AS SOCIOLOGYEXPLORING SOCIALISATION, CULTURE & IDENTITYEthnic Identity
Scheme of WorkWeek 13 1 ½ formal mock exam 3 – lads & laddettes Social Class Booklet Test: Mock Exam 3 Homework 13 OCR Textbook Students should be able to answer OCR Over Christmas it is your task to AS Sociology examination style Mind map the main cultures in UK –Dec 13th questions under exam conditions Irish, Scottish, Pakistani, Afro-2010 Caribbean, Bangladeshi, Chinese & Students should be able to provide Indian – New eastern European evidence that they have learnt key Immigrants sociological concepts, studies, methods, theory & contemporary examples from I would like a detailed & developed Unit 1: Exploring socialization, culture account of their whole way of life & identity Students should be able to recognize the value of peer review to analyse & evaluate the success of their progress test Power Point – Introduction to ethnic Ethnicity Booklet Ethnic Identities identities OCR Textbook Students should be able to outline & Define key concepts: ethnicity, ethnic assess the influence of structure (i.e. identity, nationality, race, hybridity & agents of socialisation) & agency (i.e. globalization individual choice) in the creation & reinforcement of ethnic identities Immigration & the different cultures that make up the contemporary UK’s 8% Students should be able to outline & ethnically diverse population explain the concepts of ethnicity, nationality, race, hybridity & Link to homework/research that all students globalization in relation to ethnic must complete over Christmas identity socialization
Power Point – A History of Conflict Ethnic Identities Formal & informal Racism Ethnicity Booklet The Windrush & African Caribbean’s OCR Textbook Theory? Conflict or Consensus Christmas BreakWeek 14 Introduce agents & discuss cultures Ethnicity Booklet Ethnic Identities Homework 14 Power Point – OCR Textbook Students should be able to outline & Mock Exam: Jacobson (1998) – explain how the family & media as Islam in Transition: Religion andJan 5th Family & Media Identity Among British Pakistani agents of socialisation create &2010 Youth: Routledge reinforce ethnic identities Prepare a response to the d) question in Mock Exam 3 Power Point – Ethnicity Booklet Ethnic Identities Education & Peer group OCR Textbook Students should be able to outline & explain how education & peer group as agents of socialisation create & reinforce ethnic identities Power Point – Ethnicity Booklet Ethnic Identities Religion & Workplace OCR Textbook Students should be able to outline & explain how religion & the workplace as agents of socialisation create &
reinforce ethnic identitiesWeek 15 Ethnic Identities Power Point – Potential Change Ethnicity Booklet Homework 15 Postmodernism – Hybridity – Globalization - OCR Textbook Mind map all of the key concepts Dual Identities and studies that are related toJan 10th ethnic identities in the2010 contemporary UK Power Point – The continuing influence of Ethnicity Booklet Ethnic Identities tradition OCR Textbook G671 - The Formation & Meaning of Ethnic Ethnicity Booklet Ethnic Identities Identities: 1 ½ hours – 100 marks a) Define the concept of cultural values. OCR Textbook Illustrate your answer with examples (8 Test: Mock exam 3 marks) b) Outline and explain two ways in which an individual may express an ethnic identity (16 marks) c) Explain and briefly evaluate why ethnic minority youth in the UK may adopt dual identities (24 marks) d) Using the prerelease material and your wider sociological knowledge, explain the use of observations and interviews to research the identity of young British Pakistanis (52 marks)
RaceThe idea of race is an increasingly outdated concept. It originated with attempts made by early scientiststo classify human beings into types (e.g. Negroid, Caucasoid, mongoloid) and was sometimes used tojustify domination and abuse of one ethnic group by another. However, the science of genetics hassubsequently shown that the genetic differences between racial groups are actually very small. Thedifferences between individuals are far more significant than the variations between racial types. Thehuman genome project showed that humans share a very large proportion of their genetic material. Rose(1998) points out that, despite this, skin colour has been used as a basis for differentiating between onegroup and another in a variety of cultures. In Western culture, the reasons for this are bound up inreligious symbolism. For example, in medieval wall paintings the Devil was often painted as black. Thelegacy of this is that the modern English language has itself become racist `black is used to describethings that are unpleasant, for example, blackmail, black look, black-hearted. Racism has become part ofmany cultures and is often at its most obvious in jokes and humour that are based on culturalstereotyping.Early scientists were keen to categorise human types by measuring distinctive features of their facesand build. This developed into the now discredited science of eugenics that was used by the Nazis toidentify Jews.EthnicityEthnicity is a far more useful concept than race and means being part of a group of people who share aculture that consists of particular traditions and beliefs. Every individual has an ethnicity, a sense ofbelonging to a particular group. People are more likely to be aware of their sense of ethnicity when theyare in a foreign country than when they are at home. This culture differentiates them from other groups.People who share an ethnicity feel included and part of a larger social group. Their ethnicity group oftengives people a sense of pride and identity. They will emphasise their differences and signal them toothers.Ethnicity is also significant because it marks out as other those who do not share that particularethnicity, and these people are excluded. Ethnicity is a far more useful concept to sociologists than racebecause people who consider themselves as sharing an ethnicity may not in fact be very different fromthose whom they consider as other. Consider the case of the Scots and English; it would be difficult for anon-European to recognise the cultural difference between these ethnicities, but to a Scottish person,these differences may be very important. Sometimes these ethnic differences may include longstandingreligious and political disputes that have resulted in bloodshed. Northern Irish Catholics and Protestantsrecognise subtle cultural differences that would not be obvious to an outsider.There are a variety of ethnicities present within the British population. These ethnicities have languagesthat pre-date modern English, e.g. Welsh and Scottish Gaelic. Minority ethnic groups found in Britaininclude Chinese, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Somalis, Jews, and various West Indian groups, as well asPoles, Greeks and Australians. The non-white British population is mostly derived from those migratingto Britain from the Caribbean, South Asia and East and West Africa since the mid-1950s. Modood (1997)points out that the majority of non-white people currently living in Britain were born in the UK andconsider themselves to be British.
a) Define these key concepts. Illustrate your answer with examples (8 marks)EthnicityEthnic Identity/culture
Ethnic Cultures in the Contemporary UK - The UK Population by Ethnic Group 2001Ethnic Group Total pop. 2001 count Total pop. 2001 Minority Ethnic pop. 2001White 54,153,898 92.1 n/aMixed 677,117 1.2 14.6Asian or Asian BritishIndian 1,053,411 1.8 22.7Pakistani 747,285 1.3 16.1Bangladeshi 283,063 0.5 6.1Other Asians 247,664 0.4 5.3Black or Black BritishBlack Caribbean 565,876 1.0 12.2Black African 485,277 0.8 10.5Black Other 97,585 0.2 2.1Chinese 247,403 0.4 5.3Other 230,615 0.4 5.0All minority ethnic pop. 4,635,296 7.9 100All pop. 58,789,194 100 n/a Office for National Statistics (2003) Britain is a multicultural society. According to the 2001 census} where people were given the chance to describe their ethnic origin} 8 per cent of the British population described themselves as belonging to a non-white ethnic minority group. This amounts to about 4.6 million people out of a total population of about 60 million. Indians are the largest of these groups (1. 8 per cent of the population), followed by Pakistanis (1.3 per cent), those of mixed ethnic background (1.2 per cent), black Caribbean’s (1.0 per cent), black Africans (0.8 per cent), Bangladeshis (0.5 per cent) and Chinese (0.4 per cent). The census also showed that Britain’s ethnic minority population is not evenly distributed throughout the country, with London being the most multicultural. Other multicultural areas include Yorkshire, especially cities like Bradford, and the West Midlands, particularly Birmingham. Population: by ethnic group1 and age, Percentage 20082 - Great Britain - Under 16 16–64 65 and over All people White White British 18 65 17 100 White Irish 7 68 25 100 Other White 14 75 12 100 Mixed 51 47 2 100 Asian or Asian British Indian 20 72 8 100 Pakistani 34 62 4 100 Bangladeshi 36 61 4 100 Other Asian 23 73 5 100 Black or Black British Black Caribbean 20 66 13 100 Black African 33 64 2 100 Other Black 37 57 6 100 Chinese 12 83 5 100 Other ethnic group 20 75 4 100 All ethnic groups 19 65 16 100 Source: Annual Population Survey, Office for National Statistics
The history of migration to the UKBritain has a long history of immigration. Throughout the years there have been Romans from Italy,Saxons from Germany, Vikings from Denmark and Normans from France. In the 16th and 17th centuriesEngland accepted many people from France and Holland who were escaping religious persecution, and inthe 19th century many left Ireland to escape starvation and poverty. After the Second World War manyrefugees came to Britain from Europe, especially Poland. The biggest groups of immigrants to Britainsince then have been from Asia and the Caribbean. Many of the early immigrants were recruited to dolow-paid and relatively low-status work which employers could not fill with white British workers.London Transport, for example, recruited thousands of workers from Barbados, and many more ethnicminorities got jobs in the NHS and service sector. More recently changes in the European Union haveallowed many eastern Europeans to work in the UK, and many have come from Poland. Estimates vary onthe actual number of eastern Europeans in the UK, with figures ranging from half to two million. - People of Afro-Caribbean origins: The majority came to Britain during the 1950s and early 1960s, when they were recruited by British companies to fill job vacancies, when there was a severe shortage of labour. Although the majority of the original migrants came from Jamaica, almost half came from a range of islands such as Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados, and also from Guyana on the South American mainland. The cultural background of the migrants who came here was English and local Creole dialects of it, and they were educated in English language, in schools based on the British system. The religion of the Caribbean islands and Guyana is Christianity. The British colonialists had maintained the fiction that Britain was the home or motherland, and it was with considerable shock and hurt that the original migrants to Britain encountered the racist, hostile reactions to their arrivals. The first generation tried hard to integrate, but successive sociology surveys have demonstrated that those of Afro-Caribbean origin are one of the groups in Britain with the lowest life chances in education, employment, housing and law enforcement. - East African Asians: A fifth of Asians are of East African origin. Most had originally gone tQ East Africa, with British encouragement, from north India and Pakistan, where they formed the commercial and administrative middle class, usually highly educated and fluent in English. They are generally Muslims and Hindus. After independence a policy of Africanisation took place in Kenya, Uganda and Malawi, so many were forced to give up their positions and businesses and settle in the UK. Because of their high levels of education and business acumen, they have been outstandingly successful. The highest achievers in the state education system come from this type of background. - Pakistan: Migrants came from Kashmir and Punjab from the 1960s onward. There is a major division between urban Pakistanis, who are generally well educated, and rural Pakistanis who may have more traditional customs and be less literate. Most Pakistanis live in Yorkshire, Manchester, Lancashire, West Midlands, Glasgow and Cardiff. The pattern of migration was usually through kinship networks, such that entire families gradually migrated here, and therefore a fairly close set of communities has developed. Many Pakistani communities are encapsulated from much of the wider society by religious difference, racism and the fact that they are concentrated in low paid jobs, living in inner city areas. - India: People of Indian origin originally came to Britain in the 1950s and 1960s. There are two distinct groups:
Sikhs from the Punjab, who settled in Leeds, West London, the West Midlands and Glasgow. People from Gujarat. These are mainly Hindus, speaking Gujarati, who live in North and South London, Leicester, Coventry and Manchester. - Bangladesh: Bangladesh is the poorest of the Indian sub-continent nations. Originally, the males came to Britain from the 1950s to the 1970s for low skilled, low paid jobs. Most came from the rural Sylhet district. They tend to have settled in East London. - Other migrant groups: Britain has always had a history of immigrant groups arriving here including Chinese from Hong Kong, Poles who came after the Second World War, Jews who have settled here over one hundred years, Italians who came in the 1950s to Bedfordshire and Glasgow. However, the single biggest immigrant group in Britain is the Irish.Issues surrounding migrationMigration is a complex and sometimes controversial area} and this section will simply highlight some ofthe issues that have arisen in recent years: 1. One area that has already been discussed is how ethnicity can influence family structure. Asian families are more likely than other groups to be extended, and one reason for this is that it reflects family patterns in countries such as India, Pakistan and Bangladesh where the extended family is more common. 2. Migration is often a hot political issue. Many Conservative politicians, especially in the past, have spoken out against immigration. One famous (or infamous) politician was Enoch Powell who in 1968 gave his rivers of blood speech in which he spoke out against unchecked immigration and implied that the British way of life was under threat. Other far-right political parties like the British National Party (BNP) have also argued against immigration, and have even won a limited number of seats on some local councils. 3. Integration and issues of cultural are of interest to sociologists. To what extent should minority groups that have migrated to another country integrate or fit in? To what extent should your ethnic identity, be it Indian, Irish or Polish, or your religion, take priority over your identity as British. This raises further questions as to what being British actually means!EmigrationEmigration refers to people leaving their county of birth and moving to another country to live there.People have obviously been emigrating since transport made it possible, but in recent years emigrationfrom the UK has become more popular than ever before. It has been estimated that since the millennium(AD 2000) about 1.1 million British citizens have left the UK and moved abroad, and about 600,000others have returned from abroad. This is a loss of about half a million British citizens. The number ofBritish citizens who emigrate each year has gone up by more than a third since the mid-1990s. The mostpopular destinations in Europe are France and Spain. Half a million Britons live in the US and more than600,000 people in Australia hold UK passports. Reasons given for leaving normally include to have abetter quality of life, a higher standard of living, less crime and better weather! The high numbers ofpeople returning, though, shows that sometimes the new life does not work out as planned.
Long-term international migration into and out of the UK1 Thousands Inflow Outflow1991–92 304 3001992–93 257 2701993–94 294 2531994–95 309 2351995–96 318 2491996–97 307 2551997–98 355 2811998–99 430 2731999–2000 459 2992000–01 498 3112001–02 488 3362002–03 505 3572003–04 526 3532004–05 593 3342005–06 561 3872006–07 595 3882007–08 554 371An international long-term migrant is defined as a person who moves to a country other than that ofhis or her usual residence for a period of at least 12 months.Source: Office for National StatisticsEthnic Identity/Culture Research Task Look the tables above and discuss what the data reveals? What percentage of the UK population is non-white? What is the largest ethnic minority group in the UK? What ethnic category you would place yourself in? Describe the history of migration to the UK! Explore the issues surrounding migration? What is meant by the term integration? Why do people emigrate and sometimes return back to the UK? Write a list of the ways in which you might feel different/distinct/diverse from people in the other categories! Compare that list to others in the class! Individually create a poster illustrating the culture (‘way of life’) of a British ethnic group (i.e. language, clothing, artifacts, religion, tradition, values, norms, roles, status, music etc…): English Irish Scottish Indian Pakistani Bangladeshi Afro Caribbean African Chinese Eastern European (pick one)
White Culture: Prejudice and RacismEthnicity does not mean the same as race. Members of an ethnic group may share racial origin but theyprobably also share other cultural characteristics, e.g. history, religion, language, common geographicalorigin, politics, etc. All these factors shape ethnic identities. Some ethnic groups may construct a commonidentity and sense of community for themselves despite the fact that they are geographically dispersed,e.g. Jews.Miles (1989) notes that ethnicity is an important source of social identity. Membership of an ethnicgroup can develop a strong sense of self and others. Individuals will often make stereotypical andimagined assumptions about other ethnic groups. These function to reinforce assumptions about theirown cultural identity. If a group is powerful, these assumptions may be racist and result in prejudice anddiscrimination.Phil Cohen (1988) notes how different class sub-cultures express racism in different ways. The upperclass tend to stress their superior breeding whilst working-class people practice territorial racism whenthey see ethnic-minority culture as threatening their communities and jobs.Ethnicity is a useful concept but it is over-simplistic to think that all ethnic minorities have the sameexperiences. Racism may affect ethnic identity in a number of ways: - Some Afro-Caribbean youth may subscribe to belief systems which are critical of white society, e.g. both the Rastafarianism and the Black Muslim movements stress white oppression of black people and black pride/power - Gardner and Shukur note that young Bengalis are loyal to Islam because this provides a sense of support and positive identity denied by white culture. - Music, e.g. reggae, hip-hop and rap may provide positive points of identification and means of criticism for young black people.Prejudice - a judgement made in advance about a person or group of people.Discrimination - action based on prejudice.Overt racism - open and understood discrimination.Covert racism - hidden and discreet discrimination.Individual racism - person-to-person racist behaviour.Institutional racism - where an institution or organisation has rules or traditions that discriminateagainst particular ethnic groups, possibly unintentionally.Social closure - where social groups restrict the access of unwanted groups to certain areas of life inorder to keep the benefits of membership to themselves. RacismWhite CultureThe reaction of the white majority culture to ethnic minority culture is an important influence onsocialisation. Surveys suggest that one third of the British population admits to being racially prejudiced.The ways in which ethnic minorities exert their identity may therefore be a reaction to prejudice anddiscrimination. For example, Modood (1997) found that many African-Caribbeans stress their skincolour as an important source of identity because of their experience of racism. Black pride and powermay be celebrated if black youth perceives itself to be excluded deliberately from jobs or stereotyped bywhite people, especially by symbols of white authority such as teachers and the police.
Write a statement that explains any racism or prejudice that you have experiencedin the contemporary UK. Discuss each example!
The MV Empire Windrush - Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/MV_Empire_Windrush - War To Windrush: http://www.throughmyeyes.org.uk/server/show/nav.22208 - The Passengers: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/modern/windrush_01.shtml - The Arrivals: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/modern/arrival_01.shtml - Ticket to a new Britain: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/112688.stm - The passengers perspective: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/116061.stm - Windrush settlers:http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/museum/item.asp?item_id=50 - Black British Literature since: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/modern/literature_01.shtml - The Windrush generation: http://www.teachingenglish.org.uk/language-assistant/essential- uk/windrush-generation - Pogus Ceasar OOM Gallery: http://www.oomgallery.net./Task: 1. What was the relationship between Britain and the West Indies/Caribbean before the Second World War? 2. What was the attitude of British people towards West Indians during the War? 3. Why did West Indians immigrate to Britain after the war? 4. What surprised West Indians about Britain? 5. What was the attitude of British people to the new immigrants? 6. What difficulties did West Indians face? 7. How did West Indians try to cope in Britain? 8. How do West Indians think of their experience today?Extension activity: - Research into the reasons as to why other ethnic groups immigrated to Britain post WW2? - What decade did these arrive in? - What were/are their experiences of Britain?
Ethnicity and Race: Significant Government ReportsSource: Griffiths and Hope (2000) Access to Sociology: Stratification and DifferentiationTHE SWANN REPORT, 1985The Swann Report (1985), officially called Education for All, was a government report advocating amulticultural education system for all schools, regardless of institutions, location, age-range or ethnicityfor staff/pupils. The report provided clear data on ethnicity and educational attainment, discovering thatracism had a causal effect on the educational experiences of black children in the UK.The report’s recommendations found little support from central government, except for limited fundingfor the in-service training of teachers, but it did provide a fulcrum for debate and conferences onmulticultural issues. The Education Reform Act (1988) ended the concept of ‘education for all’, based onthe assimilationist nature of the newly introduced National Curriculum, school-based financialmanagement and weakening of the Local Education Authorities. Multicultural educational initiatives hadno place within schools that now had to adopt a curriculum based on the concept that everyone was thesame.THE MACPHERSON REPORT, 1999Stephen Lawrence, a young black A Level student, was murder by a gang of white youths in 1993. He hadbeen waiting at a bus stop with a friend when the youths attacked him without provocation. The policedid not investigate the murder properly and the murderers did not get arrested.The parents of Stephen Lawrence were outraged by the treatment their sons’ murder had received by thepolice and demanded justice through an inquiry. 6 years later the MacPherson Report identified thatinstitutional racism existed within the Metropolitan Police Force and that this was the cause of the poortreatment in relation to Stephen Lawrence’s murder inquiry. It also identified that poor relationsbetween the police and ethnic groups should be improved through improved racism awareness trainingfor officers. Sir Paul Condon, the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, acknowledged with a ‘sense ofshame’ that institutional racism existed within his force, but that it was unintentional, rather thanconscious in its application.NB: The MacPherson Report also recommended that the National Curriculum in schools should beadapted to reflect society by valuing cultural diversity. This was also a recommendation of the SwannReport, 1985, which was made impotent by the Education Reform Act, 1988 Many of the answers are inthe passage, but some are not. You may need to revise topics. 1. What was the full name of the Swann Report? 2. What recommendation of the Swann Report was invalidated by the ERA 1988 and how did this happen? 3. What was the main conclusion of the McPherson Report? 4. What implications did this have for educational provision? 5. Who was the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police at the time of the McPherson Report? 6. What is the difference between covert and overt racism? 7. What is institutional racism? 8. Suggest other institutions which might be racist in our society. 9. What insights does Marxism offer to the understanding of racism in our society? 10. What is the difference between Marxism and neo-Marxism? 11. What insights do post-modernists bring to the understanding of racism and ethnicity in our society? 12. Evaluate the impact of the Swann Report on education for multi-culturalism in our society.
WE CANT ALL BE WHITE: RACIST VICTIMISATION IN THE UKKusminder Chahal & Louis Julienne (1999) - Joseph Rowntree Foundation: YorkCONTEXTThe most common methods of studying racial harassment have produced quantitative data. The studysummarised here attempts to add the voices and experiences of the victims, providing qualitative data.The first official recognition of the extent of racist violence in Britain was the Home Office Report, RacialAttacks, in 1981. This report found that South Asians were 50 times more likely and African Caribbean’s36 times more likely to be the victims of racially motivated attacks than white people.At the time of this research (1997/8), the annual figure for actual incidents recorded by the police inEngland and Wales was 13,878. This official figure is likely to be an underestimate because not all racistincidents are reported to the police. Even when incidents are reported they may not be recorded as racistincidents. The under-recording of racist incidents has been confirmed by a number of studies nationallyand locally. For example, Aye Maung and Mirrlees-Blacks analysis of British Crime Survey findings(1994) suggested that half of both African Caribbeans and South Asians were not reporting incidents tothe police. Among the reasons put forward for under-reporting have been: - fear of reprisal or worsening harassment - assumption by victims that the police or other agencies would be unsympathetic - feeling that the police would not be able to do anything even if they were sympathetic - feeling that the incident was too trivial to report - believing that the police were part of the problem.There are two main sources of data on the level of racist victimisation: the British Crime Survey (BCS)and the Policy Studies Institutes Fourth National Survey with minority ethnic groups. The BCS findings,analysed by Aye Maung and Mirrlees-Black, suggested that there were about 89,000 racially motivatedincidents of crimes and threats against South Asian and 41,000 against African Caribbean people. Thisrepresented 18% of all crimes (a total of 730,000) of which these groups were victims. About 45% ofthese incidents were either violent assaults or vandalism and 40% were threats. About one in 16 wasreported to the police, suggesting significant under-reporting. Moreover, the BCS figures indicated about50,000 racist incidents reported to the police, yet only 8,000 were recorded by the police as such.Both local and national research has indicated that much racial harassment takes place close to victimshomes or is aimed at their homes. For example, a household survey in Ipswich found that nearly 40% ofmembers of minority ethnic groups had experienced racial harassment at their home (Julienne 1997).The outcome is that people have restricted choice of where to live and there are areas where they cannotgo. For those in local authority housing, there are problems with the extent to which housing officers takeracial harassment seriously and the length of time taken to deal with requests for transfers.There is very little qualitative information on the consequences of racist victimisation on the everydaylives of minority ethnic individuals and families. The impact of racially motivated crimes has sometimesbeen acknowledged as higher (for example, rarely going out or not letting children play outside) thanother offences.METH0DSThis research involved 74 people from four cities - Belfast, Cardiff, Glasgow and London (Hounslow).These were chosen as the principal cities but also because they have different concentrations andnumbers of minority ethnic communities. Within each city there is a range of groups, from established
communities to recent arrivals. The researchers made contact with as many voluntary, community andstatutory agencies as they could, meeting police, housing department staff, Racial Equality Councilmembers and so on. These agencies helped them to locate potential respondents.The researchers used two main methods: focus groups and in-depth interviews. There were eight focusgroups involving a total of 32 people. The focus group sessions involved discussion of experiences ofracism among people who had not necessarily reported incidents of which they had been victims, andnot all of whom defined themselves as victims. The purpose of the focus groups was to find out howpeople made sense of racist experiences, how they understood them to be racist and the consequences ofthese experiences. The sessions were recorded and transcribed.The 34 in-depth interviews involved 42 respondents from the four different cities. The respondents hadbeen victims of incidents in or near their homes which they had reported, sometimes with their partners(who in some cases were white). The researchers had difficulty getting some potential respondents toagree to be interviewed, and in getting organisations and agencies to suggest people who might beinterviewed.In order to analyse the interviews, themes in the data were identified and coded. This provided aframework in which the data could be analysed.KEY FINDINGSThe experience of racism has become part of the everyday life of people from minority ethnic groups. Inthe focus groups all of the respondents were able to describe incidents. although some initially could not.This may have been because of uncertainty in the group situation, or because they were not familiar withthe terms being used (such as racial harassment) but it was also because they accepted a degree ofharassment as everyday experience unworthy of mention. Such racism is sometimes described as lowlevel, but this underestimates its impact on the victims. I think everybody has been here for such a long time that they have learnt to adapt to their environment. You have been conditioned throughout your life to accept this as normal.The most common form of harassment was verbal racist abuse. As far as casual, unprovoked verbal racism is concerned, we just take it as part of living in Glasgow. We do not accept it, it is just part of life.Respondents talked about the many ways they were made to feel different. The main reference was toskin colour. Other reasons people gave when asked why they thought they had been targeted were: - cultural/religious identification - children playing/making a noise - neighbours falling out - being the only black or Asian family in the area - being new to the area - having a white partner - living in a house or flat next to the perpetrators - gangs of young people hanging around - using local spaces (such as shops, playgrounds and parks).Children were often the perpetrators of abuse, often with the approval of their parents. Children andyoung people were also often the victims. Because of harassment, parents worried about the safety oftheir children and often would not let them play outside. They even restricted their freedom to play
indoors (for example. so that neighbours could not claim to have been provoked by noise). Children alsoexperienced racism at school and on their way to and from school. We have a daughter and a son who are eleven and eight. When she was going to play it was you are a Paki bastard and go and get yourself washed. Every time she stepped out of the door, I mean she would be going from here to her friends, they would be there. Now the mother is just as bad and we were all Paki bastards. I came in from work at night and my daughter was in her bed crying. She asked me, why are they calling me names? It was getting to the stage that she didnt like who she was.In deciding whether incidents were racist, people referred mainly to racist abuse as an indicator of racistmotivation. They also referred to racist graffiti and the extent to which white neighbours were alsoexperiencing trouble.They agreed that verbal abuse alone was not worth reporting, but that actual or threatened violenceshould be reported where the response of agencies was likely to be positive and the risk of recriminationtolerable. Reporting was seen as an option only when the harassment reached a high level.The people that victims were most likely to talk to about their experiences were family members andfriends. Talking to the partner or husband did not always help if they had been out at work and had notexperienced what had happened. There were family discussions about the problems but the victims hadvery little other support. They felt ignored, unheard and unprotected. Continuing harassment madethings worse; for example, victims often felt they had to ask family and friends to stop visiting, or only tovisit at certain times. Harassment therefore had an impact not just on the immediate family but on widernetworks as well. I dont have visitors hardly because most of my friends are mothers and they are not prepared to come up here. Not even my relatives. People dont want to tell me Im not coming to visit you but they dont.Reporting to an agency was considered only in extreme cases, when people had experienced seriousproperty damage or physical attack. A quarter did not report to an agency until 18 months after theharassment had started and in some cases incidents went on for four years before they were reported. Itdid not help that agencies sometimes questioned whether racism was the motivation; this made victimsfeel more isolated and unsupported. The housing association, they thought it was a neighbour dispute. I feel very angry about this. They put poo on the door, called my children names, burnt my garden, the children couldnt go out.The local GP was the most popular choice of outsider to report to, because doctors could: - provide help, such as writing to the housing department to explain the effects of harassment on the health of the victims - prescribe medication, for example for depression or to help people sleep - listen sympathetically. She (GP) explained everything and listened to me. That was all I needed - someone there to listen to me and she was there for me. She was the only one.The victims adopted various measures to try to reduce the impact of harassment on their daily lives.These included: - improving security at home, for example, putting up higher fences or security lights
- changing routines - planning within the family how to continue a normal life - routine activities became things that needed to be planned and negotiated to avoid trouble. For example, hanging out the washing or putting out the rubbish was done late at night to avoid neighbours.They used to sit in the back garden. We couldnt throw our rubbish out. We used to have our rubbishbags in the flat for six days ... We had to say to our dad when he came home from work about three orfour oclock in the morning to take the rubbish out. We had to have a look and make sure he didnt getattacked and this is from one flight of stairs.Overall, the fear and experience of victimisation had considerable effects on peoples lives. Most had notbeen physically attacked, but being victims of harassment had changed their lives for the worse. Manysuffered stress, depression and sleeplessness, and some women had miscarriages which they attributedto the harassment. A few had actually given up their homes and chosen to become homeless. They usedall the resources at their disposal to try to continue a normal life. The strategies included approaching avariety of agencies. Those most frequently contacted were the police and housing departments. Victimsoften felt their complaints were not taken seriously. They were frequently not given information aboutother agencies that could help. But this did not help make them feel less isolated or more supported.Agencies failed to see how harassment appeared to the victims; they could not appreciate thebackground of everyday racism.IMPORTANCERacial harassment has been well researched in terms of its nature and extent. This research provides animportant new dimension by providing qualitative data on what the experience of victimisation meansfor the everyday lives of the victims. Not only is racial harassment widespread and persistent. but itforces its victims into negotiating everyday life as a series of threats and problems. The research showsthe inadequacy of official responses to the problems and the inability of even those who are sympatheticwhen incidents are reported to understand the impact of the routine level of everyday racism.Importantly, this research allows some of the victims to speak directly to us - essential because it is thevoices of the victims that are quickly lost in the way agencies respond to reported problems.EVALUATIONThe researchers had some difficulty finding respondents willing to talk about their experiences in theinterviews. The interview findings show many incidents of serious harassment and illustrate vividly theimpact of harassment on the everyday life of the victims. The respondents were known to have beenvictims in or near their homes, and the researchers do not claim the findings to be representative of allminority ethnic individuals. While some areas have become no-go areas, others, where there are morepeople from minorities, provide a good chance of reduced harassment. The experiences of the victimshere are not, fortunately, the experiences of all members of minority groups.The sample, while national, is not nationally representative. The researchers do not take the opportunityto compare what happens in the four different cities; the only time the differences between cities isapparent is in the discussion of the experiences of some of the Belfast sample. Belfasts sectarian divideprovides an additional complication. I used to live with my aunty and we lived in a predominantly Protestant area. She was Catholic and they were more or less intimidated out of their home. Predominantly, we were intimidated because of our religion, but the Chinese thing was an extra thing. For example, if
there was graffiti on the walls, it wouldnt be taigs get out but it would be chinky taigs get out.The findings are presented in the form of a commentary illustrated by extensive quotation from theinterviews. As is inevitable with this method, the researchers have selected quotations which help toreinforce points they wish to make. The people quoted are not identified, by name, ethnic group or city.This ensures that the main findings. especially the impact of harassment on everyday life, can bepresented clearly as a problem that is not limited to one group or area. On the other hand. it means that itis not possible to tell when the same person is being quoted again, or whether there are differences orsimilarities between members of different ethnic groups or inhabitants of different cities.Task - Knowledge & Understanding 1. What is meant by a focus group? 2. What was the difference between the respondents taking part in focus groups and those who were interviewed individually? 3. What reasons were there for the choice of the four cities in this study? 4. Identify two ways in which racial harassment can affect the everyday lives of the victims 5. What factors were likely to lead to an incident being reported to an agency? 6. What types of support are G Ps able to offer to victims of racial harassment? - Analysis 7. Examine some of the problems involved in defining and measuring racial harassment’. 8. Why has most research on racial harassment been designed to produce quantitative rather than qualitative data? 9 In what ways can qualitative data increase our knowledge and understanding of racial harassment? 9. Examine some of the reasons why official figures for racial harassment do not reflect its true extentReferences: - Aye Maung, N. and Mirrlees-Black, C. (1994) Racially Motivated Crime: a British Crime Survey Analysis, London. Home Office Research and Planning Unit - Home Office (1981) Racial Attacks. London. HMSO - Julienne. L. (1997) Housing Needs Survey of Black and Minority Ethnic Communities in Ipswich. London, Presentations Housing Association Ltd
RACISM, GENDER IDENTITES AND YOUNG CHILDREN:SOCIAL RELATIONS IN A MULTI-ETHNIC, INNER-CITY PRIMARY SCHOOLPaul Connolly (1998) – Routledge: LondonCONTEXTOne of the key words in Connollys title is racism. Racism, linked to a sense of nationality, grew inBritain in the 1960s after the end of the long boom. Connolly links this to economic decline and growingunemployment. He traces racism through Enoch Powells rivers of blood speech in 1968 to Thatchersclaim that the ordinary people of Britain (by which she meant white people) were afraid of beingswamped by an alien culture. The idea of race was used to define a national identity for white Britishpeople while excluding, and blaming for national decline, black and Asian people.Inner-city areas went through dramatic changes in the period of economic decline, with traditionalcommunities relocated and those who remained experiencing a rise in a range of social problemsincluding crime and unemployment. The moral panic over mugging, described by Hall et al. (1978)made these problems racial, because the stereotypical mugger, as portrayed in the media, was black andan outsider, menacing the community. Connolly argues that inner-city problems became understood asracial even when the racial element was not made explicit. The people of the inner-city area where thechildren in Connollys research lived had available to them political discourses which explained theproblems they faced - crime, unemployment, educational standards - in racial terms.Connolly uses a theoretical framework based on four main concepts including discourse. The concept ofdiscourse is taken from Michel Foucault. and is used, in this case, to show how racism is not just a set ofideas or structures, but also a force that shapes the identities of individuals, Racist discourses becomepart of the way children think about themselves and the world.METHODSConnolly used ethnographic methods. These were chosen because they were appropriate to what hewanted to explore: how young children perceive their social worlds. They were also appropriate forstudying the complex nature of racism and its role in childrens experiences. He discusses theshortcomings of psychological approaches which treat racism as something fixed and measurable andalso ethnographic approaches which do not value fully what children actually say. Connollys methodsallow him to concentrate on the voices of the children themselves.Connolly argues that within the sociology of education, little attention has been paid to young childrensown experiences and concerns, and that, where these have been considered, it is usually in relation tohow teaching is affected. Such research has also rarely been about the youngest children in school. Forexample, he comments of the study widely seen as the classic study of infant classes. It was clear from Kings research that the young children in his study were there to be seen but not heard. There was little point ... in actually talking to or meaningfully engaging with these children.King tried to observe without interacting; for example, he avoided eye contact, tried to show no interestin what the children were doing, and even hid in the Wendy House to conduct observations. Connollysees behind research like this a set of highly questionable assumptions about how to study the socialworlds of young children. Twenty years after King, he says, there is still very little research on thesubjective experiences of young children.
With regard to racism in childrens lives, most of the research is psychological rather than sociological.One typical strategy involved giving children the choice of a black or white doll and drawing conclusionsfrom their decisions (an attitudinal test): another was to ask children to name their best friends anddraw conclusions from the ethnic background of the respondent and the children chosen (a socio-metricanalysis). Such approaches assume that racism is an unchanging set of beliefs, and that once a child hasinternalised racist attitudes they will always act in accordance with them. It is assumed, for example, thatthe child who chooses a white doll rather than a black one is racially prejudiced and will always avoid orexclude minority ethnic children. Connolly argues that, in reality, racism works in complex ways inchildrens lives.There have been some more sociological recent attempts to understand racism and young children usingethnographic methods. An example is Holmes (1995). Connolly sees such research as an improvementbecause children are observed and interviewed in natural settings. However, he says, researchersappear not to listen well to children even when interviewing them.Connollys respondents were five- and six-year-old children in reception and year 1 classes in an Englishmulti-ethnic, inner-city primary school which Connolly calls East Avenue Primary School. The childrenlived on the Manor Park estate in the city of Workingham. He spent a year and a half there, fromJanuary 1992 to June 1993, spending three days a week on average. He followed classes around theschool and observed and interviewed children. He made over 3000 pages of notes and read many filesand documents including reports, letters and minutes of meetings.He carried out 73 group interviews with young children, usually with three children: one child waschosen, and then asked to choose two others from the same class. Each child was interviewed at leasttwice over the period of the research. The interviews were largely unstructured. Children were given theopportunity to talk about their own experiences and concerns, with Connolly asking very generalquestions, such as what they did in the playground and what they liked to do at home, and occasionallyencouraging them to elaborate.Connolly also conducted 81 interviews with school staff, parents, governors and communityrepresentatives and professionals.KEY FINDINGSThe ways that children make sense of the world around them can only be understood throughappreciating the social organisation of their school and local community. Connolly therefore includesdescription of these.The Manor Park estate had been seen as a pleasant, modern place to live when first built in the 1960s,but by the 1990s had become identified with a range of inner-city problems. Over half the malepopulation was under 30, and over two thirds of those aged 20 to 29 were unemployed. Old full-timeoccupations for men had been replaced by part-time and temporary work favouring women, so many ofthe men had no realistic hope of ever working. Masculinity in this situation cannot involve the traditionalbreadwinner role. Some of the men survived through activities such as theft, drugs and pimping. Becauseof the estates high crime rate and violent reputation, men and boys learned to be prepared.For women, feeling isolated was a major problem. There were few community activities and most did notencourage the kind of interaction that might lead to informal support networks. The playgroup, forexample, was seen as a valuable resource, but it was a place where mothers dropped off and latercollected their children rather than a place to meet other mothers. Young mothers tried to give theirchildren cultural capital by providing them with fashionable clothes and styles, even when very young;
they also saw this as positive in showing how their children were maturing quickly. This was, however,interpreted very differently by teachers.Race was an integral part of the way people living on Manor Park understood their experiences. For thewhite residents, an island mentality - which had been present on the estate from its beginnings - fittedin with the idea of being surrounded by an alien culture. The presence of Asian-owned shops and eventhe way Asian mothers talked to each other in the playground, reinforced their feelings of isolation and ofbeing a community under threat. Asian people were blamed for a range of problems.For Asians, racist abuse was a common experience: parents talked about racist attacks on their homes,racist bullying and violence against their children and their fears of going out. The experience of blackpeople was very different. There were some friendships between black and white young men, helped bythe cultural capital of black cultural forms and ideas about black masculinity as physical and athletic.However, there were cases of attacks on black men by gangs of white men who felt their masculinitythreatened.Connolly establishes the discourses used by the Manor Park residents, and then shows how they re-emerge, in different forms, among children. Throughout his discussion of different groups of children,Connolly emphasises how the children are able to be active in the shaping of their gender and ethnicidentities within the framework set by the perceptions of teachers and peers.BLACK BOYSConnolly discusses at length a group of four boys he calls the Bad Boys. Because they played together,and sometimes with white girls, they were seen as a group of black boys. When teachers, with the bestintentions, drew attention to their behaviour, it reinforced the image their white peers had of them asbad. This, Connolly suggests, creates a situation where black boys are likely to be verbally and physicallyattacked and drawn into fights and situations which confirm their reputations. He shows how racialiseddiscourses shaped the boys sense of who they were and the reactions of their peers to them. On theother hand, Wesley, a black boy who played in a group that. because it was otherwise white, was seen asa group of boys (seen in gender but not racial terms), was able to avoid being pulled into the racialisedprocesses that so affected the Bad Boys.SOUTH ASIAN BOYSConnolly says that Asian boys tended to be seen by teachers as small, helpless, eager to please andneeding protection - as effeminate, allocated to a feminine role because they were seen as what boys arenot. White and black boys could assert their masculinity by attacking Asian boys, verbally or physically.Asian boys were also excluded from games of football. Football was encouraged among boys at theschool. partly as a way of occupying and controlling the black boys who were seen as troublemakers, butthis ironically had the effect of denying Asian boys an area in which they could develop a more masculinestatus. In justifying why they didnt allow Asian boys to play football with them, the white and black boyshad reasons they appeared to have developed themselves (for example, that Asians couldnt run fast) aswell as others learned from their families or older children. Some Asian boys responded to theirexclusion by forming their own friendship groups, providing a protected social space. Some tried to winmasculine status among the other boys, but this was a strategy that carried risks. Connollys chapter onAsian boys is titled, Invisible Masculinities.BLACK GIRLSConnolly comments that we know very little about black girls experience of schooling, and adds a note ofwarning to his own account. His own findings were inevitably based on conversations and observations
when he, an adult white male, was with the girls; he could not access their more private talk andbehaviour. Like the black boys, the girls were seen by teachers as having musical and athletic ability butalso as potentially disruptive. The reputation for getting into trouble tended to lead to their rejection bythe other girls. They reacted differently to this; for example, Annette was able to win acceptance amongthe boys because she was seen as disruptive and sporty, while Charlene did not try to do this but insteadformed a close alliance with a white girl who was also seen as troublesome. One black girl from a middle-class background, Whitney, was seen by her teachers as a model pupil - her class identity carried moreweight than her ethnic identity.ASIAN GIRLSAsian girls were seen as quiet, hard-working and obedient, and so tended not to be noticed by teachers.Their good work didnt seem to count for much, because it was expected. But they were certainly noticedby the other boys and girls, who developed their own sense of identity through perceived differencesbetween Asian girls and themselves. Connolly says they were given the position of the sexual other,excluded from games of kiss chase and discussions on love and marriage. The girls tried to findalternative ways to develop their gender identities.IMPORTANCEThis book focuses on a difficult and under-researched area of social life. It is difficult enough to studyvery young children, but Connolly goes even further in focusing on the construction of identities andforegrounding the difficult area of ethnic difference. He is able to demonstrate both how teachersassumptions shape childrens experiences, in ways familiar from older research, and how even veryyoung children are constantly engaged in negotiating their own sense of identity. The social world of thefive year old is complex and ever changing. yet not somehow cut off from its wider context. Connollyprovides many fascinating insights into how children find their way, and how they can be active in doingso.EVALUATIONAs with all ethnographic research, there are problems with generalising from this research. Theprocesses Connolly describes are located in a very specific time and place; this is why he describes theestate in detail and not just what happens within the school. The findings cannot be taken as typical ofother areas or schools, although they do suggest potentially fruitful lines of inquiry for further research.Research involving an adult spending time with very young children raises difficult methodologicalquestions. Connolly says that the girls, in particular, had private spaces and times together that he couldnot be part of. The children were with him in public areas, conscious of him and sometimes clearlyraising adult themes and ideas as they interacted with him as an adult white man. He was able to witnesssome of the ways they constructed their gender and ethnic identities, but much remained closed to him.His position in the school was ambiguous. Adults in schools are usually teachers, other school staff orparents. Connolly did not fit into these categories.The book has chapters on black boys, black girls. Asian boys and Asian girls. The omission of white boysand girls is obvious. Connolly says that, on one level, this is justified, because black and Asian .childrenhave been less researched; on the other hand, white children played a big part in creating the socialenvironment in which the black and Asian children had to negotiate their ethnic and gender identities.Class is also a theme that occasionally surfaces (as in the case of Whitney) but its role requires furtherresearch. Another area which Connolly did not have time to consider in any detail is the significance ofthe home. and, perhaps particularly for Asian children, religion within the home.
Task - Knowledge & Understanding 1. What methods did Connolly use? 2. What concept developed by Foucault is used by Connolly? Why is it relevant to this study? 3. What conditions had undermined traditional masculine roles on the estate? 4. How did Wesley avoid being labelled in the same way as the Bad Boys? 5. What was the difference between the black girls and black boys responses to school? - Analysis 6. What criticisms would a sociologist make of the kind of psychological research on young children and racism described above? 7. Why does Connolly describe in detail the estate and not just the school? 8. What methodological problems are involved in a researcher carrying out ethnographic research with primary school age children? 9. To what other areas of social life can the idea that black cultural forms carry cultural capital be applied? 10. What strategies could the school adopt to try to change the situation Connolly describes?References: - Hall. 5., Critcher, c., jefferson, T, Clarke, j. and Roberts, B. (1978) Policing The Crisis: Mugging, the State and Law and Order, London, Macmillan - Holmes, A. (1995) How Young Children Perceive Race, London, Sage - King, R. (1978) All Things Bright and Beautiful: A Sociological Study of Infants Classrooms, Chichester, john Wiley and Sons
Marxism - Stuart Hall and RacismSource: Griffiths and Hope (2000) Access to Sociology: Stratification and DifferentiationStuart Hall (1980) in Policing the Crisis suggested that the racism of the British press in discussing thestreet crime of mugging acted as a screen behind which the government could hide a deepeningeconomic and social crisis. However, there is a further debate within race analysis developed by neo-Marxists within the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS), which is whether race should beconsidered as merely part of social class analysis or whether it has a significance that runs deeper. Neo-Marxists came to two conclusions, creating two models within the theoretical approach: 1. Relative Autonomy Model (Hall, 1980) – suggests racism is a historical phenomenon and works separately from social relations, but at the same time affects them. Consequently class and ‘race’ should be examined together. 2. Autonomy Model (Gabriel and Ben-Tovim, 1979) – racism is a product of contemporary and historical conflict, arising independently of class and social relations. Therefore racism cannot be reduced to class conflict, it exists as a consequence of ideological and political practices.Solomos (1988) and Solomos and Back (1995) argue both of these Neo-Marxist approaches can beunified if racism is seen as part of the structure of each society, but with the realisation that each historicexample should be studied separately.Points of evaluation: - Marxism offers an excellent starting point for the study of issues of racism because it is a conflict model of analysis. - Marxism offers an explanation for the exploitation of ethnic minorities, which is rooted in their position in the workplace. - Not all members of ethnic minorities are poor and exploited victims of social inequality. There are some social groups who are in a position of some wealth and influence compared to their white neighbours. A disproportionate number of doctors for instance are Hindu and originate from the sub-continent.Many of the answers are in the passage. Some are not. If you have difficulties, then return to these notesand revise the topic more carefully: 1. With which book is Stuart Hall associated? 2. What does the acronym CCCS stand for? 3. How did the racism of the British press support the government? 4. Is the racial issue separate from the class issue in your opinion? Offer sociological 5. Support for your opinions. (This is one you may need to revise!) 6. Explain the Relative Autonomy Model in your own words. 7. Who suggested the Autonomy Model? 8. Explain the Autonomy Model in your own words. 9. Suggest two points in favour of the Marxist analysis of class. 10. Offer one rejection of the Marxist model of class. 11. What is the difference between race and ethnicity? 12. Sociologically evaluate the suggestion that racism is not an issue in modern Britain since the arrival of equality legislation in the 1970s.
Functionalism & the Immigrant-Host ModelRobert E. Park (1950) – Race relations & MigrationThe immigrant-host approach has usually adopted an optimistic view of race relations. Sociologistsusing this perspective have usually believed that eventually the immigrant group will adapt to the way oflife of the host society and will be assimilated into it. Conflict based on race and ethnicity will tend todecline or even disappear with the passage of time.The immigrant-host model has sometimes been seen as similar to a functionalist view of society. Somesociologists who have used it see the host society as characterized by a basic consensus and a sharedculture. The immigrant group is seen as temporarily disrupting the consensus and shared culture, beforethe society gradually adapts to the newcomers and the immigrants adapt to the society. The emphasis isusually on the second of these processes: the immigrants are expected to fit in with their new societymore than the society is expected to adapt to them. Thus, like functionalism, the immigrant-host modelemphasizes stability, shared moral values and slow evolutionary change involving a process ofadaptation. Furthermore, one of the pioneers of this general approach, Robert E. Park, followedfunctionalists in using biological analogies in his work.The nature of ‘race’ relationsRobert E. Park was a leading member of the Chicago School of Sociology, based at Chicago University,which developed influential theories of social life during the 1920s and 1930s. At the time, Chicago was arapidly growing city and large numbers of people from diverse groups were migrating to Chicago, bothfrom within the USA and from other countries. The Chicago sociologists engaged in detailed empiricalresearch in their city, and it was in this context that Park developed his theory of race relations. Parkdescribes race relations as “the relations existing between peoples distinguished by marks of racial descent, particularly when these racial differences enter into the consciousness of the individuals and groups so distinguished, and by doing so determine in each case the individuals conception of himself as well as his status in the community”Race relations only existed where people had a sense of belonging to different groups and there wassome conflict between them. Thus, according to Park, there were no race relations in Brazil. AlthoughEuropeans and Africans lived together in Brazil, there was almost no race consciousness and thereforelittle potential for conflict.Park believed that different races originated with the dispersal of a once-concentrated population. Thegreat dispersion was partly stimulated by the search for a more abundant food supply, and it was, likethe migration of plants and animals, centrifugal. Each dispersed human group then developed, bynatural selection and inbreeding, those special physical and cultural traits that characterize the differentracial stocks.Eventually the centrifugal dispersion of humans was replaced by a centripetal force that broughtpeople from the different racial stocks together. European migration and conquest created racerelations in many parts of the world, and the mixing of different groups in cities had the same effect.Thus, Park says, It is obvious that race relations and all that they imply are generally, and on the whole,the products of migration and conquest.,
Interracial adjustmentsPark claimed that a complex process of interracial adjustments followed migration or conquests thatbrought different races into contact. This process involved racial competition, conflict, accommodationand assimilation.Competition was a universal, biological phenomenon: the struggle for existence. Just as plants mightstruggle for sunlight, humans struggled for scarce and prized goods and, in particular, land. Failure in thisstruggle could lead to extinction both in plant or animal species and in human races. For example, thenative population of Tasmania ‘seems to have been hunted like wild animals by the Europeanimmigrants, as were, at one time, the Indians in the USA. Competition does not always take such anextreme form as this, but it continues so long as there are different races which have racialconsciousness.Competition is a struggle by groups and individuals in the ecological order; conflict is a struggle betweenindividuals in the social order. Park gives the example of conflict between negroes and whites in thesouthern states of the USA over jobs and places of relative security in the occupational organization ofthe community in which they live.If competition and conflict divide races, then accommodation and assimilation bring them together.Conflict ceases, at least temporarily, when the status and power of different races have become fixedand are generally accepted.Accommodation allows people to live and work on friendly terms but it does not ensure that relationswill remain harmonious. The groups with less power and status may eventually decide that their positionis unsatisfactory and they may seek to improve it through engaging m competition.On the other hand, assimilation provides a permanent solution to the problems created by racerelations. Assimilation can involve two processes: 1. A process that goes on in society by which individuals spontaneously acquire one anothers language, characteristic attitudes, habits and modes of behaviour 2. A process by which individuals and groups of individuals are taken over and incorporated into larger groupsPark claimed that Italians, French and Germans had resulted from the assimilation of a variety of racialgroups, and that the USA had been able to assimilate a variety of groups with ease and rapidity. He wasunclear about whether assimilation was inevitable or not. In one article he said, the race relations cyclewhich takes the form, to state it abstractly, of contacts, competition, accommodation and eventualassimilation, is apparently progressive and irreversible.However, Park recognized that, at the time he was writing, Japanese and negro Americans had notassimilated into American society. He suggested that this was because both groups had a distinctiveracial hallmark in the form of physical differences from white Americans. The Irish, for example, couldbecome indistinguishable in the cosmopolitan mass, but for other groups the situation was different.Park argues: “Where races are distinguished by certain external marks these furnish a permanent physical substratum upon which and around which the irritations and animosities, incidental to al/ human intercourse, tend to accumulate and so to gain strength”
An evaluation of ParkThe work of Park has undoubtedly been influential. For example, Sheila Patterson (1965) used theimmigrant-host model in a study of African-Caribbean immigrants in Brixton in the 1950s. She paintedan optimistic picture of gradual assimilation between the immigrants and the hosts. Park too wasgenerally optimistic about race relations in the long run, although he seemed to believe that conflictwould not necessarily disappear between all racial groups. Unlike some sociologists who have used theimmigrant-host perspective, he did not believe that the migrants would necessarily adapt to the lifestyleof the hosts. For example, he was well aware that in some societies immigrants from Europe had becomedominant, and in some cases had wiped out the indigenous population completely. Nevertheless inseveral ways Parks work is open to criticisms that have been made of immigrant-host theories.Task: Write a description of each theoretical position and compare them both:Conflict (Marxism) Consensus (Functionalism)
FamilySOUTH ASIAN FAMILIES – Roger Ballard (1982) - A negotiation of home (tradition) & outside the home (Westernized)The South Asian population of Britain numbers more than a million people about half of whom wereborn here. Migration began In the 1950s from three main areas - Punjab (about three-quarters camefrom this region), GuJerat and Bengal. Most migrants came from peasant backgrounds. In Britain theyformed communities based on religion, area of origin, caste and most importantly kinship.Traditional South Asian basic family units consist of a man, his sons, and grandsons together with theirwives and unmarried daughters. At marriage, daughters left their natal home and became members oftheir husbands family. Family members hold land or a business or the right to perform a craft (e.g.weaving). They live and work together, sharing domestic, agricultural and other production tasks.Family membership involves a series of binding obligations and duties. Relationships within the familyare hierarchical, with males having more power and status than females, the old having more power andstatus than the young. Those at the top are expected to support and care for those lower down who inturn are expected to obey and respect them. However few heads of households make important decisionswithout consulting every member of their family, women as well as men. Males keep close control overthe female members of their families. For a woman to challenge her fathers or husbands authority inpublic shames his honour. Parents arrange marriages for both their sons and daughters.Many migrants found their ideas of honour and family loyalty almost entirely absent In Britain. Theymade great efforts to maintain the unity of their family and traditional family relationships.Housing proved a problem. The large Victorian houses where many migrant’s first settled couldaccommodate large families but they were often in poor, rundown areas. Moving up-market often meantmoving into smaller houses. Some bought adjoining houses and knocked through a connecting door.Others split the family into several nearby dwellings and constant visiting, sharing meals and leisureactivities maintained the family unit.Chapter 8 - In Rapoport, Fogarty and Rapoport (eds) Families In Britain London, Routledge and Kegan Paul,1982 -The family is the central source of identity for Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi people. Butler (1995)observes that Asian newcomers to the UK in the 1960s and 1970s were concerned to maintaintraditional Asian culture. She notes that Muslim migrants sought to maintain close links with one anotherin order to provide not only security and support, but also to safeguard traditional cultural values andethnic identity. The first generation was concerned that their children would not have a particularlystrong sense of ethnic identity and, as a result, might become westernized, and abandon both theirculture and religion.Rosemary Hill (1987):She found that family commitments lay at the heart of Asian communities in Leicester. She said thatsome children learned ‘Western’ ideas about marriage, education, work and so on from white peers. Hillthough this led to generational conflict between parents and children from ethnic minorities.
Ghumann (1999):She outlined some of the family or primary socialisation practices found in many 1st generation Asianfamilies: - Children are brought up to be obedient, loyal to and respectful of their elders and community. Social conformity was demanded and children learned to be interdependent rather than individualistic, which was seen as a threat to the authority of the head of the family. - The choice of education was to be left in the hands of their parents, who were thought to know best the interests of their children and their future. - Arranged marriage, based on negotiation with ones parents, is generally accepted by the majority of young people. The choice of marriage partner was thought to be best left to parents, and children were taught the drawbacks of dating and courting, the dangers of premarital and promiscuous sex, and the perceived disadvantages of love marriages. - Respect for religion is still considered to be important, particularly in Muslim families. Religious training was considered to be very important because it reinforced the values described above and stressed humility rather than self-pride and assertiveness. - The mother tongue is seen as crucial in maintaining links between generations and in the transmission of religious values. Children therefore tend to be bilingual, and are often able to use the mother language (e.g. Urdu, Punjabi, Gujerati and Hindi) and English interchangeably. Goffman (1969) pointed out that ethnic minority languages are often used in the home, whereas English is the language of education and business - There is a strong sense of obligation to the elderly and extended kin.Many of these family socialization practices continued into the second generation of Asian immigrants.For example, Anwars research (1981) found that Asian families - regardless of whether they are Hindu,Muslim or Sikh - socialize children into a pattern of obligation, loyalty and religious commitment, which,in most cases, they accept. However, Ghuman notes that some Asian commentators have expressedconcern about the parenting practices of second-generation Asians and what is seen as a generation gapopening up between parents and children, especially as the latter get caught between two cultures.Anwar (1981) identified three issues which were seen to be causing tensions between Pakistani parentsand children in regard to their cultural identity: 1. Western clothes, especially for girls 2. Arranged marriages 3. The question of freedom.Anwar suggests that the family can be a site of conflict between grandparents, parents and children,especially as the first generation often come from rural cultures which are very different to Westernculture. The younger generation has mixed with people with very different values and attitudes fromtheir own families, and this has resulted in the younger generation holding values and ideas which theirparents regard as alien. This is particularly the case in regard to young females. Muslim families tend tostress the control of females because it is believed the future of the community depends on thembecoming wives and mothers and socializing the next generation into key Muslim values. There is alsosome evidence of patriarchal values underpinning Pakistani and Bangladeshi culture and identity, in thatmen are accorded more freedom because women are perceived as subordinate to men. Moreover,reputation and honour are extremely important and, consequently, the reputation of daughters andwives must be protected at all costs. Many parents may, therefore, come into conflict with theirdaughters over issues such as continuing in education and the free mixing of the sexes, especially inwesternized contexts. The experience of school and college, and the peer relationships established with
their White or African-Caribbean peers may result in Pakistani and Bangladeshi girls challenging thenotion that they should playa a lesser role in their communities.A good example of such conflict involves dating, which is disapproved of by the older Asian generation.However, Drury, (1991) found that one fifth of girls in her Asian sample were secretly dating boys.Moreover, some were going to pubs and drinking alcohol without the knowledge and consent of theirparents. Such practices can cause great anguish as the following quote from a Sikh girl indicates: “I would like to have a boyfriend and I would like to have a love marriage, but the consequences are too great. Gossip spreads and you can lose everything. Everyone in the family can be hurt and nobody will want to marry my sister …I think that Sikh boys in England are given too much freedom. They can go out with White girls yet they are expected to marry an innocent Indian girl” (Drury 1991).There is also evidence that Asian girls have strong feelings about the freedom given to their male siblingsand the fact that they are expected to take on domestic responsibilities, i.e. to help with housework andchildcare, when their brothers are not.Artifacts: Shaun Hides (1995)He studied the use of artifacts in ethnic minority homes. He was interested in the way that things likefurniture, pictures, ornaments and religious items helped reinforce ethnic identity. Hides found that thewearing of traditional dress was a really important part of this. Women wore traditional dress moreoften than men, and Hides concluded that women had the most important role in keeping ethnic identitygoingJoshi (2000): Ethnicity & Gender –The most immediately obvious characteristic of the way in which ethnicity is made visible throughclothing in Indian communities is that it is expressed completely differently by men and women. In thethree largest communities, (Gujarati Hindu, Muslim and Punjabi Sikh) the use of clothing as anexpression of cultural identification is an overwhelmingly female feature. Almost all women, of all ages,reported that they wore Indian-style clothing in some circumstances. There was little difference inresponse between the different communities, although Hindu women appeared to wear such clothes lessoften. In contrast, less than 20% of the men questioned said that they ever wore Indian style clothes.Once again Hindu men were the least likely to wear such clothes. Interestingly, this extreme difference isnot repeated with women, saris are seen as appropriate for ceremonial occasions; and both men andwomen are always buried in unstitched clothing.Ideas about purity and pollution also extend to the type of fabric worn; silk is purer than cotton, forexample, and where ornaments are concerned, gold is purer than silver; which is in turn puree thanbronze. The idea of fashion has specific reference to styles of western dress, and also co the unmarriedstare, before women undergo their ritual of purification. New technologies and markers have introducedfabrics and textile patterns from abroad, but have made little impact on the traditional ensemble of sari,blouse and petticoat. In Indian films, the good girls wear saris; baddies and vamps have abandonedthis for western clothing. Joshi suggests that the wearing of traditional dress is seen as reinforcing socialnorms; and he points out that women themselves feel that it encourages them to behave appropriately indifferent social situations: ‘the sari encourages them … to move with dignity. He concludes with apopular saying: The burden of maintaining the Hindu religion is on womens shoulders. In a sense, itliterally hangs from them.
Mary Douglas (1966) – Names as Ethnic LabelsOnce the sex/gender label is applied, a complex process of labelling begins. The first part of this processis the giving of a name. Naming something is a way of gaining control over it, by fixing it firmly into asystem of categories, a classification system. The names given to children tell us quite a lot about them,including fixing them into a context, by religion, region and ethnic group. Mair and Eluned will be Welsh,Maeve and Siobhan Irish, lshbel and Morag Scots, Montserrat from Catalonia and Raelene from Australia.Bernadette was probably raised Catholic, Hagar in the Jewish faith, Shanti in a Hindu family, Khadija in aMuslim one etc…Ethnic identity is transmitted through processes of socialisation within the home through language,custom, tradition and food traditions. Goffman (1969) pointed out that minority languages are oftenused in the home, whereas English becomes the language of business and education.Francis and Archer (2006) argue that the values held by the family may be related to ethnicity.They show how educational achievement is valued by British Chinese families. The family plays a crucialrole in the educational success of their children, with families making considerable sacrifices to ensuresuccess for their children, often going without new consumer goods in order to pay private school fees.However, this does not mean that children blindly follow the guidance of their family. It is likely thatyoung people conform to some expectations whilst rejecting others.Modood et al. (1997) show how young South Asians are less likely than their elders to speak toother family members using a southern Asian language. This may suggests a generational shift withyoung South Asians identifying more with a British identity. However, caution should be exercised inassuming that traditional values are disappearing. Cultural origins still play a key role in influencing thebehavior of Asians, particularly the older generation.Dench et al. (2006) studied Bangladeshis living in Tower Hamlets in the East End of London, focusingon whether they were a part of the new East End. Through interviewing white and Bangladeshi residentsthey built up a picture of the new East End which showed the persistent strength of the extended familyfor many if not all Bangladeshi families.There are also structural differences between families from different ethnic groups. It is apparent thatsome ethnic groups (i.e. mixed & Black Caribbean/African) are significantly more likely than others to beheaded by lone parents. Patterns such as this and research on family size show differences in family typeand structure and these are likely to impact on the number and type of role models within families(Office for National Statistics 2001)In contrast to the idea of hybrid identities is the idea that identity is not fixed (Back 1996). Young peopleplayed with different cultural masks, and different styles. Inter-ethnic friendship and marriages meanthat groups borrow ideas from each other and this blurred the distinction between seemingly differentethnic groups. Research by Johal and Bains (1998) focused on what they termed dual identities,where, for example, British Asians (Brasians) have a number of different identities depending on whothey are with: friends, peers, or at school. Johal and Bains suggest that some of these young people cancode switch. This involves behaving one way when with their peers and another when with theirfamilies. This code switching was often based around ethnic issues/conflicts in the home and can be seenportrayed in films such as Bend it like Beckham and East is East.