would pool all other available By May 2004, when the European Union resources – particularly those from the EPP-ED welcomed 10 new Member States, the EPP had Group in the European Parliament – to organize accepted 18 political parties as full members: conferences, seminars, and other relevant one from the Czech Republic5, two from Estonia, activities in all these countries. The coordinating two from Hungary, three from Latvia, two from role for all these activities was handled by long- Lithuania, two from Poland, three from Slovakia, standing EPP Vice-President Wim van Velzen3. and three from Slovenia.6 The success of the The experienced Dutch politician, chairing both EPP in these countries was also reflected in the the EPP Working Group on “Enlargement & EPP June 2004 European elections in which the EPP- Memberships” and the Working Group of the ED Group in the European Parliament secured EPP-ED Group on Central and Eastern Europe, 268 seats and first place, with MEPs from all was uniquely placed to manage this Herculean the recently acceded Member States (and from task on behalf of the EPP. all other EU Member States). In the newly enlarged European Commission, 3 out of the 9 1 The EPP offers three types of membership status: a) observer member, b) associate member (maximum status for parties belonging to EU candidate countries, EFTA countries, & Stability Pact countries), and c) full member (maximum status for parties belonging to EU member countries). 2 The Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS – by far the largest, linked to the CDU), together with the ÖVP Political Academy, the Eduardo Frei Foundation (CDA), the Hanns Seidel Stiftung (CSU), FAES (PP), along with the Budapest-based Robert Schuman Institute (directly affiliated to the EPP), a.o. 3 Wim van Velzen is the former leader of the Dutch CDA and former Vice President of the EPP-ED Group and Member of the European Parliament. He continues to Chair EPP Working Group “Enlargement & EPP Memberships.” 4 The EPP has accepted three parties as associate members from Bulgaria, including the UDF, with the application of Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria still outstanding. 5 Our EPP-ED Group also accepted MEPs from the ODS in its ED section - the EPP application of ODS remains outstanding. 6 The EPP also accepted one member from Cyprus and one from Malta. For a full listing of EPP members, please visit www. epp-eu.org.6 European View
  7. 7. Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas SasmatzoglouEPP Commissioners came from the enlargement In this asymmetrical political jigsaw puzzle, thecountries.7 Currently in the European Council, European People’s Party has, for many years,4 out of 11 EPP heads of government are from been actively engaged and making its ownthe new EU Member States8. With the imminent contribution in the stability and democratisationaccession of Romania and Bulgaria, the influence of the region. In the late 1990s, for example, EPPof the EPP is, once again, well represented in Vice President and President of Greece’s Neathe political mainstream of these countries. In Demokratia Kostas Karamanlis, launched onRomania, two out of three EPP member parties behalf of the EPP the ‘Western Balkan Democracycomprise the current government coalition and Initiative’10 – a series of training seminarsRomanian President Train Basescu is the former and conferences that introduced the politicalPresident of the Democratic Party.9 practices and ideology of the EPP to the center- right political parties of the region. Furthermore,New Candidates - New Neighbourhood the EPP applied in the Western Balkans a similar methodology to that of the Central and EasternThe Western Balkans European countries for building strong and reliable political partnerships, although in someIn the Enlargement portfolio of the Barroso countries the work is still in progress or has justCommission, the entire Western Balkan region began.has been added for potential candidates to jointhe European Union. The enlargement drive of Croatia has been a model case for the EPP. Itsthe region is spearheaded by Croatia, a candidate main partner in the country, the HDZ, began itscountry, which began accession negotiations quest for EPP membership at a time when thein 2005, despite initial resistance by some EU shadow of Franjo Tudjman was still present in theMember States. Serbia and Montenegro and party and Croatian nationalism was still thriving.the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia The EPP, with the help of its member-parties,(FYROM) are also making inroads in their think-tanks, and associations, helped steer theaccession aspirations, but it will be a long and HDZ11 in the right direction and facilitated itshard road since many political questions – such reform into a pluralistic and European-orientedas the future status of Kosovo in Serbia and political force. HDZ leader and Prime Ministerthe implementation of the Ohrid agreement Ivo Sanader has repeatedly proven his statesmanand other problematic issues in FYROM – are qualities, his commitment to ICTY and hisstill open. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the dedication to transform Croatia into a EuropeanEuropean Union is still largely responsible for ‘island’ of stability in this fragile region ofthe stability and nation-building of this fragile Europe. Although these efforts were, for somecountry, whose wounds from the war are still time, not fully appreciated by some Europeanhealing. Lastly, Albania, although politically and international cycles, our painstaking effortsstable, remains one the most economically bore fruit and Croatia is finally on its way tobackward countries in Europe. becoming the 28th EU Member State.127 Commissioners Jan Figel (Slovakia), Andris Piebalgs (Latvia), plus Joe Borg (Malta).8 Prime Ministers Aigars Kalvitis (Latvia), Mikulaš Dzurinda (Slovakia), Janez Janša (Slovania), plus Laurence Gonzi (Malta).9 In Romania, the EPP accepted two parties as associate members and in September 2005 also accepted, initially, the Democratic Party (PD) as an observer. The PD is the first ever political party to abandon the PES and join the EPP.10 See The Western Balkan Democracy Initiative Report: Working Together, Moving Forward. European People’s Party, Athens: September 2002.11 In April 2004, the HDZ was upgraded from observer to associate member of the EPP.12 In September 2005, at the initiative of EPP President W. Martens, a letter was sent on behalf of 9 EU Prime Ministers to British Prime Minister Tony Blair, asking for the immediate commencement of Croatia’s accession negotiations. 7 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  8. 8. Democracy-building in Europe and Beyond In Serbia and Montenegro, the EPP was able to the country for most of 2004, since he was build strong partnerships in Serbia proper. The given the responsibility by the country’s High DSS of Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and Representative to apply his diplomatic skills for the G17plus of Deputy Prime Minister Miroslav the creation of a BiH national police force. His Labus, have proven to be strong and reliable repeated contacts with political parties from partners and, in fact, the only serious political all three ethnic communities helped the EPP forces which are capable of bringing Serbia identify three potential partners – the Muslim/ closer to Europe. A major challenge for Prime Bosniak SDA, the Croat HDZBiH, and the Minister Kostunica will be the management Serbian PDP. In this particular case, the EPP of the future of Kosovo and the ultimate applied a modified version of its methodology stabilization of his country. The question of the for accepting parties by implementing a common future of Montenegro in the State-Union also approach and imposing strict requirements for all remains outstanding. Nevertheless, regardless three parties. Essentially, all three parties were of the political future of Montenegro, the obliged to open-up their membership to the EPP is committed to identifying in the near other ethnic groups and to commit themselves future partners in this country and to counter- on having a positive working relationship with balance the current domination of Montenegrin each other, based on political ideology. Despite Socialists/post-communists. initial difficulties, the approach was accepted by all three parties and the EPP reciprocated In the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, by accepting them collectively as observers13 the EPP has just inaugurated its activity in the (December 2004). country with the implementation of a Fact- Finding Mission (September 2005). This venture Albania is another small EPP success story. will prove particularly challenging since the Although it was not difficult to identify the center-right forces in the Slav-Macedonian parties that represented the center-right, the majority are fragmented and personalized democratic practices of these parties were, and have become distant from their Albanian- initially, far from acceptable, particularly in the Macedonian counterparts, who are in decline. case of Sali Berisha’s Democratic Party (DP). However, these forces are the only real hope Nevertheless, after being in opposition for a in reforming the country and bringing it closer number of years and having the opportunity to Europe since they are not associated with to understand and gradually implement the the corrupt post-communist establishment, political standards presented by the EPP, the which continues to dominate public and private DP and its leader made a political about-face. interests. After being accepted at the Estoril Congress of 2002 as an observer, Mr Berisha was a regular In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), the EPP participant of EPP activities and a frequent visitor was faced with a unique a situation since, in of Brussels. More recently, we both had the practice, the country is governed (through opportunity to personally witness his maturity the High Representative), policed (through as a political leader at the DP Congress in April the peacekeeping mission) and financed 2005, a prelude to his electoral comeback. The (through European donors and investors) by EPP sincerely hopes that Prime Minister Berisha the EU in the complex and labyrinthine Dayton will now turn words into deeds and transform agreement setting. Fortunately, EPP President Albania into a reliable and stable European Wilfried Martens was actively engaged in partner. 13 The SDA was the first Muslim-oriented party in the history of the EPP to become an observer member.8 European View
  9. 9. Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas SasmatzoglouTurkey Group in the Council of Europe - with members of parliament from Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia,For many years, the EPP was in search of a Armenia, Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation.political party that would be compatible with Nevertheless, a more systematic engagement on aits ideological principles and values. In the country-by-country basis was deemed necessary,past, there were only indirect contacts with the in view of the growing need to support theMotherland party and the True Path party – via democratic forces of these countries.the European Democrat Union - but there wasno real incentive to build relations. This situation Ukraine was the first test-case of this newchanged dramatically with the entrance, in the strategy. Following a request by VictorTurkish political landscape, of the Justice and Yushchenko and his ever-expanding democraticDevelopment Party (AKP) of Recep Tayyip movement, the EPP organized in early 2003Erdoğan. His manifold reform drive, to bring a Fact-Finding Mission for the purpose ofTurkey in line with the Copenhagen criteria and assessing the needs of his movement and theto begin accession negotiations in 2005, also likelihood of influencing Ukrainian society. Theincluded an openness to build political relations result of the mission was quite promising sincewith European leaders from the center-right. the EPP delegation recognized the potential ofAKP repeatedly declared that it was a secular this movement and the leadership qualities ofconservative party, inspired by the country’s Victor Yushchenko. Since then, contacts betweenIslamic tradition, that was open to relations the two sides gradually increased to the pointwith like-minded, even Christian Democrat, were Mr Yushchenko addressed the FebruaryEuropean political parties. The EPP was, of 2004 EPP Congress in Brussels and, in turn,course, the obvious choice since it included received widespread political backing from mostall those elements the AKP was searching for. EPP member-parties. Soon after, Mr YushchenkoFrom the point of view of the EPP, the AKP submitted an application for EPP observer statuswas perceived as a serious political force which and expressed his commitment to join ourdefended the same values, and which had the political family. In the fall of 2004, during thepotential of becoming integrated as any other critical election-campaign period, Yushchenkomember party. Finally, after months of contacts and his ‘Nasha Ukraina’ movement receivedand negotiations, the EPP admitted in January manifold support by the EPP, at a time when2004 the AKP as an observer member, as the few others from Europe and the internationalinitial step to its integration. This was truly a community were offering a helping hand.groundbreaking development since it was thefirst time in EPP’s history to accept a major The highlight of this support occurred in thepolitical party from Turkey, with millions of midst of the crisis – between the first andsupporters belonging to the Muslim faith.14 second rounds of the elections – when EPP President Wilfried Martens formally endorsed,The European Neighbourhood in joint press conference with Mr Yushchenko, his candidacy15. Moreover, in the critical periodThe European People’s Party always had an between the second round the re-run of elections,interest in the transition countries of the for- President Martens extended an invitation to Mrmer Soviet Union. Apart from its high profile Yushchenko to participate at the December 17involvement in the Baltics, the EPP had EPP Summit of heads of government, as a show ofestablished contacts – via its parliamentary support for his Orange revolution16. Finally, his14 When the AKP joined the EPP, some analysts coined the term ‘Muslim Democrats’, inspired by the long-standing ideological concept of Christian Democracy. AKP rejects the term and considers itself a ‘Conservative’ party.15 The report of the International Election Observation Mission (IEOB) states that: “although it was a lower profile endorsement, Victor Yushchenko received the backing of the European People’s Party.” IEOB – European Parliament, Council of Europe, OSCE-ODIHR, OSCE-PA, NATO-PA – Presidential Elections (Second Round), Ukraine: Preliminary Findings and Conclusions. Kiev: 22/11/04, p.916 Due to intense campaigning, Yushchenko was represented at the EPP Summit by current Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk. 9 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  10. 10. Democracy-building in Europe and Beyond triumphant election as President was followed unacceptable current state of affairs. by the granting of observer status by the Nevertheless, there is great interest in developing EPP.17 On the other hand, the first months our involvement with non-governmental of the Yushchenko administration have been organizations and individuals, committed to true rather difficult and, at times, turbulent, while democratic reform of this pivotal country. the post-Orange revolution political landscape remains particularly fluid. Nevertheless, the In the Caucasian states of Georgia, Armenia and EPP and all its resources remain committed Azerbaijan, the EPP has been present largely to this emerging democracy and will continue through a number of ad hoc activities from our to work hard for its European future.18 associations and think tanks. The preparation of a wider strategy for these countries is currently In Moldova, our engagement has been modest. underway. Various resolutions have stressed the need to strengthen democratic forces and a number of Looking beyond Europe ah hoc activities by EPP partners have helped bolster the Moldovan Christian Democrats In recent years, the EPP has been expanding (PPCD). As a show of collective support, and on its interest and involvement in regions beyond the eve of the March 2005 national elections, the the continent in order to offer its experience EPP decided to grant the PPCD observer status. and expertise to common international efforts Nevertheless, a broader range of activities of democracy-building. In doing so, we have is being planned, in light of the continued begun to widen our bilateral and multilateral domination of communists/post-communists in relations with like-minded political parties the country. and organizations that are dedicated to similar goals. Belarus, the last European dictatorship that exists in complete isolation from the rest of Europe,19is Specifically, our longstanding affiliation with the a country of high priority for the EPP. As it is Christian/Centrist Democrat International (CDI) well documented, the Belarusian democratic has offered the EPP an influential multilateral opposition is suffocating from the Luckashenko platform to offer its input in regions such as regime and has very limited access to European Latin America, Africa and Southeast Asia, which and international support. The EPP has taken the CDI is particularly active. Recently, we have the decision to become actively engaged and also started to develop a tangible relationship to offer any possible support. Later this year, with the International Democrat Union (IDU), the EPP will organize a Fact Finding Mission with a view to strengthening the transatlantic to Minsk in order to get first-hand information dimension of our international activities. In on the situation and to assess the needs of the fact, because of our emphasis on international Belarusian opposition. democracy-building – a goal shared by both the CDI and the IDU – the EPP aspires to act as In the Russian Federation, our engagement a bridge for the two organisations to improve has also been modest due to the lack of any global synergy and cooperation. serious political alternatives to the increasingly 17 At the January 2005 EPP Political Bureau meeting, observer status was granted to Yushchenko (as an individual) and his political platform. Since then, a number of political parties that originated from the platform have also applied for observer status. 18 In October 7, 2005, EPP President Wilfried Martens met with Yushchenko’s newly appointed Prime Minister Yuri Yekhanurov in Brussels and invited him to participate in the next EPP Summit. In the previous day, Yekhanurov met Commission President José Manuel Barroso who stated: “Our door remains open, the future of Ukraine is in Europe - the best way is not to talk all the time about membership but to achieve concrete results, show commitment to European standards and values.” 19 For example, Belarus was suspended from the Council of Europe because it “does not respect minimum democratic standards and violates the principles of separation of powers and the rule of law” – see the Council of Europe 13 January 1997 decision on Belarus.10 European View
  11. 11. Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas SasmatzoglouMoreover, the EPP is building, on a bilateral Lebanon is currently undergoing a dramaticlevel, international partnerships with influential transition towards democratization and politicalpolitical parties and organizations that are active self-sufficiency, despite terrorist attempts toin the area of democracy-building. For example, sabotage this process.in the United States the EPP had, historically,contacts with the National Democratic Institute North Africa, a region that is largely an extension(NDI) and collaborated from time to time on of the Middle East, is significantly more stableissues related to the Balkans. This year, the EPP but problematic, nevertheless. Egypt, thebegan its cooperation with the International bridge of the two regions, has subtly begunRepublican Institute (IRI) and has already proven to implement democratic reforms but, at theto be very fruitful on a variety of related issues20. same time, terrorism and religious extremismWe also established contacts with important like- are obvious detriments to this process. Algeriaminded parties such as the Conservative Party and Morocco are facing, in varying degrees, theof Canada, led by Stephen Harper, the Liberal same problems and democratic solutions haveParty of Australia, led by Prime Minister John not been easy to implement.Howard, the Liberal Party of Japan, led by PrimeMinister Junichiro Koizumi, a.o. In all of the above-mentioned countries, the EPP has in one way or another offered its goodMiddle East & North Africa services: be it monitoring missions, conferences, training seminars, bilateral contacts (parties,The Middle East is a region of protracted organizations) and multilateral contacts (i.e.instability with numerous players and complex Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly).levels of interests. Although the Israeli- The extension of the European NeighbourhoodPalestinian problem has, undoubtedly, been Policy to North African and Middle Easternthe epicenter of this instability, since September countries has been welcomed by the EPP and it’s11, Iraq has dominated the Middle Eastern committed to helping it succeed. Together withagenda. Iraq, of course, has been a particularly our international partners, we look forward tocontentious foreign policy issue for many seeing these regions transform from problematiccountries and very divisive within the European barriers to stable and democratic global hubs.Union and, not surprisingly, within the EPP.Nevertheless, everyone has now reached the Latin Americacommon understanding that post-Saddam Iraqmust become stable and democratic, free from Latin America is a region with significantterrorism and, ultimately, free from foreign democratic deficits. And in countries withtroops. In parallel, the Israeli-Palestinian established, but weak, democratic foundationsconflict has made progress with the bold step compounded by enormous economic difficulties,taken by Israel of withdrawing unilaterally all its they are being systematically manipulated by thetroops and settlers from the Gaza strip; but the populist/neo-communist regime of Hugo Chávezremaining occupied territories and recognition in Venezuela and by the almost infinite presenceof Palestine as a sovereign nation continue of communist dictator Fidel Castro in Cuba. Theto remain outstanding, with all the negative combination of resources by the two leadersimplications that this entails. The potential – i.e. Chávez’s control of oil and other naturalnuclear capability of Iran, on the other hand, resources and Castro’s longstanding ideologicalhas emerged as a worrisome issue and the EU baggage – has proven to be particularlyis actively engaged in containing it21. Lastly, dangerous for the democratic stability of other20 Since the July 2005 visit of the EPP delegation to Washington - headed by President W. Martens and including both writers – the EPP and the IRI have cooperated on election monitoring issues (e.g. Afghanistan), fact-finding missions (e.g. Belarus) and activities for improving the transatlantic partnership.21 In August 2005, EPP-ED Chairman Hans Gert Poettering visited Iran and lobbied for the adoption of the EU-3 nuclear comprehensive package. 11 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  12. 12. Democracy-building in Europe and Beyond countries in the region. Bolivia22, for example, a country with seven different frontiers in South America, is being targeted by the two leaders in an effort to create a populist domino effect. The EPP, our partners in the CDI and all our other global partners, have a duty to prevent this nightmare scenario. We must continue to assist and bolster the democratic forces and governments of the region, while also exposing the regimes of Cuba, Venezuela and their accomplices – in any shape or form - in other Latin American countries. We must pool everyone’s resources to make sure that democracy will, ultimately and irreversibly, take root throughout the region. Conclusion The impact of democracy-building by the European People’s Party has been acknowledged as a great success story. The EPP is recognised, in Europe and globally, as a significant stabilising factor in emerging democracies and as a reliable partner for the promotion of democracy in sensitive regions of the world. Our commitment to improve and expand our activities, together with our partners, is a clear and unmistakable message to all those who are trying to undermine democracy and freedom. With every new breakthrough, our resolve becomes stronger and bolder and, in turn, Europe becomes stronger and bolder. After all, freedom and democracy - the foundations of our United Europe - are ideals worth fighting for. Antonio López-Istúriz is Secretary General of the EPP and Member of the European Parliament. Kostas Sasmatzoglou is Secretary of External Relations of the EPP. 22 Evo Morales could become a likely imitator of Chávez - Bolivia holds the second largest gas reserves in Latin America.12 European View
  13. 13. Wilfried Martens EU-US Relations: Old Challenges and New Opportunities By Wilfried Martens EU-US relations, the Commission President José Manuel Barroso. cornerstone of the This set the stage for a successful June 2005 transatlantic partnership, EU-US Summit in Washington, where Summit have experienced in participants confirmed that Presidents Bush on recent years varying the one hand, and Juncker and Barroso (both degrees of ‘ups and leading EPP personalities) on the other, moveddowns’. The aftermath of the appalling September briskly from topic to topic, exchanging views11 terrorist attacks in the United States, coupled succinctly, agreeing often and disagreeingby the subsequent attacks in Madrid and, most sometimes. Even when disagreement occurred,recently, London, were bound to have an impact the proceedings were conducted in a friendlyon these relations. Nevertheless, the initial vein as between people who knew one anotherstrain, highlighted by the disagreements over well and shared basic principles, assumptionsIraq, was replaced by the recognition, from both and values.sides, of the necessity to tackle our commonnew challenges together, side by side. Clearly, The Summit also produced important policythe turning point of this realisation was the advances, including a number of declarationssecond Administration of US President George for joint action toward such issues as theW. Bush and the new European Commission led promotion of democracy, freedom, and humanby President José Manuel Barroso. rights, continuing the fight against terrorism and non-proliferation, supporting peace andA fresh start stability in the Middle East, reform of the United Nations, and an initiative to enhance transatlanticAs he entered his second term, President Bush economic integration and growth.made clear that a closer relationship with theEU would be a key US foreign policy goal. This While these declarations are indeed important,is not to say that relations with the EU were not the comments of President Bush during theproductive during the first Bush Administration, Summit press conference were even morein combating terrorism, non-proliferation, and in striking. Following the French and Dutch nomany other issues, but it cannot be denied that votes on the Constitutional Treaty, the Europeantransatlantic and intra-EU disagreements over Union had not yet fully recovered its composureIraq had caused serious tensions in the EU-US as an institution. At such a sensitive moment,relationship. Other US policies were perceived President Bush chose to be warm and positiveby Europeans as lacking in appreciation for about the European Union as an institution,the need to pursue international cooperation. and especially so about Presidents Juncker andA more positive atmosphere characterised the Barroso personally.relationship in late 2003 and into 2004, as hardfeelings over Iraq eased and moving the political The President’s message was particularly helpfuland economic reconstruction forward became a as some in the US had seized on the failedmutual focus. referenda to suggest that the EU was somehow going out of business. While this is of coursePresident Bush delivered this more positive false, it does raise an important point. If Europemessage personally during his February 2005 wishes to influence US thinking, it can best bevisit to the EU institutions in Brussels, including done if Europe speaks clearly and forcefully anda private meeting with new, EPP-backed, in a single voice. 13 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  14. 14. EU-US Relations: Old Challenges and New Opportunities Before considering the many policies that preparation of the constitutional referendum comprise the EU-US relationship, it is important and providing €30 million for the preparation of to underline the shared values and close the December elections. emotional bonds between our peoples. Policy declarations and summits are important but have The EU has also signed a “Political Declaration” little weight without the support of our societies with Iraq in launching a new political – this is a lesson that EU leaders should take dialogue that will cover EU support to the to heart when reflecting on the Constitutional political transition process and related issues. referenda. These social bonds are most evident This Declaration will help pave the way for in the transatlantic solidarity expressed at times cooperation to cover a wide range of trade and of crisis, including the 9/11 terrorist attacks in development issues. Washington and New York, the subsequent terrorist bombings in Madrid and London, and Similarly, in Afghanistan the EU and US have most recently in reaction to Hurricane Katrina, worked closely in providing humanitarian and which brought a rapid and generous response reconstruction assistance and supporting the from the EU. transition to democratic government. The EU (EC and Member States) will provide more A broad foreign policy agenda than €2 billion over the 2001-6 period, per the Bonn process, and most recently supported EU leaders, particularly those belonging to the September 2005 parliamentary elections, European People’s Party, share President Bush’s which were also reviewed by an EU Observer emphasis on combating terrorism, bolstering Mission. homeland security, and promoting democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Our approach The EU-3 non-proliferation negotiations with may sometimes differ, but we are working Iran, fully supported by the Bush Administration, together successfully around the world, and offer a reminder that we must not underestimate particularly in dealing with a number of difficult the challenges we face, as has also been regional issues, including the Broader Middle demonstrated by the setbacks in Uzbekistan and East, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Belarus, and even Ukraine. Georgia. We must also redouble our efforts toward the The EU and US have worked with our Quartet developing world. Eradicating poverty and partners in furthering the Middle East peace promoting development are moral imperatives process. The successful Gaza disengagement which the world’s richest nations are obligated was a very positive step forward for Israel and to address. European Commission President the Palestinian Authority, and all sides must now Barroso recently compared the modern scourges focus on next steps in implementing the Road of poverty, hunger and disease to slavery Map. 200 years ago. “Slavery” he said, “was then considered an inevitability; a natural part of the Regarding Iraq, the EU hosted a successful June order of things. But that was wrong.” Equally, it 2005 donors’ conference and has contributed is wrong for us today to think of poverty as a to political and economic reconstruction. The fact of life. Commission has provided €518 million of assistance to date, including support for the That is why reconfirming our commitment to the rehabilitation of the provision of basic services Millennium Development Goals and setting target to respond to the most urgent needs of the dates for their achievement is so vital. The EU is ordinary Iraqi people. As part of this assistance already the world’s biggest donor, providing 55% of worldwide official development assistance package, the Commission is supporting the between the Commission and Member States,14 European View
  15. 15. Wilfried Martensworth $43 billion in 2004. Earlier this year we Our two economies are thus interdependent tocommitted ourselves to further and substantially an unparralleled degree – we are joined at bothincrease this amount – by 2010 we will provide hip and shoulder. Close to a quarter of all US-nearly an extra $26 billion, and by 2015 we will EU trade consists of transactions within firmsreach the recommended 0.7% of gross national based on their investments on either side of theincome. Atlantic.In tackling poverty we also move a step closer The transatlantic relationship defines theto human security. If the US, the word’s second shape of the global economy as a whole asbiggest donor, were to join us in this commitment either the EU or the US is also the largest tradeand follow the EU’s lead on increasing ODA, and investment partner for almost all otherthe impact on poverty and security would be countries. Being the largest players in globaltremendous. trade, the EU and US are therefore committed to a politically and economically significantThe successful conclusion of the 60th UN cooperation agenda, be it on bilateral issues orSummit is another example of the prospect for in the multilateral framework of the WTO. Thecloser EU-US cooperation in the second Bush few trade-related disputes hitting the headlinesAdministration. While EU and US approaches affect a small proportion of the world’s largestto multilateral cooperation frequently differ, trading relationship.with such cooperation a first reflex for the EU, While trade flows continue to increase year-by-here also President Bush and Secretary Rice year, there are still a number of areas wherehave made clear that the new Administration is more work can be done to facilitate trade, mosttaking a more positive approach. notably in non-tariff barriers and regulatory differences. The EU and the US have consistentlyWhere EU and US approaches are in fundamental sought progress in this regard. In 1998, thedisagreement, as in the case of the China Arms EU and the US launched, in the context of theEmbargo, it is important to speak calmly, as New Transatlantic Agenda, the Transatlanticpartners. Too much rides on our work together Economic Partnership (TEP). This “Partnership”around the globe to allow a single issue to divert aimed to create an open and more accessibleour focus. world trading system, while also improving and further developing the economic relationshipTransatlantic and global trade between the EU and US, and included a rolling ‘Action Plan.’The EU and the US share the largest bilateral In 2002, the EU and US launched a Positivetrade and investment relationship in the world Economic Agenda (PEA) for bilateral cooperation– the overall volume of EU-US trade in goods in specific sectors. An initial indicative list ofand services amounts to more than €600 billion items led to the adoption in December 2002 ofannually, with no less than 2% of that total a so-called “Roadmap” which fleshes out thesubject to the trade spats that attract so many commitments taken by the EU and the US toheadlines. Investment flows are even greater cooperate in a number of areas such as electronic– the EU accounts for roughly 75% of FDI in tendering, electronic customs, financial marketsthe US and by 2003 the total stocks of two- dialogue, and the wine trade.way investments amounted to €1.4 trillion. Therelationship directly supports 12 million jobs, At the EU-US Summit in June 2004, leaderswith combined EU and US GDP at around 60% adopted the ‘EU-US Declaration on Strengtheningof the world total. our Economic Partnership’ looking into new ways 15 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  16. 16. EU-US Relations: Old Challenges and New Opportunities to make the transatlantic economic relationship the new technological paradigm without the stronger and give it new impetus. The US entrepreneurship of its CEOs (in companies Government and the European Commission both big and small) and their readiness to subsequently launched consultation exercises embrace radical innovation despite the risks with civil society requesting comments and and the costs entailed. The structure of the US proposals from stakeholders. On the basis of financial sector was also better fit for the new the replies received, the EU and US adopted paradigm. And the US, in its firms, laboratories the ‘EU-US Initiative to Enhance Transatlantic and universities possesses a larger population Economic Integration and Growth’ at the EU- of the scientists, innovators, entrepreneurs, and US Summit in June 2005. The Initiative sets financial managers needed to lead the new a framework for further work in ten areas: economy. regulatory co-operation; capital markets; innovation and technology; trade, travel and Labour market flexibility and labour mobility security; energy; intellectual property rights; at all levels have also been key factors in the investment; competition; procurement; and US success: without this, it would have taken services. It thus complements the existing much longer for ICT investment to become co-operative framework, in particular the profitable, weakened the momentum behind the Transatlantic Economic Partnership and the adoption of new technologies, and dampened Positive Economic Agenda. the productivity dynamics of the last ten years. Last but not least, the structure of incentives The 2005 EU-US summit also cemented our to promote the goals of economic growth and readiness to work together, not only on productivity has been strengthened. our bilateral links, but equally importantly multilaterally. In addition to deepening the It is important to remember that the US re- transatlantic trade and investment relationship, established its productivity growth leadership we need to stand up for trade liberalization over the EU only a decade ago. Furthermore, by coordinating our efforts to secure decisive population dynamics (much stronger in the US progress this year in the completion of the Doha than in the EU) explains much of the growth Development Round. differential. In per capita terms, in the last five years growth has been only moderately stronger Economic and Financial Relations in the US than in the EU. Over the last ten years the European Union lost The EU-US productivity gap could start to close, economic ground against the United States. As a in particular if the European countries adopt the result, the EU-US GDP gap has started to widen right policies and re-launch forcefully, through again. This large and widening gap (currently the Lisbon Agenda, the process of structural the EU15 GDP per capita is about 70% of the US reform. There are a number of fields where the GDP per capita) is the outcome of a different European Union is stronger and more competitive utilization of resources, with the US employment than the US. The US is also burdened by large rate and working hours higher than the EU, macroeconomic imbalances (a large and growing as well as productivity trends related to the current account deficit, speculative housing Information and Communications Technology prices in some areas) that, if not addressed, will (ICT) revolution and to investment dynamics hamper its economic performance. Recently favouring the US. border security issues have hindered the inflow of science and technology graduate students There is no doubt that the US economy from abroad, threatening one of the pillars of would not have succeeded in adapting to the “new economy” success story.16 European View
  17. 17. Wilfried MartensEuropean structural reform has been more positive impact on our relations. Above all, ourwidespread than generally perceived in the shared values and our unwavering dedication toUS, with increasing financial and product democracy will always form the bedrock of ourmarket integration and stronger competition, inimitable partnership.the EU can again become a thriving home forinnovative companies and brilliant minds. Withbetter environmental standards, a smaller crimerate, and a stronger social cohesion than the US, Wilfried Martens is President of the Europeanthe European economy has the potential to lead People’s Party and Chairman of the Editorialagain, if not in terms of per capita GDP, at least Board of the European View.in terms of welfare and quality of life.Such a renewed dynamism in the EU would begood news for the US, since it would help reducesome of the current US external imbalances andcreate room for a widening and strengtheningof the transatlantic economic relationship.A Positive OutlookThis broad but far from exhaustive overviewof recent developments in EU-US relations,leads to the conclusion that our partnershiphas weathered a rocky period following theinvasion of Iraq, with focus again on workingtogether to meet bilateral, regional, and globalchallenges. Some differences in approachremain, particularly in emphasizing internationalcooperation as a first reaction, but it would beshort-sighted and self-defeating for the EU tooverlook the opportunity presented by policytrends in the second Bush Administration.We should also recognize and seek to promotethe strong ties between our peoples. Thetransatlantic relationship gains legitimacy whenit contributes directly to the interests of oursocieties. That’s why the recent initiative by theEuropean People’s Party to establish partnershipswith the International Republican Institute andother important American organisations, is animportant example for achieving this goal.By effectively addressing common globalconcerns and by sharing best practices inaddressing common economic and socialchallenges, it will inevitably have a lasting and 17 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  18. 18. Elmar Brok The EU as a Global Player in the 21st Century Perspectives for the Common Foreign and Security Policy By Elmar Brok The EU’s Common was able to prevent a civil war. Similarly in Foreign and Security Ukraine, Javier Solana, the European Parliament Policy (CFSP) was and Polish president Kwasniewski provided established as the second successful mediation. The mediating role the EU pillar of the European played when addressing Iran’s use of nuclear Union in the 1993 Treaty technology, where the United Kingdom, Franceon the European Union signed at Maastricht. and Germany took the lead in the EU of 25,Since then, with the European Councils of indicates that preventive diplomacy does notAmsterdam, Laeken and Nice, a number of stop at the EU’s front door.important changes have been introduced.Within a little more than a decade, the CFSP However with the increasing scope assumed byhas evolved considerably and at amazing speed. the CFSP, responsibilities as well as expectationsInterim structures have now become powerful have grown. It is not only in the light of thepermanent instruments. Today, it is obvious that above-mentioned negotiations on Irans nuclearthe EU has become a global player: policy that the EUs ability to secure the diplomatic success has been questioned. It has− Via over 120 delegations and offices, the EU often been remarked that the EU, contrary to the maintains relations in every region and with USA, lacks the necessary enforcement capability almost all countries in the world. A plethora to assert its role as an influential global player. In of political and economic partnership the past, other shortcomings and inefficiencies agreements strengthens this network and of EU foreign policy were revealed, notably the guarantees the EUs influence in world affairs diplomatic and military failures in the Balkans, through an ever closer cooperation with the painstakingly slow progress in the Middle partner countries throughout the world. East negotiations and the quarrels with the USA− 20% of world trade is accounted for by the over the approach to the Iraq crisis which in EU, making it the largest trading block in the the end even led to division among the EU world. partners.− The European Union as a whole is the world’s largest donor in humanitarian and Consequently, the question is, what are the development aid, providing for more than perspectives and limits for the EUs CFSP? half of all global development assistance. What needs to be undertaken to overcome the− With the ongoing development of European weaknesses and set-backs and to secure the EUs Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) role as a global player in 21st century foreign the EU has taken over several peace policy? In this article, I will outline some of the keeping missions, including mandates in areas where the EU needs to take further steps comparatively remote places such as the and enhance its capabilities in order to stand its Democratic Republic of Congo. ground as a global player in the future. Since it is impossible to address all relevant fields ofSome of the EUs endeavours in foreign and CSFP here, I will focus on what will be some ofsecurity policy have become success stories. the major issues for the next two years:European diplomacy is gaining increasinginfluence: In the former Yugoslav Republic of − Strengthening the Unions relations with itsMacedonia (FYROM), the High Representative neighbours and its most important partners, 19 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  19. 19. The EU as a Global Player in the 21st Century - Perspectives for the Common Foreign and Security Policy especially creating new pillars for the Naturally, the Transatlantic Partnership will Transatlantic Partnership, remain crucial to the EU’s foreign policy − Adopting a European Security Culture in activities. Since it is vital for a number of CFSP order to achieve greater coherence in its issues (such as security policy, which will be foreign policy instruments by linking and focused on below) it should be discussed in enhancing diplomatic, military and industrial more detail. The war in Iraq led to a split on capabilities, both sides of the Atlantic and to some extent − Strengthening the fight against terrorism, also within Europe. These tensions over how − Introducing the necessary institutional to face the common enemy, in other words changes as provided by the European the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, come as no Constitution in order to make CFSP more surprise. They were the consequence of idealist efficient. rhetoric on both sides. Yet despite the rhetorical tensions, the climate has been frostier than the The EU needs strong partners: new pillars actual relationship itself. So how did all this for the Transatlantic Partnership happen? The most important cornerstone in enhancing The answer is simple: we allowed our most the Union’s foreign policy capabilities will be important relations to be based on chance. tightening its relations with third partners. These While the European Union cherishes Treaties “strategic partnerships” with third countries1 and Association Agreements with numerous must be based on the sharing and promotion countries all over the world, nothing comparable of common values. In particular, an assessment exists between the USA and the EU bilaterally. of the strategic partnerships governing relations The UN, NATO and the WTO alone cannot with the old and the new super powers will be carry the transatlantic partnership sufficiently, a key to success in this regard. thus leaving a structural gap to be bridged. The EU and the US need permanent coordination With regards to the relationship with our biggest on topics as diverse as trade, terrorism, nuclear neighbour, Russia, our common interests and non-proliferation, environmental protection and values have to be based on human rights, the health threats. rule of law and democracy. The developments in crisis management in Transnistria and South The common interests of the USA and the EU are Caucasus as well as the problem of finding a much greater than their differences. In the long political solution to the Chechnya conflict run the USA cannot be successful in their “war” will be milestones on the way to a genuine against terror alone. They need partners with partnership. It is regrettable that relations them to exert moral pressure, to prove to the with China thus far have only made progress world that they are fighting a just cause. Even in the fields of trade and economics without in many other fields, especially in trade issues, any substantial achievement on human rights the rest of the world is quietly happy to see the and democracy issues. Here, political relations US and the EU quarrel while others move on. need to be deepened, in particular with regards The EU in turn has an interest in taking a more to armament, the situation of Taiwan and the active part in agenda setting, which in part it progress of democratic structures. Relations already does (Kyoto, ICC). Both sides have an with India are also to be upgraded: conflict interest in achieving the mentioned common prevention, cooperation in development affairs goals without frictional inefficiencies. and non-proliferation will be the critical issues. 1 Third countries are defined as those inside and outside Europe which are neither members of the EU nor states associa- ted with the Framework Programme (Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, Switzerland, Israel: from 1.1.2004).20 European View
  20. 20. Elmar BrokThis is why a Transatlantic Partnership The EU wants to be a credible actor in securityAgreement (TPA) should be established. The matters. It seeks to handle crises more activelyso-called “New Transatlantic Agenda” between and above all to prevent them. It will developthe EU and the USA of December 1995 must the necessary diplomatic, military and industrialbe fundamentally overhauled and extended. capabilities with greater determination andThis must include NATO, WTO, UN topics and will make more coherent use of its differentpersonnel, to coordinate special transatlantic instruments of foreign policy.issues in those organisations. Additionally, inorder to strengthen economic cooperation Ten years after its diplomatic and militaryto the benefit of both partners, we need a failure in the Balkans, it is in the same place, in“Transatlantic Marketplace” as a part of the TPA. Bosnia-Herzegovina, that the EU now intendsThis marketplace could become reality by 2015 to implement this comprehensive approachand, according to an OECD Study, could increase through the “ALTHEA” mission, combining civilGDP per capita by 2 to 3%. The TPA will come and military elements of crisis management.with regular EU-US consultations, ensuring that The European approach distinguishes itselfco-operation towards our common goals is most strikingly against the background of theensured and is not left to chance. difficulties experienced by the US-lead coalition forces in Iraq, notably not only to win a fast warTowards a European Culture of Security with the means of technological advantage, but also with the aim of winning peace.A topic which is increasingly incorporated inagreements between the EU and its international The crisis in Kosovo made us realise that onlypartners is security. Consequently, it becomes a regional approach can really ensure peaceever more important for the Union to clarify - providing it with aspects of security, ofwhat shape its security policy should take. democratic, constitutional and legal principles,The Member States need to adopt a common of human rights and last but not least economicunderstanding on this matter: a European development. All aspects of this approach mustCulture of Security. be well-timed and well-balanced.In the 21st century, security cannot be provided This approach goes back to the CSCE final actby military means alone, nor can it be based of Helsinki (1975), which covers three areas:on just one country’s national powers. This security, democracy and economic development.is the credo the EU laid down in its Security It determined the structure of the stability pactStrategy of December 2003. New threats, such for South-East Europe and has become theas terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass predominant feature of European foreign policydestruction, “failed states” and organised crime in recent years.demand an integrated approach to securitypolicies. This must comprise military instruments Yet the possibility for the EU to guaranteeand capabilities alike, ranging from conflict security remained the missing link for a longprevention to “nation building”. time. Only the progress achieved in the past five years is bringing the EU closer to closingThe European Security Strategy, which was fully that gap and to hold in one hand the above-supported by the European Parliament, pursues mentioned diplomatic, economic and militarythree strategic goals: instruments and capabilities, with which it can− coping with various threats, emerge as a credible actor in international crisis− creating security in the EU Neighbourhood, management. European security policy is still in− supporting an international order, based on its infancy and shows signs of fragmentation. The an effective multilateralism. common Security Strategy set the framework. The 21 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005
  21. 21. The EU as a Global Player in the 21st Century - Perspectives for the Common Foreign and Security Policy outlines are already visible and the competence The EU will not be able to avoid certain areas are gradually becoming clearer: 7.000 responsibilities much longer if the UN was to EURFOR soldiers in Bosnia-Herzegovina, plus ask it, if it received a mandate and if its presence police, reconstruction programmes (CARDs) was requested by both sides of the conflict. and stability and association agreements (SAP). These same responsibilities would apply if the The EU acts at once as a protecting power, as mission was coordinated with the USA and thus a reconstruction partner and as a provider of a with NATO, and if such crisis management was general perspective for the country. to be accepted by the European public. This is where the European Parliament together with A similar responsibility for Kosovo lies ahead. National Parliaments must initiate an opinion- In this case, the international community must forming debate. no longer hide behind the military mission of NATO. The Balkans remain the number one After decades of development aid with very security interest for Europe. limited effect, not least in Africa, it has become clear that without security there can be no With European diplomacy being increasingly development. In Congo, the EU completed its successful, the perspective will remain a global first autonomous military mission (Artemis) one and many conflicts will only be resolved requested by the UN and headed by France, and together with our American partners. The Middle handed it over to UN peacekeeping forces as East belongs in this category. The initiative will foreseen. Now the EU is helping to establish an remain with the quartet (USA, EU, Russia, UN) integrated police unit in Kinshasa. in cooperation with the Arab partners. The EU must seize every possibility in the post-Arafat The European Security Strategy has delivered phase to achieve a revival of the peace process. an analysis of the threats and a definition of Again, the unity of security, democracy and European security interests. The Constitution economic development is important. Today the will deliver further elements for a modern EU region is already closely connected to the EU defence policy (see below) and EU Member with respect to trade and economics. The EU States agreed last year to the concept of battle could also contribute valuable know-how in groups, the goal for the forces in 2010 and the building up a functioning democratic Palestinian creation of a European Defence Agency. It is this State. mosaic of individual decisions in the framework of the Security Strategy that lays the foundation Can European peace forces combine with for the growth of a genuine European security a strong police presence in Gaza? Why not? culture. NATO’s Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer is already offering military capacities. Fight against terrorism Would a European mission not be much more suitable, with strong elements of civil, police The fight against terrorism will continue to be and law enforcement? The answer probably a priority for the EU and a key element of its lies elsewhere. Can such a young “baby” security and external relations policy. However, already master such a complex task? Would greater coherence and decisiveness in the there be enough European troops for such a Union’s counter-terrorism policy vis-à-vis third peace keeping mission? Would there be enough countries is needed. Consequently, cooperation political will within the common foreign policy with international and regional organisations of the EU-25 to undertake such a major burden, (in particular with the UN Counter-Terrorism thus going much further than just signing a Committee and with NATO) as well as political cheque? dialogue on terrorism with third partners is22 European View
  22. 22. Elmar Brokto be improved. Important elements in this a terrorist attack (or a natural or man-madecontext, are the further implementation of disaster), the other Member States shall assist itthe 2004 EU-US Declaration on Combating at the request of its political authorities”. To thatTerrorism, the Commission’s targeted assistance end, the Member States will have to coordinatestrategy (such as CARDS, TACIS, MEDA, etc.) between themselves in the Council of Ministers.and the strict application of the anti-terrorist Further improvements in the CFSP which willclause inserted in agreements with countries be introduced by the Constitution are outlinedwhere there is evidence of terrorist threats or below:specific terrorist activities, such as recruitment,training or financing. Reinforcing the use of the Further enhancement of the CFSP throughRapid Civil or Military Reaction Mechanisms the Constitutionand making full use when necessary of specificESDP operations will also form part of the EU’s The Convention and the Intergovernmentalcounter-terrorism strategy. Conferences were under the immanent impression of the shortcomings andAt the same time, the EU’s own contribution to inefficiencies in the EU’s foreign policy, notablythe fight against terrorism must be strengthened. in the Balkans, the Middle East and Iraq.During recent months the developments in this Consequently, the Constitution envisaged a leaparea received new stimulus through a number forward particularly in EU foreign affairs issues.of declarations and decisions by different EU-institutions: However, this does not mean a complete− The EU Counter-terrorism Co-ordinator, Gijs harmonisation of the EU’s foreign policy. On the de Vries, presented the Plan of Action on contrary, it will still be based on the principle combating Terrorism to the Council. of unity in diversity, which is at the heart of the− At the same time, the European Parliament Constitution. Only through the expansion of the forwarded a number of recommendations to CFSP can we Europeans expect our values to be the other EU institutions, most notably on defended and our interests to be guaranteed in preventing, preparing for and responding the world. to terrorist attacks, protecting critical infrastructure and combating terrorist This is why the EU Constitution calls for the financing. establishment of an EU Minister for Foreign− In its priorities for the second half of the Affairs, who would belong to both the year, the European Council refers in Commission and the Council representing the particular to strengthening police and judicial 25 Member States. He will embody the EU’s cooperation, e.g. information exchanges and common decisions regarding foreign policy. In the new arrest warrant. order to be able to fulfil his duties, the EU Foreign− In the shadow of the London attacks at the Minister will need a European External Action beginning of July, the Council decided to Service (EEAS) with the necessary worldwide increase efforts and speed up the adoption representations. It will be a cornerstone of the of EU counter-terrorism legislation. EU’s foreign policy, ensuring consistency and effectiveness of the EU’s Foreign Minister andThese efforts within the domain of security his mission to promote our common values inand justice constitute a very good example of our neighbourhood states and the world.how internal and external measures in the EUneed to complement each other. They will be To avoid building up a huge bureaucracy, theendorsed by the so-called "solidarity clause" service should be attached to the Europeanas envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty: “In Commission, which already has more than 120the case of a Member State falling victim to representations outside the EU. These could 23 Volume 2 - Autumn 2005

×