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INSTITUTE	
  FOR	
  CULTURAL	
  DIPLOMACY	
  
BERLIN,	
  GERMANY	
  2014	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
Supranational Integration Versus Intergovernmental Structure:
The European Union vs. the African Union
Abdeslam	
  Badre,	
  PhD	
  
ABSTRACT	
  
The	
  thesis	
  of	
  this	
  essay	
  provokes	
  a	
  statement	
  holding	
  that	
  the	
  AU,	
  compared	
  the	
  EU,	
  has	
  so	
  far	
  
failed	
   in	
   its	
   endeavor	
   to	
   develop	
   an	
   “integrated,	
   prosperous	
   and	
   peaceful	
   Africa,	
  driven	
   by	
   its	
   own	
  
citizens	
   and	
   representing	
   a	
   dynamic	
   force	
   in	
  global	
   arena”.	
  The	
  reason	
  behind	
  this	
  partial	
  failure	
  is	
  
accounted	
  for	
  in	
  terms	
  the	
  level	
  of	
  intergovernmental	
  and	
  supranational	
  arrangements	
  characterizing	
  
both	
  the	
  EU	
  and	
  AU.	
  To	
  support	
  this	
  claim,	
  the	
  paper	
  suggests	
  a	
  comparative	
  analysis	
  of	
  the	
  functional	
  
mechanisms	
   of	
   each	
   of	
   the	
   Unions,	
   by	
   discussing	
   the	
   variables	
   of	
   Intergovernmentalism	
   and	
  
supranationalism,	
   as	
   distinguishing	
   features	
   between	
   the	
   two	
   Unions.	
   Three	
   sections	
   constitute	
   the	
  
body	
   of	
   the	
   essay:	
   1)	
   a	
   brief	
   presentation	
   of	
   three	
   key	
   concepts:	
   i)	
   intergovernmentalism,	
   ii)	
  
supranationalism,	
  and	
  iii)	
  regional	
  integration;	
  2)	
  the	
  historical	
  contexts	
  within	
  which	
  each	
  of	
  the	
  Unions	
  
was	
  created;	
  and	
  3)	
  a	
  comparative	
  analysis.	
  
	
  
	
  
  2	
  
I.	
  Introduction	
  
The	
   rise	
   of	
   global	
   capitalism,	
   the	
   spreading	
   ideological	
   extremism	
   embodied	
   in	
   neo-­‐
Nazism	
  in	
  the	
  West	
  and	
  fundamentalism	
  in	
  the	
  East,	
  the	
  unfathomable	
  global	
  environmental	
  
threats	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  the	
  scarcity	
  of	
  natural	
  resources,	
  the	
  urging	
  needs	
  for	
  maintaining	
  human	
  
rights	
   and	
   individual	
   liberties,	
   on	
   the	
   one	
   hand,	
   and	
   the	
   speedy	
   telecommunicational	
   and	
  
technological	
   progress,	
   the	
   emergence	
   of	
   non-­‐state	
   actors	
   as	
   influential	
   borderless	
   entities,	
  
along	
  with	
  the	
  increasing	
  interconnectedness	
  of	
  the	
  world,	
  on	
  the	
  other	
  hand,	
  are	
  all	
  conflicting	
  
offspring	
  of	
  globalization	
  that	
  has	
  undermined	
  national	
  borders	
  and	
  challenged	
  the	
  notion	
  of	
  
national	
  sovereignty,	
  pushing	
  individual	
  sate	
  to	
  fiercely	
  seek	
  innovative	
  routes	
  for	
  safeguarding	
  
their	
   interests	
   and	
   powers.	
   Such	
   global	
   transformations	
   and	
   power	
   dynamics	
   have	
   triggered	
  
necessities	
  to	
  build	
  intergovernmental	
  coalitions	
  that	
  would	
  grant	
  more	
  leverage	
  in	
  the	
  global	
  
arena;	
   thus,	
   paving	
   the	
   way	
   to	
   the	
   formulation	
   of	
   international	
   and	
   intergovernmental	
  
organizations	
  and	
  supranational	
  unions,	
  under	
  the	
  label	
  of	
  regional	
  integration,	
  as	
  a	
  counter-­‐
reaction	
  to	
  any	
  potential	
  spatial-­‐temporal	
  processes	
  of	
  changes	
  unfolded	
  by	
  globalization.	
  	
  
Since	
  the	
  end	
  of	
  World	
  War	
  II	
  and	
  the	
  breakdown	
  of	
  the	
  bipolar	
  world	
  order,	
  there	
  have	
  
emerged	
   many	
   international	
   and	
   intergovernmental	
   organizations	
   aiming	
   at	
   developing	
  
stronger	
  political	
  community-­‐building	
  and	
  competitive	
  economic	
  models	
  that	
  would	
  preserve	
  
the	
   cultural	
   autonomy	
   of	
   individual	
   states	
   across	
   the	
   globe.	
   Notable	
   examples	
   of	
   these	
  
international	
  organizations	
  and	
  regional	
  groupings	
  include	
  the	
  United	
  Nations	
  (UN),	
  the	
  World	
  
Trade	
   Organization	
   (WTO),	
   and	
   the	
   European	
   Union	
   (EU)	
   which	
   often	
   serves	
   as	
   a	
   source	
   of	
  
inspiration	
  for	
  those	
  who	
  hanker	
  for	
  integration,	
  as	
  was	
  the	
  case	
  of	
  the	
  African	
  Union	
  (AU),	
  
among	
  many	
  others.	
  While	
  some	
  of	
  these	
  entities	
  have	
  only	
  concerned	
  themselves	
  with	
  trade	
  
relations,	
   such	
   as	
   the	
   North	
   American	
   Free	
   Trade	
   Area	
   (NAFTA);	
   others	
   have	
   focused	
   on	
  
economic	
  and	
  political	
  integration,	
  as	
  exemplified	
  by	
  the	
  European	
  Union	
  (EU)	
  and	
  the	
  African	
  
Union	
  (AU).	
  	
  
Due	
  to	
  their	
  highly	
  significant	
  historical	
  contexts	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  their	
  roles	
  in	
  the	
  present	
  
international	
  relations’	
  stage,	
  both	
  the	
  European	
  Union	
  (EU)	
  and	
  African	
  Union	
  (AU)	
  will	
  be	
  the	
  
touchstone	
  of	
  the	
  present	
  paper.	
  The	
  latter	
  advocates	
  the	
  claim	
  that	
  a	
  supranational	
  union	
  or	
  
  3	
  
regionalism	
   in	
   today’s	
   globalized	
   world	
   is	
   no	
   more	
   a	
   choice	
   but	
   a	
   necessary	
   step	
   individual	
  
states	
  have	
  to	
  take	
  if	
  willing	
  to	
  protect	
  their	
  national	
  interests	
  and	
  maintain	
  their	
  name	
  on	
  the	
  
geopolitical	
  map;	
  yet,	
  an	
  affiliation	
  into	
  a	
  supranational	
  model	
  may	
  not	
  yield	
  satisfactory	
  results,	
  
if	
  the	
  latter	
  does	
  not	
  function	
  within	
  strong	
  institutions,	
  harmonized	
  and	
  democratic	
  system,	
  
and	
  sound	
  operational	
  mechanisms.	
  	
  
On	
  this	
  basis,	
  I	
  argue,	
  in	
  this	
  paper,	
  that	
  the	
  AU,	
  if	
  compared	
  to	
  the	
  EU,	
  has	
  so	
  far	
  failed	
  
in	
  its	
  endeavor	
  to	
  develop	
  an	
  “integrated,	
  prosperous	
  and	
  peaceful	
  Africa,	
  driven	
  by	
  its	
  own	
  
citizens	
   and	
   representing	
   a	
   dynamic	
   force	
   in	
  global	
   arena1”.	
  The	
  reason	
  behind	
  this	
  partial	
  
failure,	
   in	
   my	
   opinion,	
   can	
   be	
   explained	
   in	
   light	
   of	
   the	
   level	
   of	
   intergovernmental	
   and	
  
supranational	
  arrangements	
  characterizing	
  both	
  the	
  EU	
  and	
  AU.	
  In	
  other	
  words,	
  the	
  AU	
  is	
  a	
  
merely	
   deformed	
   imitation	
   whose	
   structure	
   might	
   resemble	
   the	
   EU’s	
   but	
   its	
   operational	
  
method	
   remains	
   an	
   intergovernmental	
   structure	
   which	
   is	
   handicapped	
   by	
   the	
   lack	
   of	
  
supranationalism	
  approach	
  to	
  decision	
  making	
  upon	
  which	
  the	
  EU	
  has	
  been	
  founded,	
  and	
  is	
  
being	
  governed	
  and	
  expended.	
  
In	
  this	
  regards,	
  the	
  paper	
  is	
  composed	
  of	
  three	
  sections.	
  The	
  first	
  section	
  will	
  be	
  devoted	
  
to	
   a	
   brief	
   presentation	
   of	
   three	
   key	
   concepts	
   that	
   are	
   central	
   in	
   this	
   paper,	
   namely:	
   i)	
  
Intergovernmentalism;	
  ii)	
  supranationalism;	
  and	
  iii)	
  regional	
  integration.	
  The	
  second	
  section	
  will	
  
go	
  over	
  the	
  historical	
  contexts	
  within	
  which	
  each	
  of	
  the	
  unions	
  was	
  created.	
  Accordingly,	
  two	
  
historical	
  landmarks	
  will	
  be	
  called	
  upon:	
  the	
  cold	
  war,	
  in	
  the	
  case	
  of	
  the	
  EU;	
  and	
  independence	
  
in	
  the	
  case	
  of	
  AU.	
  The	
  third	
  section	
  sets	
  a	
  comparative	
  analysis	
  of	
  the	
  functional	
  mechanisms	
  of	
  
each	
  of	
  the	
  unions,	
  by	
  discussing	
  the	
  variables	
  of	
  intergovernmentalism	
  and	
  supranationalism,	
  
as	
  distinguishing	
  features	
  between	
  the	
  two	
  Unions.	
  
II.	
  Key	
  Concept	
  Definition	
  
II.1.	
  Intergovernmentalism	
  
Intergovernmentalism	
  could	
  be	
  defined	
  as	
  simply	
  as	
  a	
  method	
  of	
  international	
  decision	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
1	
  -­‐	
   Vision	
   of	
   the	
   African	
   Union	
   as	
   stated	
   in	
   the	
   Vision	
   and	
   Mission	
   of	
   the	
   African	
   Union.	
   Available	
   at	
   African	
   Union	
   web	
   portal	
   at:	
  
http://www.au.int/en/about/vision.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  April	
  20th,	
  2014;	
  at	
  23:57.	
  
  4	
  
making	
   in	
   which	
   state	
   governments	
   play	
   prominent	
   roles 2 .	
   The	
   term	
   is	
   often	
   used	
  
interchangeably	
  with	
  intergovernmental	
  organization	
  and	
  it	
  might	
  refer	
  to	
  different	
  types	
  of	
  
international	
  organizations,	
  such	
  as	
  the	
  United	
  Nations3	
  (UN,	
  1945),	
  the	
  North	
  Atlantic	
  Treaty	
  
Organization4	
  (NATO,	
   1949),	
   the	
   European	
   Union5	
  (EU,	
   1993),	
   the	
   Organization	
   of	
   Petroleum	
  
Exporting	
  Countries6	
  (OPEC,	
  1960),	
  the	
  African	
  Development	
  Bank7	
  (ADB,	
  1963)	
  and	
  the	
  World	
  
Trade	
   Organization8	
  (WTO,	
   1995),	
   among	
   many.	
   I	
   would	
   like	
   to	
   embark	
   on	
   two	
   definitions,	
  
relevant	
  to	
  the	
  fields	
  of	
  political	
  sciences:	
  one	
  is	
  theoretical;	
  and	
  the	
  second	
  is	
  operational.	
  On	
  
the	
   one	
   hand,	
   it	
   refers	
   to	
   the	
   theory	
   of	
   Stanley	
   Hoffman’s	
   proposition	
   of	
   the	
   theory	
   of	
  
integration.	
  On	
  the	
  other	
  hand,	
  it	
  refers	
  to	
  the	
  idea	
  that	
  integration	
  is	
  a	
  possible	
  process	
  only	
  
when	
   states	
   and/or	
   national	
   governments	
   are	
   treated	
   as	
   the	
   primary	
   factor	
   in	
   the	
   process	
  
(Teodor	
   Moga:	
   2009)9.	
   According	
   to	
   Harvard	
   Law	
   School	
   (HLS),	
   the	
   term	
   intergovernmental	
  
organization	
  (IGO)	
  refers	
  to	
  “an	
  entity	
  created	
  by	
  treaty,	
  involving	
  two	
  or	
  more	
  nations,	
  to	
  
work	
  in	
  good	
  faith,	
  on	
  issues	
  of	
  common	
  interest10.”	
  	
  
This	
   definition	
   implies	
   two	
   crucial	
   points.	
   First,	
   the	
   legality	
   and	
   legitimacy	
   of	
   any	
  
potential	
  intergovernmental	
  organization	
  are	
  established	
  only	
  within	
  the	
  framework	
  of	
  a	
  treaty;	
  
otherwise,	
  the	
  presence	
  of	
  an	
  IGO	
  will	
  not	
  retain	
  any	
  legal	
  status.	
  An	
  example	
  of	
  this	
  situation,	
  
according	
  to	
  HLS,	
  is	
  the	
  previously	
  known	
  G8;	
  now	
  G711,	
  which	
  is	
  a	
  group	
  of	
  seven	
  nations	
  that	
  
have	
   annual	
   economic	
   and	
   political	
   summits,	
   but	
   none	
   of	
   these	
   nations	
   are	
   abided	
   by	
  
enforceable	
  agreements	
  among	
  themselves.	
  The	
  absence	
  of	
  a	
  treaty	
  might	
  devalue	
  the	
  IGO	
  of	
  
any	
  enforcing	
  mechanisms,	
  and	
  turn	
  it	
  into	
  a	
  mere	
  club,	
  as	
  was	
  clearly	
  stated	
  by	
  the	
  Russian	
  
foreign	
  minister,	
  Sergei	
  Lavrov	
  Lavrov,	
  right	
  after	
  expelling	
  Russia	
  from	
  the	
  G8,	
  he	
  said:	
  "the	
  G8	
  
is	
  an	
  informal	
  club.	
  No	
  one	
  hands	
  out	
  membership	
  cards	
  and	
  no	
  one	
  can	
  be	
  kicked	
  out	
  of	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
2	
  -­‐	
  “Intergovernmentalism”	
  as	
  defined	
  by	
  Princeton	
  University.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  12
th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Intergovernmentalism.html	
  	
  
3	
  -­‐	
  See	
  “UN	
  at	
  a	
  glance”,	
  at:	
  http://www.un.org/en/aboutun/index.shtml	
  	
  	
  
4	
  	
  -­‐	
  See	
  “History	
  of	
  the	
  NATO”	
  at:	
  	
  www.nato.int	
  	
  
5	
  -­‐	
  See	
  	
  “European	
  Union”	
  at:	
  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Union	
  	
  
6	
  	
  -­‐	
  See	
  “	
  OPEC	
  Brief	
  History”	
  at:	
  http://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/about_us/24.htm	
  	
  
7	
  -­‐	
  See	
  “About	
  ADB”	
  at:	
  http://www.afdb.org/en/about-­‐us/	
  	
  
8	
  	
  -­‐	
  See	
  “What	
  is	
  the	
  WRO”	
  at:	
  http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/whatis_e/whatis_e.htm	
  	
  
9	
  -­‐	
  Teodor	
  Lucian	
  Moga	
  (2009).	
  “The	
  Contribution	
  of	
  the	
  Neofunctionalist	
  and	
  Intergovernmentalist	
  Theories	
  to	
  the	
  Evolution	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  
Integration	
  Process.”	
  Journal	
  of	
  Alternative	
  Perspectives	
  in	
  the	
  Social	
  Sciences.	
  Retrieved	
  02	
  April	
  2014.	
  
10	
  	
  -­‐	
  “Intergovernmental	
  organization”	
  (IGO),	
  Harvard	
  Law	
  School	
  (HLS).	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  17
th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.law.harvard.edu/current/careers/opia/public-­‐interest-­‐law/public-­‐international/interngovernmental-­‐organizations.html	
  	
  
11	
  -­‐	
  Since	
  its	
  creation	
  in	
  1973,	
  The	
  Group	
  of	
  Eight	
  (G8)	
  has	
  been	
  a	
  forum	
  for	
  the	
  governments	
  of	
  a	
  group	
  of	
  eight	
  leading	
  industrialized	
  
countries.	
  However,	
  as	
  a	
  result	
  of	
  its	
  involvement	
  in	
  the	
  2014	
  Ukrainian	
  crisis	
  of	
  Crimea,	
  Russia	
  was	
  excluded	
  from	
  the	
  forum	
  by	
  the	
  other	
  
members	
  on	
  March	
  24
th
,	
  2014.	
  Accordingly,	
  the	
  group	
  now	
  comprises	
  seven	
  nations	
  and	
  will	
  continue	
  to	
  meet	
  as	
  the	
  G7.	
  
  5	
  
it.12"	
  A	
  statement	
  as	
  such	
  is	
  what	
  convinces	
  many	
  practitioners	
  in	
  advocating	
  the	
  idea	
  that	
  IGOs	
  
that	
  are	
  formed	
  by	
  treaties	
  are	
  more	
  powerful	
  than	
  a	
  mere	
  grouping	
  of	
  nations	
  because	
  they	
  
are	
  subject	
  to	
  international	
  law	
  and	
  have	
  the	
  ability	
  to	
  enter	
  into	
  legal	
  enforcement.	
  
The	
   second	
   point	
   has	
   to	
   do	
   with	
   the	
   purpose	
   of	
   IGO.	
   According	
   to	
   the	
   definition	
  
provided	
  above,	
  the	
  collaborating	
  entity	
  should	
  include	
  at	
  least	
  two	
  nations	
  willing	
  to	
  work	
  in	
  
good	
   faith	
   by	
   establishing	
   operating	
   mechanisms	
   and	
   synergies	
   to	
   work	
   more	
   successfully	
  
together	
  for	
  common	
  interest	
  in	
  areas	
  such	
  as:	
  politics,	
  economics,	
  social	
  affairs,	
  security,	
  and	
  
environments,	
   or	
   all	
   of	
   these.	
   In	
   other	
   words,	
   there	
   must	
   be	
   a	
   common	
   ground	
   as	
   well	
   as	
  
shared	
  interests	
  and	
  challenges	
  among	
  the	
  partnering	
  states	
  for	
  a	
  regional	
  integration	
  to	
  take	
  
place.	
  In	
  today’s	
  globalized	
  and	
  interdependent	
  nations,	
  and	
  since	
  the	
  creation	
  of	
  the	
  UN	
  and	
  
NATO,	
   the	
   role	
   of	
   intergovernmentalism	
   has	
   become	
   a	
   vertebral	
   method	
   in	
   international	
  
decision-­‐making	
  and	
  global	
  governance	
  thanks	
  to	
  its	
  legal	
  ability	
  to	
  make	
  rules	
  and	
  exercise	
  
power	
  among	
  member	
  states	
  while	
  recognizing	
  both	
  the	
  significance	
  of	
  institutionalisation	
  in	
  
international	
  politics	
  and	
  the	
  impact	
  of	
  domestic	
  politics	
  upon	
  governmental	
  preferences.	
  
II.2.	
  European	
  Supranationalism	
  
The	
   term	
   "supranational"	
   is	
   sometimes	
   used	
   in	
   a	
   loose,	
   undefined	
   sense;	
   in	
   other	
  
contexts,	
  sometimes	
  as	
  a	
  substitute	
  for	
  international,	
  transnational	
  or	
  global	
  structure.	
  In	
  the	
  
case	
  of	
  Europe,	
  “	
  supranationalism”	
  is	
  a	
  method	
  of	
  decision-­‐making	
  in	
  a	
  multi-­‐national	
  political	
  
community	
   where	
   sovereignty/power	
   is	
   moved	
   from	
   the	
   hands	
   of	
   individual	
   nations	
   to	
   a	
  
broader	
   majority	
   government	
   of	
   member	
   states13.	
   The	
   notion	
   of	
   “supranational	
   democracy”	
  
was	
  first	
  initiated	
  by	
  one	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  pioneers	
  behind	
  the	
  idea	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  Union,	
  
Robert	
  Schuman,	
  previous	
  French	
  foreign	
  minister,	
  during	
  his	
  speeches	
  at	
  the	
  United	
  Nations14	
  
at	
  the	
  signing	
  of	
  the	
  Council's	
  Statutes	
  and	
  at	
  a	
  series	
  of	
  other	
  speeches	
  across	
  Europe15.	
  The	
  
term	
  was	
  then	
  adopted	
  and	
  first	
  occurred	
  in	
  the	
  Paris	
  Treaty16	
  on	
  April	
  18th
,	
  1951.	
  The	
  term	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
12	
  	
  -­‐	
  The	
  WIRE:	
  “After	
  Kicking	
  Out	
  Russia,	
  the	
  G8	
  Is	
  Now	
  The	
  G7”.	
  Abby	
  Ohlheiser,	
  March	
  24
th
	
  2014.	
  Retrieved	
  on	
  March	
  24
th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  	
  
13	
  -­‐	
  Kiljunen,	
  Kimmo	
  (2004).	
  The	
  European	
  Constitution	
  in	
  the	
  Making.	
  Center	
  for	
  European	
  Policy	
  Studies.	
  P.p.	
  21–26	
  
14	
  -­‐	
  Robert	
  Schuman.	
  September	
  28
th
,	
  1948.	
  A	
  Speech	
  at	
  the	
  United	
  Nations	
  General	
  Assembly,	
  3
rd
	
  Session:	
  	
  “Germany	
  and	
  the	
  European	
  
Community.”	
  Consulted	
  April	
  12
th
,	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://www.schuman.info/UN4849.htm	
  	
  
15	
  	
  -­‐	
  Robert	
  Schuman.	
  	
  May	
  16
th
,	
  1949.	
  A	
  speech	
  at	
  Strasbourg:	
  Extracted	
  from	
  “The	
  Coming	
  Century	
  of	
  Supranational	
  Communities.”	
  Consulted	
  
April	
  12
th
,	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://www.schuman.info/Strasbourg549.htm	
  	
  
16	
  	
  -­‐	
  See	
  “Treaty	
  establishing	
  the	
  European	
  Coal	
  and	
  Steel	
  Community,	
  ECSC	
  Treaty”,	
  at:	
  
http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_ecsc_en.htm	
  	
  
  6	
  
came	
   to	
   allocate	
   new	
   meaning	
   to	
   democracy	
   and	
   legitimacy,	
   by	
   defining	
   the	
   relationship	
  
between	
  the	
  Highest	
  Authority,	
  represented	
  by	
  the	
  European	
  Commission	
  (EC)	
  and	
  the	
  other	
  
institutions	
  of	
  the	
  EU.	
  	
  
Since	
  its	
  emergence	
  in	
  the	
  vocabulary	
  of	
  the	
  world	
  politics	
  and	
  international	
  relations,	
  
the	
   debate	
   over	
   the	
   concept	
   of	
   supranationalism	
   has	
   often	
   called	
   upon	
   the	
   concept	
   of	
  
sovereignty,	
  among	
  others.	
  Because	
  decisions	
  in	
  some	
  supranational	
  states	
  are	
  taken	
  by	
  votes,	
  
it	
   is	
   possible	
   for	
   a	
   member-­‐state	
   to	
   be	
   forced	
   by	
   the	
   other	
   member-­‐states	
   to	
   implement	
   a	
  
decision;	
  but	
  unlike	
  the	
  federal	
  supra-­‐states,	
  member	
  states	
  retain	
  nominal	
  sovereignty,	
  and	
  
any	
   member-­‐state	
   can	
   reclaim	
   its	
   sovereignty	
   by	
   withdrawing	
   from	
   the	
   supranational	
  
arrangement.	
   In	
   theorizing	
   the	
   concept	
   of	
   supranationalism,	
   Joseph	
   Weiler	
   (1981)	
  
differentiates	
  between	
  decisional	
  and	
  normative	
  supranationalism:	
  while	
  the	
  first	
  relates	
  to	
  the	
  
institutional	
   framework	
   and	
   decision-­‐making	
   processes	
   by	
   which	
   the	
   Union	
   policies	
   and	
  
measures	
   are,	
   in	
   the	
   first	
   place,	
   initiated,	
   debated	
   and	
   formulated,	
   then	
   promulgated,	
   and	
  
finally	
  executed;	
  the	
  second	
  deals	
  with	
  the	
  relationships	
  and	
  hierarchy	
  which	
  exist	
  between	
  EU	
  
policies	
  and	
  legal	
  measures	
  on	
  the	
  one	
  hand,	
  and	
  competing	
  policies	
  and	
  legal	
  measures	
  of	
  the	
  
Member	
  States	
  on	
  the	
  other17.	
  The	
  establishment	
  of	
  this	
  theory	
  helps	
  in	
  a	
  way	
  to	
  understand	
  
why	
  the	
  European	
  Union	
  is	
  said	
  to	
  be	
  the	
  only	
  entity	
  which	
  provides	
  for	
  international	
  popular	
  
elections,	
   going	
   beyond	
   the	
   level	
   of	
   political	
   integration	
   normally	
   afforded	
   by	
   international	
  
treaty.	
  
II.3.	
  Regional	
  Integration	
  
John	
  McCormick	
  (1999)	
  defines	
  regional	
  integration	
  as	
  “the	
   process	
   by	
   which	
   two	
   or	
  
more	
  nation-­‐states	
  agree	
  to	
  co-­‐operate	
  and	
  work	
  closely	
  together	
  to	
  achieve	
  peace,	
  stability	
  
and	
  wealth18.”	
  This	
  cooperation	
  could	
  take	
  different	
  shapes,	
  and	
  be	
  focused	
  on	
  one	
  or	
  more	
  
areas	
  of	
  expertise,	
  managed,	
  monitored	
  and	
  executed	
  by	
  representative	
  bodies	
  of	
  member-­‐
states’	
  coordinators,	
  all	
  of	
  which	
  are	
  exhaustively	
  described	
  in	
  a	
  written	
  agreement.	
  Initially,	
  a	
  
regional	
   integration	
   agreement	
   might	
   be	
   confined	
   to	
   a	
   single	
   area	
   of	
   cooperation,	
   such	
   as	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
17	
  -­‐	
  Weiler,	
  H.H.	
  Joseph.	
  “The	
  Community	
  System:	
  the	
  Dual	
  Character	
  of	
  Supranationalism”	
  (1981)	
  Y.E.L.	
  pp.	
  267-­‐280.	
  
18	
  -­‐	
  John	
  McCormick.	
  The	
  European	
  Union:	
  Politics	
  and	
  Policies.	
  Westview	
  Press:	
  Boulder	
  Colorado,	
  1999.	
  
	
  
  7	
  
economic	
  or	
  political	
  integration;	
  then,	
  it	
  might	
  be	
  expanded	
  to	
  include	
  not	
  only	
  other	
  areas	
  of	
  
collaboration	
  but	
  also	
  other	
  partners	
  (nation-­‐states).	
  For	
  instance,	
  if	
  two	
  or	
  more	
  nation-­‐states	
  
agree	
   to	
   engage	
   into	
   a	
   complete	
   economic	
   integration,	
   they	
   indulge	
   in	
   a	
   process	
   of	
   trade-­‐
barriers	
  removal,	
  which	
  includes	
  removal	
  of	
  tariffs,	
  quotas,	
  and	
  border	
  restrictions;	
  thus,	
  fusing	
  
into	
   a	
   single	
   market	
   with	
   a	
   customs	
   union,	
   meaning	
   common	
   external	
   tariff	
   on	
   goods	
   from	
  
other	
  countries.	
  The	
  highest	
  level	
  of	
  economic	
  integration	
  would	
  be	
  an	
  adoption	
  of	
  a	
  common	
  
currency,	
  with	
  monetary	
  policy	
  regulated	
  by	
  a	
  single	
  central	
  bank.	
  
Yet,	
   reaching	
   this	
   highest	
   level	
   of	
   economic	
   integration	
   between	
   collaborating	
   states	
  
entails	
   the	
   development	
   of	
   standardized	
   policies	
   in	
   certain	
   societal	
   institutions	
   -­‐	
   such	
   as	
  
employment	
   regulations,	
   health	
   case	
   system,	
   which	
   paves	
   the	
   way	
   for	
   political	
   integration.	
  
Similar	
  to	
  economic	
  integration,	
  the	
  culmination	
  of	
  political	
  integration	
  takes	
  shape	
  when	
  the	
  
partnering	
  states	
  agree	
  to	
  share	
  not	
  only	
  foreign	
  polices	
  but	
  also	
  integrate	
  their	
  armies.	
  John	
  
McCormick	
   argues	
   that	
   when	
   two	
   or	
   more	
   cooperating	
   countries	
   reach	
   highest	
   levels	
   of	
  
economic	
   and	
   political	
   integration,	
   they	
   in	
   effect	
   form	
   “a	
   new	
   country.”	
   According	
   to	
   this	
  
analysis,	
  integration	
  between	
  nation	
  states,	
  be	
  it	
  in	
  the	
  economic,	
  political	
  sphere	
  or	
  both,	
  may	
  
have	
   different	
   level	
   of	
   cooperation.	
   John	
   McCormick	
   scales	
   up	
   integration’s	
   levels	
   from	
   (0)	
  
representing	
   “no	
   integration”	
   and	
   (10)	
   representing	
   “complete	
   integration”	
   between	
   two	
   or	
  
more	
  countries.	
  
To	
  date,	
  the	
  European	
  Union	
  is	
  considered	
  to	
  be	
  the	
  best	
  model	
  of	
  regional	
  integration,	
  
being	
   an	
   economic	
   and	
   political	
   union	
   operating	
   through	
   a	
   system	
   of	
   supranational	
  
independent	
   establishment	
   and	
   intergovernmental	
   negotiated	
   decisions	
   by	
   the	
   28	
   member	
  
sates.	
  Indeed,	
  the	
  EU	
  has	
  reached	
  this	
  level	
  of	
  integration	
  by	
  embarking,	
  on	
  the	
  one	
  hand,	
  on	
  a	
  
single	
  market	
  agreement	
  manifested	
  in	
  the	
  total	
  removal	
  of	
  trade	
  barriers,	
  the	
  creation	
  of	
  a	
  
monetary	
   union	
   (1999),	
   allowing	
   free	
   movement	
   of	
   goods,	
   services,	
   capital	
   within	
   the	
   Euro-­‐
zone19,	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   people	
   within	
   the	
   Schengen	
   Area20.	
   On	
   the	
   other	
   hand,	
   the	
   EU	
   political	
  
integration	
   has	
   been	
   enacted	
   by	
   the	
   development	
   of	
   seven	
   institutions21:	
   namely,	
   i)	
   the	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
19	
  -­‐	
  “Countries,	
  language,	
  currencies.”	
  Interinstitutional	
  style	
  guide.	
  The	
  EU	
  Publications	
  Office.	
  Retrieved	
  April	
  12
th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.ecb.europa.eu/euro/intro/html/map.en.html	
  	
  
20	
  -­‐	
  The	
  Schengen	
  Area.	
  December	
  12
th
,	
  2008.	
  European	
  Commission.	
  Retrieved	
  on	
  April	
  13
th
,	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://biblio.ucv.ro/bib_web/bib_pdf/EU_books/0056.pdf	
  
21	
  	
  -­‐	
  Based	
  on	
  Schuman	
  declaration,	
  most	
  EU	
  institutions	
  were	
  created	
  with	
  the	
  establishment	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  Coal	
  and	
  Steel	
  Community	
  
  8	
  
European	
  Commission	
  as	
  the	
  executive	
  branch	
  of	
  the	
  Union	
  (EC),	
  ii)	
  the	
  Council	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  
Union	
  (CEU),	
  iii)	
  the	
  Council	
  of	
  Europe	
  (CE),	
  iv)	
  the	
  European	
  Parliament	
  (EP),	
  v)	
  the	
  Court	
  of	
  
Justice	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  Union,	
  vi)	
  the	
  European	
  Central	
  Bank,	
  and	
  vii)	
  the	
  Courts	
  of	
  Auditors.	
  
Partially	
  similar	
  to	
  but	
  significantly	
  different	
  from	
  the	
  regional	
  integration	
  of	
  Europe,	
  the	
  African	
  
Union	
  is	
  a	
  continental	
  intergovernmental	
  union	
  which	
  includes	
  54	
  countries	
  except	
  Morocco22.	
  
A	
  further	
  description	
  and	
  comparative	
  analysis	
  of	
  both	
  the	
  EU	
  and	
  AU	
  will	
  be	
  provided	
  in	
  the	
  
coming	
   section.	
   An	
   important	
   question	
   that	
   floats	
   on	
   the	
   surface	
   relates	
   to	
   the	
   historical	
  
contexts	
  that	
  paved	
  the	
  way	
  for	
  these	
  regional	
  integrations.	
  
III.	
  A	
  Brief	
  Historical	
  Context	
  of	
  EU	
  and	
  AU	
  
III.1.	
  EU:	
  From	
  the	
  Cold	
  War	
  to	
  the	
  Resurrection	
  of	
  Europe	
  
Literature	
   about	
   the	
   formation	
   of	
   the	
   European	
   Union	
   speaks	
   of	
   the	
   British	
   Prime	
  
Minister	
  Winston	
  Churchill23,	
  along	
  with	
  other	
  prominent	
  figures	
  like	
  Robert	
  Schuman	
  and	
  Jean	
  
Monnet24,	
  as	
  the	
  founding	
  father	
  who	
  called	
  for	
  the	
  creation	
  of	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  of	
  Europe	
  in	
  
his	
  famous	
  speech	
  to	
  the	
  Academic	
  Youth25,	
  held	
  at	
  the	
  University	
  of	
  Zurich	
  in	
  1946.	
  Following	
  
this	
  speech,	
  the	
  so-­‐called	
  “Benelux	
  custom	
  union”	
  came	
  to	
  the	
  forth	
  when	
  three	
  of	
  the	
  early	
  
European	
  community	
  (Belgium,	
  Luxembourg,	
  and	
  the	
  Netherlands)	
  signed	
  the	
  union	
  treaty26	
  in	
  
March	
  1947,	
  the	
  same	
  year	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  General	
  Agreement	
  on	
  Tariffs	
  and	
  Trade27	
  (GATT)	
  was	
  
established.	
  To	
  help	
  European	
  countries	
  recover	
  economically	
  from	
  the	
  scars	
  of	
  WWII,	
  the	
  back	
  
then	
  Secretary	
  of	
  State,	
  General	
  George	
  Marshall,	
  announced	
  the	
  Marshall	
  Plan28	
  to	
  form	
  the	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
(ECSC)	
  in	
  the	
  1950s.	
  According	
  to	
  the	
  Maastricht	
  Treaty,	
  also	
  known	
  as	
  the	
  Treaty	
  on	
  the	
  European	
  Union	
  (TEU),	
  which	
  was	
  signed	
  by	
  the	
  
members	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  community	
  on	
  February	
  7
th
,	
  1992,	
  in	
  the	
  Netherland,	
  the	
  EU	
  seven	
  institutions	
  are	
  listed	
  in	
  the	
  following	
  order:	
  1)	
  
the	
  European	
  Parliament,	
  2)	
  the	
  Council	
  of	
  Europe,	
  3)	
  the	
  Council	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  Union,	
  4)	
  the	
  European	
  Commission,	
  5)	
  the	
  Court	
  of	
  Justice	
  
of	
  the	
  European	
  Union,	
  6)	
  the	
  European	
  Central	
  Bank,	
  7)	
  the	
  Courts	
  of	
  Auditors.	
  Retrieved	
  on	
  March	
  25
th
,	
  2014,	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://eur-­‐
lex.europa.eu	
  
22	
  -­‐	
  Due	
  to	
  its	
  opposition	
  to	
  the	
  membership	
  of	
  the	
  Polisario	
  Front	
  as	
  representative	
  of	
  the	
  separatist	
  movements	
  in	
  the	
  Moroccan	
  Western	
  
Sahara,	
  Morocco	
  withdrew	
  its	
  membership	
  from	
  the	
  African	
  Union.	
  However,	
  Morocco	
  has	
  a	
  special	
  status	
  within	
  the	
  AU	
  and	
  benefits	
  from	
  the	
  
services	
  available	
  to	
  all	
  AU	
  states	
  from	
  the	
  institutions	
  of	
  the	
  AU,	
  such	
  as	
  the	
  African	
  Development	
  Bank.	
  
23	
  -­‐	
  Winston	
  Churchill:	
  Calling	
  for	
  a	
  United	
  States	
  of	
  Europe.	
  (1940-­‐1955).	
  Consulted	
  on,	
  March	
  16
th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://europa.eu/about-­‐
eu/eu-­‐history/founding-­‐fathers/pdf/winston_churchill_en.pdf	
  
24	
  -­‐	
  See	
  Robert	
  Schuman.	
  	
  May	
  16
th
,	
  1949.	
  A	
  speech	
  at	
  Strasbourg:	
  Extracted	
  from	
  “The	
  Coming	
  Century	
  of	
  Supranational	
  Communities.”	
  
Consulted	
  April	
  12
th
,	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://www.schuman.info/Strasbourg549.htm	
  
25	
  -­‐	
  Ibid.	
  
26	
  -­‐	
  See	
  “Historical	
  events	
  in	
  the	
  European	
  integration	
  process	
  1945-­‐2009.”	
  Consulted	
  on,	
  March	
  16
th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.cvce.eu/collections/unit-­‐content/-­‐/unit/en/02bb76df-­‐d066-­‐4c08-­‐a58a-­‐d4686a3e68ff/02d476c7-­‐815d-­‐4d85-­‐8f88-­‐
9a2f0e559bb4/Resources#79027a01-­‐7de5-­‐4618-­‐962c-­‐5c9c1c41f5a2_en&overlay	
  	
  
27	
  -­‐	
  See	
  General	
  Agreement	
  on	
  Tariffs	
  and	
  Trade	
  (1947).	
  Consulted	
  on,	
  March	
  16
th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://www.gatt.org	
  	
  
28	
  -­‐	
  See	
  The	
  Marshall	
  Plan	
  (1947).	
  onsulted	
  on,	
  March	
  16
th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://www.marshallfoundation.org/TheMarshallPlan.htm	
  	
  
  9	
  
Organization	
  for	
  European	
  Economic	
  Recovery	
  Cooperation29	
  (OEEC).	
  Meanwhile,	
  the	
  Eastern	
  
Communist	
  bloc	
  had	
  already	
  seeded	
  its	
  ideology	
  that	
  would	
  split	
  Europe	
  into	
  two	
  rivalry	
  blocs,	
  
rejecting	
  the	
  Marshall	
  plan,	
  and	
  imposing	
  the	
  blockade	
  of	
  Berlin30,	
  splitting	
  Germany	
  into	
  West	
  
and	
  East	
  in	
  June	
  1948,	
  entering	
  thus	
  into	
  the	
  long	
  and	
  nerve	
  racking	
  forty-­‐year	
  Cold	
  War.	
  
However,	
  with	
  the	
  creation	
  of	
  the	
  Council	
  of	
  Europe31	
  and	
  signing	
  of	
  the	
  NATO	
  treaty	
  in	
  
1949,	
   and	
   the	
   Schuman	
   plan	
   to	
   form	
   a	
   European	
   Coal	
   and	
   Steel	
   Community	
   (ECSC),	
   the	
  
European	
   integration	
   was	
   gaining	
   ground.	
   This	
   was	
   manifested	
   in	
   the	
   Treaty	
   of	
   Paris,	
   which	
  
sealed	
  the	
  deal	
  in	
  March	
  1951,	
  with	
  France,	
  Italy,	
  and	
  the	
  Benelux	
  countries	
  and	
  West	
  Germany	
  
which	
  hoped	
  to	
  gain	
  some	
  recognition	
  in	
  Europe	
  and	
  become	
  an	
  economic	
  partner.	
  As	
  part	
  of	
  a	
  
desire	
  for	
  France	
  to	
  have	
  access	
  to	
  German	
  coal	
  and	
  steel,	
  while	
  ensuring	
  that	
  Germany	
  did	
  not	
  
gain	
  further	
  influence	
  in	
  Europe,	
  French	
  Foreign	
  Minister,	
  Robert	
  Schuman,	
  designed	
  the	
  ECSC	
  
under	
  a	
  common	
  High	
  Authority	
  of	
  Franco-­‐German	
  coal	
  and	
  steel	
  production.	
  Another	
  event	
  
that	
  gave	
  the	
  idea	
  of	
  a	
  united	
  Europe	
  an	
  institutional	
  dimension	
  was	
  the	
  establishment	
  of	
  the	
  
European	
   Parliament32	
  in	
   1952.	
   The	
   turning	
   point,	
   though,	
   was	
   the	
   signing	
   of	
   the	
   Treaty	
   of	
  
Rome 33 	
  in	
   March	
   1957,	
   establishing	
   the	
   European	
   Economic	
   Community	
   (EEC)	
   and	
   the	
  
European	
  Atomic	
  Energy	
  Community34	
  (Euratom),	
  leading	
  to	
  the	
  foundation	
  for	
  the	
  Common	
  
Market.	
  
Indeed	
  the	
  foundation	
  of	
  the	
  common	
  market	
  was	
  a	
  touchstone	
  in	
  the	
  history	
  of	
  today’s	
  
EU	
  single	
  market,	
  because	
  it	
  paved	
  the	
  way	
  for	
  a	
  series	
  of	
  treaties	
  and	
  agreements	
  that	
  lead,	
  on	
  
the	
  one	
  hand,	
  to	
  the	
  inclusion	
  of	
  new	
  member	
  states,	
  and	
  to	
  expansion	
  of	
  the	
  union’s	
  activities.	
  
Within	
  the	
  framework	
  of	
  the	
  Common	
  Market35,	
  the	
  Common	
  Agricultural	
  Policy	
  (CAP),	
  along	
  
with	
  the	
  European	
  Monetary	
  Agreement36	
  (EMA)	
  were	
  established	
  and	
  entered	
  into	
  force	
  in	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
29	
  	
  -­‐	
  Ibid.	
  
30	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “Berlin	
  blockade	
  and	
  airlift,”	
  at	
  Encyclopadia	
  Britannica.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  20th	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/62154/Berlin-­‐blockade-­‐and-­‐airlift	
  	
  
31	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “Council	
  of	
  Europe:	
  60	
  years	
  of	
  history”.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  20th	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://www.coe.int/60years/	
  	
  
32	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “The	
  History	
  of	
  the	
  EU:	
  1952”.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  20th	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://europa.eu/about-­‐eu/eu-­‐history/1945-­‐
1959/1952/index_en.htm	
  	
  
33	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “Establishing	
  the	
  European	
  Economic	
  Community	
  Treaty”.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  21
st
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_eec_en.htm	
  
34	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “European	
  Atomic	
  Energy	
  Community.”	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  21
st
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  	
  
http://ec.europa.eu/energy/nuclear/euratom/euratom_en.htm	
  	
  
35	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “	
  European	
  Common	
  Market,”	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  21
st
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.europedia.moussis.eu/books/Book_2/3/6/index.tkl?all=1&pos=62	
  	
  
36	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “European	
  Monetary	
  Agreement	
  (Paris,	
  5	
  August	
  1955).”	
  	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  21
st
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.cvce.eu/obj/european_monetary_agreement_paris_5_august_1955-­‐en-­‐58d18d59-­‐c3b0-­‐4bdc-­‐9756-­‐d23dd322382d.html	
  
  10	
  
1958.	
  One	
  year	
  later,	
  a	
  progressive	
  abolition	
  of	
  customs	
  and	
  quotas	
  was	
  introduced,	
  motivating	
  
accordingly	
  Austria,	
  Denmark,	
  Norway,	
  Portugal,	
  Sweden,	
  Switzerland,	
  and	
  the	
  United	
  Kingdom	
  
to	
   establish	
   a	
   European	
   Free	
   Trade	
   Association37 	
  (EFTA)	
   in	
   1959,	
   which	
   resulted	
   to	
   fast	
  
economic	
  growth	
  of	
  the	
  EEC	
  in	
  the	
  1960s.	
  By	
  then,	
  the	
  Union	
  had	
  already	
  started	
  considering	
  
the	
   abolishment	
   all	
   remaining	
   trade	
   barriers	
   between	
   nation-­‐states	
   and	
   forming	
   an	
   internal	
  
market;	
  hence,	
  the	
  Single	
  European	
  Act38	
  was	
  signed	
  in	
  Luxembourg,	
  in	
  February	
  1986.	
  
This	
  goal	
  was	
  actualized	
  thanks	
  to	
  the	
  Treaty	
  of	
  Maastricht	
  on	
  the	
  European	
  Union	
  (TEU)	
  
in	
  1992,	
  integrating	
  all	
  the	
  institutions	
  of	
  the	
  ECC	
  under	
  one	
  entity:	
  the	
  EU.	
  It	
  also	
  changed	
  the	
  
EEC	
  to	
  European	
  Community	
  (EC),	
  and	
  expanded	
  the	
  mandate	
  of	
  the	
  EC	
  to	
  the	
  political	
  sphere.	
  
Later	
  on,	
  other	
  treaties	
  for	
  clarifying	
  the	
  structure	
  of	
  the	
  EU	
  or	
  further	
  expansion	
  of	
  the	
  Union‘s	
  
activities	
  were	
  followed,	
  including	
  the	
  Amsterdam,	
  the	
  Nice,	
  and	
  the	
  Lisbon	
  treaties.	
  	
  The	
  year	
  
2002	
  witnessed	
  the	
  unification	
  of	
  the	
  EU	
  currency,	
  the	
  Euro,	
  governing	
  a	
  market	
  with	
  the	
  free	
  
movement	
   of	
   goods,	
   services,	
   people,	
   and	
   money.	
   The	
   economic	
   prosperity	
   of	
   the	
   EU	
   has	
  
encouraged	
  other	
  countries	
  to	
  apply	
  for	
  membership.	
  The	
  wave	
  of	
  enlargement	
  in	
  the	
  1990s	
  
and	
   2000s	
   allowed	
   European	
   countries	
   from	
   almost	
   all	
   regions—North,	
   South,	
   East,	
   and	
  
Center—to	
  join	
  the	
  EU	
  expanding	
  the	
  union	
  from	
  six	
  member	
  states	
  during	
  its	
  infancy	
  stage,	
  to	
  
fifteen	
  states	
  in	
  1995,	
  and	
  28	
  by	
  201339.	
  
III.2.	
  AU:	
  From	
  Pan-­‐Africanism	
  to	
  the	
  African	
  Union	
  
The	
   African	
   Union	
   project	
   has	
   been	
   so	
   much	
   inspired	
   by	
   and	
   aspired	
   for	
   the	
   EU	
  
democratic	
  model	
  that	
  is	
  based	
  on	
  State-­‐relations	
  based	
  on	
  peace	
  and	
  stability,	
  affluence	
  and	
  
freedom	
  for	
  generations	
  to	
  come;	
  and	
  a	
  functional	
  economic	
  integration	
  as	
  a	
  tool	
  to	
  advance	
  
peace	
  and	
  to	
  promote	
  eventual	
  political	
  union	
  (Ludger	
  Kühnhardt,	
  2009).	
  In	
  deed,	
  with	
  almost	
  
the	
   same	
   ambition	
   of	
   the	
   British	
   Prime	
   Minister	
   Winston	
   Churchill	
   of	
   the	
   United	
   States	
   of	
  
Europe	
  with	
  harmonized	
  and	
  powerful	
  structures,	
  the	
  idea	
  of	
  African	
  Union	
  too	
  was	
  inspired	
  by	
  
visionary	
  African	
  figures,	
  and	
  had	
  gone	
  through	
  different	
  stages	
  of	
  maturity.	
  However,	
  unlike	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
	
  
37	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “European	
  Free	
  Trade	
  Association	
  (EFTA)	
  in	
  1959.”	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  21
st
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://en.euabc.com/word/431	
  	
  
38	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “Single	
  European	
  Act	
  1986.”	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  21
st
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_singleact_en.htm	
  	
  
39	
  -­‐	
  Croatia	
  was	
  the	
  28
th
	
  state	
  that	
  joined	
  the	
  EU	
  on	
  July	
  1
st
	
  2013.	
  See:	
  “Enlargement”	
  at:	
  http://ec.europa.eu	
  	
  	
  
  11	
  
the	
   EU,	
   which	
   was	
   based	
   on	
   the	
   determination	
   to	
   protect	
   Europe	
   from	
   the	
   threats	
   of	
   its	
  
internal	
  ills,	
  namely	
  communism	
  and	
  Nazism,	
  the	
  project	
  of	
  the	
  African	
  Union	
  was	
  introduced	
  
to	
  reclaim	
  the	
  history,	
  cultural	
  identity,	
  and	
  preserve	
  the	
  natural	
  resources	
  from	
  the	
  Western	
  
domination	
  and	
  put	
  an	
  end	
  to	
  colonialism40.	
  This	
  idea	
  In	
  this	
  regards,	
  Sougrynoma	
  Sore41	
  (2010)	
  
highlights	
  three	
  main	
  turning	
  points	
  in	
  the	
  history	
  of	
  the	
  African	
  Union	
  establishment:	
  1)	
  the	
  
sprit	
  of	
  Pan-­‐Africanism	
  (1957);	
  2)	
  institutionalization	
  of	
  Pan-­‐Africanism	
  in	
  Africa	
  (1974);	
  and	
  3)	
  
the	
  creation	
  of	
  the	
  African	
  Union	
  (1999).	
  
W.	
  E.	
  B.	
  DuBois,	
  in	
  this	
  regard,	
  is	
  considered	
  to	
  be	
  the	
  founding	
  father	
  of	
  the	
  idea	
  of	
  
Pan-­‐Africanism	
   or	
   Pan-­‐African	
   movement,	
   which	
   sought	
   to	
   fight	
   against	
   the	
   Western	
  
domination	
  of	
  Africa,	
  and	
  to	
  restore	
  dignity,	
  self-­‐determination,	
  and	
  unity	
  within	
  Africa	
  and	
  its	
  
Diaspora42.	
  W.	
  E.	
  B.	
  DuBois	
  perceived	
  of	
  the	
  movement	
  to	
  be	
  rooted	
  in	
  shared	
  racial,	
  historical,	
  
and	
  economic	
  bonds,	
  committed	
  to	
  gaining	
  economic	
  and	
  political	
  self-­‐rule	
  for	
  the	
  colonized,	
  
and	
   symbolized	
   in	
   a	
   worldwide	
   union	
   of	
   people	
   of	
   color43.	
   Pan-­‐	
   Africanism	
   was	
   materialized	
  
through	
   three	
   main	
   stages	
   of	
   institutionalization.	
   First,	
   there	
   was	
   the	
   Pan-­‐African	
   Congress	
  
convened	
  on	
  the	
  African	
  continent	
  in	
  1974	
  and	
  hosted	
  by	
  the	
  late	
  President	
  Mwalimu	
  Julius	
  
Nyerere	
   in	
   Dar-­‐Es-­‐Salaam,	
   Tanzania,	
   representing	
   an	
   early	
   concrete	
   effort	
   toward	
   mobilizing	
  
Africa	
   and	
   its	
   Diaspora44.	
   The	
   objectives	
   of	
   the	
   Congress	
   included	
   the	
   addressing	
   of	
   African	
  
unity,	
   African	
   independence,	
   support	
   of	
   the	
   liberation	
   of	
   southern	
   African	
   people	
   and	
   the	
  
establishment	
  of	
  a	
  permanent	
  Secretariat	
  of	
  the	
  Pan	
  African	
  Congress,	
  with	
  six	
  areas	
  of	
  focus:	
  
agriculture,	
  health	
  and	
  nutrition,	
  research	
  in	
  science	
  and	
  technology,	
  communications,	
  political	
  
cooperation,	
  and	
  support	
  for	
  the	
  Liberation	
  Movements	
  in	
  Africa45.	
  	
  
The	
  second	
  phase	
  involved	
  the	
  creation	
  of	
  the	
  Organization	
  of	
  African	
  Unity46	
  which	
  was	
  
suggested	
  in	
  different	
  state	
  gatherings	
  and	
  summits,	
  believing	
  that	
  the	
  only	
  way	
  for	
  Africa	
  to	
  
develop,	
  prosper,	
  and	
  forever	
  overthrow	
  the	
  colonizers	
  was	
  to	
  form	
  a	
  united	
  Africa.	
  The	
  Late	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
40	
  	
  -­‐	
  	
  Sore,	
  Sougrynoma	
  Z.	
  (2010)	
  "Establishing	
  Regional	
  Integration:	
  The	
  African	
  Union	
  and	
  the	
  European	
  Union,"	
  Macalester	
  International:	
  Vol.	
  
25,	
  Article	
  13.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  1
st
	
  2014	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl/vol25/iss1/13	
  	
  
41	
  -­‐	
  Ibid.	
  Pp.	
  13.	
  
42	
  -­‐	
  George	
  Akeya	
  Agbango	
  (1998).	
  Issues	
  and	
  Trends	
  in	
  Contemporary	
  African	
  Politics:	
  Stability,	
  Development,	
  and	
  Democratization.	
  Peter	
  Lang	
  
43	
  -­‐	
  Ibid.	
  Pp.67	
  
44	
  	
  -­‐	
  Joseph	
  S.	
  Nye	
  Jr	
  (1965).	
  Pan-­‐Africanism	
  and	
  East	
  African	
  integration.	
  Harvard	
  University	
  Press	
  
45	
  	
  -­‐	
  Sylvia	
  Hill.	
  “From	
  the	
  Sixth	
  Pan-­‐African	
  Congress	
  to	
  the	
  Free	
  South	
  Africa	
  Movement.”	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  3rd	
  2014,	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.noeasyvictories.org/select/08_hill.php	
  	
  
46	
  	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “History	
  of	
  African	
  Union.”	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  3rd	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://www.un.org/popin/oau/oauhome.htm	
  	
  
  12	
  
Ghanaian	
   President,	
   Kwame	
   Nkrumah47,	
   was	
   one	
   of	
   the	
   prominent	
   advocates	
   of	
   this	
   idea.	
  
However,	
   given	
   the	
   fluctuating	
   events	
   of	
   power	
   struggle	
   and	
   state	
   of	
   ambivalence	
   that	
   the	
  
newly	
  independent	
  African	
  countries	
  were	
  undergoing	
  in	
  the	
  1950s	
  and	
  1960s	
  in	
  the	
  continents,	
  
along	
   with	
   the	
   assassination	
   of	
   the	
   first	
   Togolese	
   president48,	
   Sylvianus	
   Olympio,	
   in	
   1963	
  
rendered	
  Nkrumah’s	
  ambition	
  for	
  the	
  Organization	
  of	
  African	
  Unity	
  of	
  little	
  resonance,	
  as	
  many	
  
African	
  leaders	
  then	
  feared	
  for	
  their	
  lives.	
  Adding	
  to	
  that	
  the	
  tragedies	
  of	
  bloodiest	
  resistance	
  
to	
   independence	
   of	
   some	
   African	
   states.	
   Hence,	
   the	
   OAU	
   looked	
   more	
   as	
   a	
   threat	
   to	
   the	
  
sovereignty	
  for	
  those	
  newly	
  independent	
  states.	
  To	
  create	
  a	
  middle	
  ground	
  and	
  keep	
  the	
  OAU	
  
project	
  on	
  the	
  table,	
  a	
  charter	
  of	
  the	
  OAU	
  was	
  signed	
  in	
  May	
  1963,	
  in	
  Addis	
  Ababa,	
  Ethiopia,	
  
prohibiting	
  the	
  OAU	
  from	
  interfering	
  in	
  internal	
  state	
  matters.	
  
The	
   third	
   turning	
   point	
   in	
   the	
   history	
   of	
   Africa	
   was	
   the	
   establishment	
   of	
   the	
   African	
  
Union	
   which	
   came	
   as	
   an	
   alternative	
   to	
   the	
   failing	
   project	
   of	
   OAU	
   to	
   deliver	
   its	
   highlighted	
  
promises	
  due	
  to	
  its	
  limited	
  ability	
  to	
  address	
  the	
  challenges	
  of	
  the	
  continent.	
  In	
  addition,	
  the	
  
desire	
  of	
  some	
  prominent	
  African	
  leaders	
  to	
  revive	
  the	
  spirit	
  of	
  African	
  Unity	
  contributed	
  to	
  the	
  
materialization	
  of	
  the	
  AU.	
  Following	
  these	
  forces,	
  African	
  states	
  called	
  for	
  the	
  creation	
  of	
  the	
  
African	
   Union49	
  (AU)	
   at	
   an	
   extraordinary	
   summit	
   in	
   Libya,	
   in	
   September	
   1999,	
   under	
   the	
  
leadership	
  of	
  President	
  Muammar	
  Al-­‐Gaddafi.	
  The	
  Constitutive	
  Act50	
  of	
  the	
  AU	
  was	
  signed	
  at	
  
the	
  Lomé	
  Summit	
  in	
  Togo,	
  in	
  July	
  2000,	
  which	
  led	
  to	
  the	
  dissolvent	
  of	
  the	
  OAU	
  in	
  July	
  2002,	
  to	
  
be	
  supplanted	
  by	
  the	
  AU.	
  The	
  political	
  climate	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  AU	
  was	
  born	
  greatly	
  contributed	
  to	
  
the	
  creation	
  of	
  the	
  organization,	
  underlining	
  three	
  African	
  figures	
  who	
  became	
  then	
  the	
  leading	
  
figures	
   behind	
   the	
   AU,	
   namely:	
   Muammar	
   Gaddafi	
   (Libya),	
   Thabo	
   Mbeki	
   (South	
   Africa),	
   and	
  
Olusegun	
  Obasanjo	
  (Nigeria)51.	
  
Although	
   the	
   establishment	
   of	
   the	
   AU	
   shifted	
   the	
   priorities	
   from	
   the	
   states	
   to	
   the	
  
people,	
   the	
   violations	
   of	
   human	
   rights	
   and	
   massacres	
   that	
   occurred	
   under	
   the	
   rule	
   of	
   new	
  
African	
  dictators	
  spoke	
  louder	
  than	
  the	
  spirit	
  of	
  the	
  African	
  Union,	
  due	
  to	
  the	
  European	
  East-­‐
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
47	
  -­‐Backed	
  by	
  the	
  back	
  then	
  Tanzanian	
  President	
  Nyerere	
  and	
  Egyptian	
  President	
  Gamal	
  Abdel	
  Nasser,	
  Kwame	
  Nkrumah,	
  being	
  the	
  first	
  sub-­‐
Saharan	
  African	
  countries	
  to	
  accede	
  to	
  independence	
  in	
  1957,	
  had	
  significant	
  leverage	
  in	
  continental	
  politics.	
  
48	
  -­‐	
  Witte,	
  Wright,	
  et	
  al.	
  (2001).	
  The	
  Assassination	
  of	
  Lumumba.	
  London:	
  Verso	
  
49	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “About	
  AU”	
  at	
  the	
  African	
  Union	
  Website:	
  www.au.int	
  	
  
50	
  -­‐	
  Ibid.	
  
51	
  -­‐	
  Schoeman,	
  Maxi	
  (2003).	
  The	
  African	
  Union	
  after	
  the	
  Durban	
  2002	
  Summit.	
  Centre	
  of	
  African	
  Studies.	
  University	
  of	
  Copenhagen	
  
  13	
  
West	
   ideological	
   struggles.	
   In	
   other	
   words,	
   the	
   years	
   of	
   the	
   capitalism-­‐socialism	
   divide,	
   the	
  
fierce	
  competition	
  between	
  the	
  U.S.S.R.	
  and	
  the	
  capitalist	
  Western	
  nations	
  induced	
  both	
  blocs	
  
to	
  scramble	
  for	
  allies	
  worldwide	
  including	
  Africa52.	
  There,	
  the	
  ultimate	
  goal	
  of	
  the	
  West	
  was	
  to	
  
ensure	
  that	
  there	
  were	
  no	
  forms	
  of	
  socialist	
  order.	
  In	
  return,	
  the	
  Western	
  powers	
  turned	
  a	
  
blind	
  eye	
  to	
  the	
  violations	
  of	
  human	
  rights	
  that	
  occurred	
  under	
  the	
  rule	
  of	
  dictators	
  that	
  were	
  
their	
  allies.	
  Such	
  was	
  the	
  case	
  in	
  the	
  Congo	
  when	
  populist	
  and	
  revolutionary	
  Prime	
  Minister	
  
Patrice	
  Lumumba	
  was	
  assassinated	
  by	
  his	
  successor,	
  Mobutu	
  Sese	
  Seko,	
  under	
  the	
  approving	
  
eye	
  of	
  the	
  West,	
  particularly	
  Belgium53.	
  
The	
  1980	
  Lagos	
  Plan	
  of	
  Action	
  for	
  the	
  Development54	
  of	
  Africa	
  and	
  the	
  1991	
  treaty	
  to	
  
establish	
   the	
   African	
   Economic	
   Community	
   proposed	
   the	
   creation	
   of	
   Regional	
   Economic	
  
Communities	
   (RECs)	
   as	
   one	
   of	
   the	
   key	
   objectives	
   to	
   the	
   achievement	
   of	
   the	
   African	
   greater	
  
continental	
   integration.	
   The	
   1991	
   plan	
   set	
   a	
   timetable	
   for	
   regional	
   and	
   then	
   continental	
  
integration	
  to	
  follow.	
  Currently,	
  there	
  are	
  eight	
  RECs	
  recognized	
  by	
  the	
  AU,	
  each	
  established	
  
under	
  a	
  separate	
  regional	
  treaty.	
  Today,	
  the	
  African	
  Union	
  doubly	
  as	
  big	
  as	
  Europe’s,	
  with	
  850	
  
million	
  people	
  living	
  in	
  the	
  53	
  African	
  Union	
  member	
  states,	
  with	
  the	
  exception	
  of	
  Morocco,	
  
which	
   withdrew	
   its	
   membership	
   in	
   1984	
   following	
   the	
   Union’s	
   acceptance	
   of	
   the	
   so-­‐called	
  
“Sahrawi	
   Arab	
   Democratic	
   Republic”	
   membership;	
   whereas,	
   EU	
   constitutes	
   of	
   28	
   member	
  
states	
  (2013),	
  with	
  483	
  million	
  population.	
  Both	
  AU	
  and	
  EU	
  share	
  some	
  apparent	
  similarities	
  of	
  
the	
  institutional	
  set-­‐up,	
  for	
  they	
  have	
  assembly	
  of	
  heads	
  of	
  states	
  of	
  the	
  member-­‐countries,	
  
executive	
  councils	
  where	
  ministers	
  meet,	
  a	
  commission,	
  a	
  parliament,	
  or	
  an	
  advisory	
  council,	
  
which	
   unites	
   various	
   social	
   groups.	
   But	
   there	
   are	
   substantial	
   differences	
   in	
   the	
   institutional	
  
structures,	
  a	
  point	
  to	
  be	
  discussed	
  in	
  the	
  coming	
  section.	
  
IV.	
  EU’s	
  Supranationalism	
  Vs.	
  AU’s	
  Intergovernmentalism	
  
The	
   underlying	
   difference	
   between	
   the	
   EU	
   and	
   AU	
   resides	
   in	
   their	
   institutional	
  
structures.	
  While	
  the	
  AU	
  is	
  characterized	
  by	
  solely	
  an	
  intergovernmental	
  arrangement,	
  the	
  EU’s	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
52	
  -­‐	
  Murithi,	
  Timothy	
  (2005)	
  .The	
  African	
  Union:	
  Pan-­‐Africanism,	
  Peace	
  building	
  and	
  Development.	
  Hampshire,	
  UK:	
  Ashgate	
  Publishing	
  
53	
  -­‐	
  Bustin,	
  Edouard	
  (2001).	
  	
  The	
  Assassination	
  of	
  Lumumba	
  by	
  Ludo	
  de	
  Witte;	
  Ann	
  Wright;	
  Renée	
  Fenby.	
  	
  The	
  International	
  Journal	
  of	
  African	
  
Historical	
  Studies	
  Vol.	
  34,	
  No.	
  1	
  (2001),	
  pp.	
  177-­‐185.	
  Boston	
  University	
  African	
  Studies	
  Center	
  
54	
  -­‐	
  ORGANIZARION	
  OF	
  AFRICAN	
  UNIT:	
  Lagos	
  plan	
  of	
  action	
  for	
  the	
  economic	
  development	
  of	
  Africa	
  1980-­‐2000.	
  OAU:	
  Addis	
  Ababa	
  
Ethiopia.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  23
rd
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/archives/africa-­‐docs/lagosplan.pdf	
  	
  
  14	
  
structure	
   has	
   followed	
   careful	
   and	
   progressive	
   intergovernmental	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   supranational	
  
approaches.	
  Unlike	
  the	
  African	
  Union	
  that	
  counted	
  its	
  53	
  members	
  already	
  from	
  start,	
  or	
  the	
  
OAU	
  of	
  1963,	
  which	
  organized	
  all	
  independent	
  African	
  states	
  at	
  that	
  time,	
  there	
  were	
  only	
  six	
  
countries	
  to	
  start	
  the	
  process	
  of	
  European	
  integration	
  in	
  1951,	
  when	
  establishing	
  the	
  European	
  
Coal	
  and	
  Steel	
  Community.	
  Thereby,	
  on	
  a	
  very	
  limited	
  field,	
  the	
  states	
  transferred	
  sovereignty	
  
to	
  a	
  supranational	
  body.	
  Also	
  when	
  enlarging	
  this	
  scheme	
  to	
  a	
  European	
  Economic	
  Community	
  
in	
   1957,	
   there	
   were	
   still	
   only	
   these	
   six	
   countries	
   participating.	
   Successive	
   rounds	
   of	
  
enlargement	
  have	
  increased	
  the	
  number	
  of	
  members	
  to	
  28	
  by	
  now.	
  But	
  it	
  has	
  been	
  a	
  gradual	
  
process	
  from	
  small	
  to	
  increasing	
  numbers	
  of	
  members,	
  while	
  others	
  are	
  still	
  waiting	
  to	
  join.	
  
This	
   strategy	
   of	
   progressive	
   adoption	
   of	
   supranational	
   approach	
   to	
   decision	
   making	
  
could	
  be	
  traced	
  back	
  to	
  the	
  enactment	
  of	
  the	
  Treaty	
  of	
  Maastricht	
  1992.	
  The	
  latter	
  states	
  that	
  
the	
   European	
   Union	
   consists	
   of	
   a	
   supranational	
   “pillars	
   1”	
   which	
   contains	
   the	
   fields	
   were	
  
integration	
   has	
   gone	
   furthest,	
   and	
   the	
   intergovernmental 55 	
  “pillars	
   2”.	
   Accordingly,	
   the	
  
governments	
  of	
  the	
  member	
  states	
  can	
  make	
  decisions	
  only	
  unanimously.	
  The	
  European	
  Court	
  
of	
  Justice,	
  though	
  it	
  has	
  interfered	
  heavily	
  into	
  national	
  affairs	
  of	
  numerous	
  cases,	
  has	
  no	
  say,	
  
and	
  the	
  role	
  of	
  parliament	
  and	
  commission	
  ranges	
  from	
  “very	
  limited”	
  to	
  “non-­‐existing”56.	
  By	
  
contrast,	
  in	
  the	
  Internal	
  Market	
  policy	
  fields,	
  the	
  European	
  Union	
  resembles	
  a	
  federal	
  state;	
  and	
  
the	
  sum	
  of	
  community	
  law	
  under	
  the	
  acquis	
  communautaire57	
  gives	
  immediate	
  rights	
  to	
  the	
  EU	
  
citizens;	
  they	
  can	
  go	
  to	
  court	
  in	
  case	
  these	
  rights	
  become	
  infringed.	
  That	
  means	
  that	
  the	
  EU	
  
laws	
  have	
  the	
  quality	
  of	
  federal	
  law.	
  
Furthermore,	
  the	
  supranational	
  structure	
  has	
  grown	
  almost	
  constantly	
  covering	
  a	
  wide	
  
range	
  of	
  fields	
  such	
  as	
  monetary	
  policy,	
  foreign	
  policy,	
  migration	
  policy,	
  social	
  policy,	
  health	
  
care,	
   or	
   gender	
   relations.	
   For	
   instance,	
   under	
   the	
   Economic	
   and	
   Monetary	
   Union,	
   the	
   EMU	
  
monetary	
  policy	
  has	
  become	
  a	
  supranational	
  now,	
  proving	
  a	
  sustainable	
  monetary	
  stability,	
  the	
  
abolition	
  of	
  exchange-­‐rate	
  volatility	
  and,	
  perhaps	
  most	
  importantly,	
  very	
  low	
  long-­‐term	
  interest	
  
rates58.	
  In	
  the	
  case	
  of	
  supranational	
  social	
  policy,	
  the	
  treaty	
  provisions	
  on	
  free	
  labor	
  market	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
55	
  -­‐	
  See:	
  “Treaty	
  of	
  Maastricht	
  1992.”	
  Available	
  at:	
  	
  	
  
http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_maastricht_en.htm	
  	
  
56	
  -­‐	
  Ibid.	
  
57	
  -­‐	
  Acquis	
  Communautaire,	
  refers	
  to	
  the	
  sum	
  of	
  community	
  law,	
  containing	
  some	
  90,000	
  pages.	
  
58	
  	
  -­‐	
  Wolfgang	
  Zank	
  (2007).	
  A	
  Comparative	
  European	
  View	
  on	
  African	
  Integration	
  –	
  Why	
  it	
  has	
  been	
  much	
  more	
  difficult	
  in	
  Africa	
  than	
  in	
  Europe.	
  
  15	
  
mobility	
  and	
  non-­‐discrimination,	
  in	
  combination	
  with	
  the	
  rulings	
  of	
  the	
  Court	
  of	
  Justice,	
  have	
  
strengthened	
  the	
  position	
  of	
  women	
  considerably59.	
  Finally,	
  the	
  EU	
  has	
  been	
  a	
  unified	
  actor	
  for	
  
long	
   on	
   fields	
   such	
   as	
   international	
   trade	
   or	
   development	
   aid.	
   More	
   recently,	
   the	
   EU	
   could	
  
agree	
  on	
  the	
  principles	
  of	
  several	
  common	
  policies	
  such	
  as	
  the	
  European	
  Neighborhood	
  Policy,	
  
or	
  a	
  Strategy	
  for	
  Africa.	
  Currently,	
  the	
  EU	
  is	
  in	
  a	
  process	
  of	
  “hardening”	
  as	
  a	
  foreign	
  political	
  
actor.	
  These	
  horizontal	
  and	
  vertical	
  synergies	
  among	
  the	
  various	
  institutions	
  of	
  the	
  EU	
  member	
  
countries	
  reveal	
  that	
  the	
  increasing	
  level	
  of	
  supranationalism	
  has	
  put	
  the	
  members	
  states	
  in	
  a	
  
growing	
   coherence,	
   proving	
   that	
   finding	
   a	
   common	
   solution	
   is	
   possible,	
   if	
   not	
   a	
   necessary,	
  
endeavor	
   faced	
   to	
   globalization.	
   This	
   compacted	
   cooperation	
   of	
   the	
   EU	
   is	
   exactly	
   what	
   is	
  
missing	
  in	
  the	
  case	
  of	
  the	
  African	
  Union.	
  
Conversely,	
  all	
  these	
  supranational	
  characteristics	
  are	
  inexistent	
  in	
  the	
  African	
  Union.	
  
The	
  latter	
  is	
  an	
  intergovernmental-­‐oriented	
  grouping	
  whose	
  member	
  countries	
  retain	
  their	
  full	
  
legal	
  sovereignty.	
  The	
  parliament	
  of	
  the	
  AU	
  is	
  purely	
  advisory	
  and	
  has	
  no	
  competences	
  to	
  make	
  
laws	
  for	
  the	
  continent	
  or	
  make	
  any	
  decisions	
  which	
  bind	
  the	
  member	
  states,	
  leaving	
  no	
  field	
  of	
  
politics	
  wherein	
  states	
  have	
  explicitly	
  transferred	
  national	
  sovereignty	
  to	
  an	
  AU	
  level.	
  Wolfgang	
  
Zank	
   (2007)	
   decrees	
   that	
   the	
   African	
   Union	
   replicates	
   many	
   characteristics	
   of	
   the	
   United	
  
Nations.	
  In	
  both	
  cases,	
  heads	
  of	
  governments	
  or	
  delegations	
  meet	
  and	
  discuss.	
  They	
  all	
  have	
  
declared	
   their	
   firm	
   intention	
   to	
   respect	
   Human	
   Rights.	
   A	
   Security	
   Council	
   can	
   legitimately	
  
impose	
   sanctions60,	
   armed	
   intervention	
   included,	
   against	
   member	
   states	
   in	
   case	
   of	
   grave	
  
violations	
   of	
   basic	
   principles.	
   But	
   principles	
   are	
   formulated	
   in	
   rather	
   general	
   terms.	
   In	
   both	
  
cases	
   general	
   assemblies	
   and	
   security	
   councils	
   may	
   pass	
   resolutions,	
   but	
   they	
   cannot	
   pass	
  
legislation	
  which	
  binds	
  the	
  member	
  states,	
  and	
  which	
  the	
  citizens	
  could	
  use	
  in	
  court.	
  Both	
  the	
  
UN	
  and	
  the	
  AU	
  are	
  useful	
  intergovernmental	
  formations.	
  But	
  their	
  efficiency	
  and	
  their	
  ability	
  to	
  
impose	
  their	
  principles	
  are	
  very	
  restricted.	
  	
  
The	
   rationale	
   for	
   European	
   integration	
   was	
   the	
   idea	
   of	
   reconciliation	
   based	
   on	
   a	
  
gradually	
  emerging	
  common	
  rule	
  of	
  law,	
  (Ludger	
  Kühnhardt,	
  2009).	
  The	
  rationale	
  for	
  African	
  
integration	
  could	
  be	
  the	
  formative	
  idea	
  of	
  continental	
  stability	
  through	
  socioeconomic	
  progress	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
Working	
  Paper	
  No.	
  4.	
  Center	
  for	
  Comparative	
  Integration	
  Studies:	
  Aalborg	
  University,	
  Denmark	
  
59	
  -­‐	
  Wolfgang	
  Zank	
  (2007).	
  A	
  Comparative	
  European	
  View	
  on	
  African	
  Integration	
  –	
  Why	
  it	
  has	
  been	
  much	
  more	
  difficult	
  in	
  Africa	
  than	
  in	
  Europe.	
  
Working	
  Paper	
  No.	
  4.	
  Center	
  for	
  Comparative	
  Integration	
  Studies:	
  Aalborg	
  University,	
  Denmark	
  
60	
  -­‐	
  Ibid.	
  P.p.	
  21.	
  
  16	
  
based	
  on	
  a	
  gradually	
  emerging	
  regionalized	
  common	
  rule	
  of	
  law.	
  One	
  fundamental	
  lesson	
  may	
  
be	
  learned	
  from	
  the	
  European	
  integration	
  experience:	
  The	
  formative	
  idea	
  that	
  can	
  carry	
  the	
  
rationale	
   for	
   regional	
   integration	
   for	
   decades	
   must	
   be	
   of	
   a	
   political	
   and	
   strategic	
   nature,	
  
encompassing	
  many	
  aspects	
  of	
  public	
  life	
  and	
  influencing	
  several	
  social	
  and	
  political	
  dimensions.	
  
The	
   limits	
   of	
   past	
   state-­‐centered	
   policies	
   need	
   to	
   be	
   transformed	
   by	
   the	
   opportunities	
   of	
  
integration-­‐oriented	
  policies.	
  They	
  must	
  be	
  result-­‐	
  driven	
  and	
  open	
  to	
  the	
  world	
  in	
  order	
  to	
  link	
  
Africa	
  with	
  the	
  age	
  of	
  globalization.	
  Furthermore,	
  it	
  is	
  high	
  time	
  that	
  African	
  leaders	
  actualized	
  
the	
  Pan-­‐African	
  core	
  principle	
  of	
  putting	
  the	
  sate	
  at	
  the	
  service	
  of	
  its	
  citizens.	
  This	
  goal	
  could	
  be	
  
actualize	
   through	
   a	
   formative	
   and	
   yet	
   goal	
   oriented	
   strategy,	
   as	
   put	
   forward	
   by	
   Kühnhardt	
  
(2008):	
  	
  
“Africa	
  has	
  ample	
  room	
  to	
  identify	
  win-­‐win-­‐constellations	
  originating	
  in	
  
deep	
   and	
   real	
   region-­‐building.	
   Infrastructure	
   measures	
   and	
   basic	
   need	
  
provisions,	
   optimizing	
   human	
   resources	
   and	
   migration	
   potential,	
  
generating	
   employment	
   and	
   sustainable	
   growth,	
   prioritizing	
   education	
  
and	
  closing	
  the	
  digital	
  divide,	
  preserving	
  the	
  human	
  habitat	
  and	
  providing	
  
work	
  conditions	
  in	
  line	
  with	
  human	
  dignity”	
  
V.	
  Conclusion	
  
The	
  EU	
  and	
  AU	
  could	
  be	
  further	
  compared	
  in	
  terms	
  of	
  other	
  variables	
  that	
  have	
  not	
  
been	
   mentioned	
   in	
   this	
   paper,	
   given	
   the	
   limited	
   scope	
   of	
   the	
   paper	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   the	
   time	
  
constraints	
   faced	
   up	
   with.	
   Still,	
   it	
   would	
   be	
   mistaken	
   not	
   to	
   see	
   the	
   progress	
   that	
   the	
  
establishment	
  of	
  the	
  AU	
  has	
  already	
  meant.	
  After	
  all,	
  having	
  institutionalized	
  forms	
  for	
  dialogue	
  
and	
  negotiation	
  is	
  very	
  useful.	
  And	
  having	
  a	
  Commission	
  with	
  the	
  explicit	
  mandate	
  to	
  think	
  on	
  
common	
  African	
  initiatives	
  can	
  have	
  real	
  effects.	
  For	
  instance,	
  the	
  AU	
  countries	
  have	
  been	
  able	
  
to	
  formulate	
  a	
  common	
  position	
  on	
  the	
  reform	
  of	
  the	
  United	
  Nations.	
  Last	
  but	
  not	
  least,	
  the	
  
efforts	
  of	
  both	
  the	
  EU	
  and	
  AU	
  at	
  integration	
  have	
  faced	
  substantial	
  obstacles.	
  But	
  in	
  the	
  African	
  
case,	
  the	
  obstacles	
  have	
  been	
  much	
  more	
  difficult	
  to	
  surmount	
  than	
  in	
  Europe.	
  Still	
  there	
  is	
  
along	
  way	
  awaiting	
  for	
  the	
  AU	
  to	
  arrive	
  to	
  the	
  point	
  where	
  the	
  EU	
  is	
  standing	
  today.	
  Walking	
  
this	
   long	
   itinerary	
   does	
   not	
   only	
   need	
   time,	
   it	
   calls	
   for	
   a	
   global	
   revision	
   of	
   the	
   institutional	
  
structure	
  of	
  Union	
  as	
  well	
  its	
  operational	
  methods,	
  because	
  currently	
  Egypt	
  and	
  Morocco	
  are	
  
among	
  the	
  many	
  African	
  countries	
  that	
  are	
  not	
  happy	
  with	
  the	
  working	
  methods	
  of	
  the	
  AU.	
  At	
  
  17	
  
this	
  time	
  the	
  AU	
  
Bibliography	
  
1. Bustin,	
  Edouard	
  (2001).	
  	
  “The	
  Assassination	
  of	
  Lumumba	
  by	
  Ludo	
  de	
  Witte.”	
  The	
  
International	
  Journal	
  of	
  African	
  Historical	
  Studies	
  Vol.	
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  Massachusetts:	
  Boston	
  
University	
  African	
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  Center.	
  Pp.	
  177-­‐185	
  
	
  
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  Akeya	
  Agbango	
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  Issues	
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  Politics:	
  
Stability,	
  Development,	
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  Peter	
  Lang.	
  
	
  
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  McCormick	
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  The	
  European	
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  Policies.	
  Westview	
  Press:	
  
Boulder	
  Colorado.	
  
	
  
4. Kiljunen,	
  Kimmo	
  (2004).	
  The	
  European	
  Constitution	
  in	
  the	
  Making.	
  Center	
  for	
  European	
  
Policy	
  Studies,	
  pp.	
  21–26.	
  
	
  
5. Kühnhardt,	
  Ludger	
  (2009).	
  Crises	
  in	
  European	
  Integration:	
  Challenges	
  and	
  Responses.	
  
New	
  York:	
  Oxford	
  
	
  
6. Kühnhardt,	
   Ludger	
   (2014).	
   Africa	
   Consensus:	
   New	
   Interests,	
   Initiatives	
   and	
   Partners,	
  
Washington	
   D.C./Baltimore:	
   The	
   Woodrow	
   Wilson	
   Center	
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   Johns	
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University	
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7. Murithi,	
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   The	
   African	
   Union:	
   Pan-­‐Africanism,	
   Peace	
   building	
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Development.	
  Hampshire,	
  UK:	
  Ashgate	
  Publishing.	
  
	
  
8. Schoeman,	
  Maxi	
  (2003).	
  The	
  African	
  Union	
  after	
  the	
  Durban	
  2002	
  Summit.	
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African	
  Studies.	
  University	
  of	
  Copenhagen.	
  
	
  
9. Weiler,	
  H.	
  Joseph	
  (1981).	
  “The	
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  the	
  Dual	
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Supranationalism”	
  Y.E.L.	
  pp.	
  267-­‐280.	
  
	
  
10. Witte,	
  Wright,	
  et	
  al.	
  (2001).	
  The	
  Assassination	
  of	
  Lumumba.	
  London:	
  Verso.	
  
11. Zank,	
  Wolfgang	
  (2007).	
  A	
  Comparative	
  European	
  View	
  on	
  African	
  Integration	
  –	
  Why	
  it	
  
has	
  been	
  much	
  more	
  difficult	
  in	
  Africa	
  than	
  in	
  Europe.	
  Working	
  Paper	
  No.	
  4.	
  Center	
  for	
  
Comparative	
  Integration	
  Studies:	
  Aalborg	
  University,	
  Denmark.	
  
	
  	
  
	
  
  18	
  
Webibliography	
  	
  
	
  
1. Ludger	
  Kühnhardt	
  (2008).	
  “African	
  Regional	
  Integration	
  and	
  the	
  Role	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  
Union,”	
  discussion	
  paper.	
  	
  Bonn,	
  Germany:	
  Center	
  for	
  European	
  Integration	
  Studies.	
  Pp.	
  
01-­‐42.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  June	
  14th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  online	
  at:	
  http://www.zei.uni-­‐
bonn.de/dateien/discussion-­‐paper/dp_c184_kuehnhardt.pdf	
  	
  
	
  
2. Marshall,	
  George	
  C.	
  (1947)	
  “The	
  Marshall	
  Plan,”	
  The	
  Marshall	
  Foundation.	
  Consulted	
  on,	
  
March	
  16th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.marshallfoundation.org/TheMarshallPlan.htm	
  
	
  
3. Moga,	
  Teodor	
  Lucian	
  (2009).	
  “The	
  Contribution	
  of	
  the	
  Neofunctionalist	
  and	
  
Intergovernmentalist	
  Theories	
  to	
  the	
  Evolution	
  of	
  the	
  European	
  Integration	
  Process.”	
  
Journal	
  of	
  Alternative	
  Perspectives	
  in	
  the	
  Social	
  Sciences.	
  Retrieved	
  02	
  April	
  2014.	
  
Available	
  at:	
  http://www.japss.org/upload/14._Mogaarticle.pdf	
  	
  
	
  
4. Robert	
  Schuman.	
  	
  (May	
  16th,	
  1949).	
  “The	
  Coming	
  Century	
  of	
  Supranational	
  
Communities,”	
  a	
  speech	
  at	
  Strasbourg.	
  Consulted	
  April	
  12th,	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.schuman.info/Strasbourg549.htm	
  	
  
	
  
5. Robert	
  Schuman	
  (September	
  28th
,	
  1948).	
  “Germany	
  and	
  the	
  European	
  Community.”	
  The	
  
United	
  Nations	
  General	
  Assembly,	
  3rd
	
  Session.	
  Consulted	
  April	
  12th
,	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.schuman.info/UN4849.htm	
  	
  
	
  
6. Sore,	
  Sougrynoma	
  Z.	
  (2010)	
  "Establishing	
  Regional	
  Integration:	
  The	
  African	
  Union	
  and	
  
the	
  European	
  Union,"	
  Macalester	
  International:	
  Vol.	
  25,	
  Article	
  13.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  
1st
	
  2014	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl/vol25/iss1/13	
  
	
  
7. Sylvia	
  Hill.	
  “From	
  the	
  Sixth	
  Pan-­‐African	
  Congress	
  to	
  the	
  Free	
  South	
  Africa	
  Movement.”	
  
Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  3rd	
  2014,	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://www.noeasyvictories.org/select/08_hill.php	
  	
  
	
  
8. Winston	
  Churchill	
  (1955).	
  “Calling	
  for	
  a	
  United	
  States	
  of	
  Europe.”	
  Consulted	
  on,	
  March	
  
16th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://europa.eu/about-­‐eu/eu-­‐history/founding-­‐
fathers/pdf/winston_churchill_en.pdf	
  
	
  
9. Encyclopedia	
  Britannica.	
  “Berlin	
  Blockade	
  and	
  Airlift.”	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  20th	
  2014.	
  
Available	
  at:	
  http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/62154/Berlin-­‐blockade-­‐and-­‐
airlift	
  	
  
	
  
10. “Intergovernmental	
  organization”	
  (IGO),	
  Harvard	
  Law	
  School	
  (HLS).	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  
17th
	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  http://www.law.harvard.edu/current/careers/opia/public-­‐
interest-­‐law/public-­‐international/interngovernmental-­‐organizations.html	
  	
  
  19	
  
	
  
11. “The	
  History	
  of	
  the	
  EU:	
  1952”.	
  Consulted	
  on	
  March	
  20th	
  2014.	
  Available	
  at:	
  
http://europa.eu/about-­‐eu/eu-­‐history/1945-­‐1959/1952/index_en.htm	
  	
  

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Supranational Integration Versus Intergovernmental Structure: The European Union vs. the African Union

  • 1. INSTITUTE  FOR  CULTURAL  DIPLOMACY   BERLIN,  GERMANY  2014               Supranational Integration Versus Intergovernmental Structure: The European Union vs. the African Union Abdeslam  Badre,  PhD   ABSTRACT   The  thesis  of  this  essay  provokes  a  statement  holding  that  the  AU,  compared  the  EU,  has  so  far   failed   in   its   endeavor   to   develop   an   “integrated,   prosperous   and   peaceful   Africa,  driven   by   its   own   citizens   and   representing   a   dynamic   force   in  global   arena”.  The  reason  behind  this  partial  failure  is   accounted  for  in  terms  the  level  of  intergovernmental  and  supranational  arrangements  characterizing   both  the  EU  and  AU.  To  support  this  claim,  the  paper  suggests  a  comparative  analysis  of  the  functional   mechanisms   of   each   of   the   Unions,   by   discussing   the   variables   of   Intergovernmentalism   and   supranationalism,   as   distinguishing   features   between   the   two   Unions.   Three   sections   constitute   the   body   of   the   essay:   1)   a   brief   presentation   of   three   key   concepts:   i)   intergovernmentalism,   ii)   supranationalism,  and  iii)  regional  integration;  2)  the  historical  contexts  within  which  each  of  the  Unions   was  created;  and  3)  a  comparative  analysis.      
  • 2.   2   I.  Introduction   The   rise   of   global   capitalism,   the   spreading   ideological   extremism   embodied   in   neo-­‐ Nazism  in  the  West  and  fundamentalism  in  the  East,  the  unfathomable  global  environmental   threats  as  well  as  the  scarcity  of  natural  resources,  the  urging  needs  for  maintaining  human   rights   and   individual   liberties,   on   the   one   hand,   and   the   speedy   telecommunicational   and   technological   progress,   the   emergence   of   non-­‐state   actors   as   influential   borderless   entities,   along  with  the  increasing  interconnectedness  of  the  world,  on  the  other  hand,  are  all  conflicting   offspring  of  globalization  that  has  undermined  national  borders  and  challenged  the  notion  of   national  sovereignty,  pushing  individual  sate  to  fiercely  seek  innovative  routes  for  safeguarding   their   interests   and   powers.   Such   global   transformations   and   power   dynamics   have   triggered   necessities  to  build  intergovernmental  coalitions  that  would  grant  more  leverage  in  the  global   arena;   thus,   paving   the   way   to   the   formulation   of   international   and   intergovernmental   organizations  and  supranational  unions,  under  the  label  of  regional  integration,  as  a  counter-­‐ reaction  to  any  potential  spatial-­‐temporal  processes  of  changes  unfolded  by  globalization.     Since  the  end  of  World  War  II  and  the  breakdown  of  the  bipolar  world  order,  there  have   emerged   many   international   and   intergovernmental   organizations   aiming   at   developing   stronger  political  community-­‐building  and  competitive  economic  models  that  would  preserve   the   cultural   autonomy   of   individual   states   across   the   globe.   Notable   examples   of   these   international  organizations  and  regional  groupings  include  the  United  Nations  (UN),  the  World   Trade   Organization   (WTO),   and   the   European   Union   (EU)   which   often   serves   as   a   source   of   inspiration  for  those  who  hanker  for  integration,  as  was  the  case  of  the  African  Union  (AU),   among  many  others.  While  some  of  these  entities  have  only  concerned  themselves  with  trade   relations,   such   as   the   North   American   Free   Trade   Area   (NAFTA);   others   have   focused   on   economic  and  political  integration,  as  exemplified  by  the  European  Union  (EU)  and  the  African   Union  (AU).     Due  to  their  highly  significant  historical  contexts  as  well  as  their  roles  in  the  present   international  relations’  stage,  both  the  European  Union  (EU)  and  African  Union  (AU)  will  be  the   touchstone  of  the  present  paper.  The  latter  advocates  the  claim  that  a  supranational  union  or  
  • 3.   3   regionalism   in   today’s   globalized   world   is   no   more   a   choice   but   a   necessary   step   individual   states  have  to  take  if  willing  to  protect  their  national  interests  and  maintain  their  name  on  the   geopolitical  map;  yet,  an  affiliation  into  a  supranational  model  may  not  yield  satisfactory  results,   if  the  latter  does  not  function  within  strong  institutions,  harmonized  and  democratic  system,   and  sound  operational  mechanisms.     On  this  basis,  I  argue,  in  this  paper,  that  the  AU,  if  compared  to  the  EU,  has  so  far  failed   in  its  endeavor  to  develop  an  “integrated,  prosperous  and  peaceful  Africa,  driven  by  its  own   citizens   and   representing   a   dynamic   force   in  global   arena1”.  The  reason  behind  this  partial   failure,   in   my   opinion,   can   be   explained   in   light   of   the   level   of   intergovernmental   and   supranational  arrangements  characterizing  both  the  EU  and  AU.  In  other  words,  the  AU  is  a   merely   deformed   imitation   whose   structure   might   resemble   the   EU’s   but   its   operational   method   remains   an   intergovernmental   structure   which   is   handicapped   by   the   lack   of   supranationalism  approach  to  decision  making  upon  which  the  EU  has  been  founded,  and  is   being  governed  and  expended.   In  this  regards,  the  paper  is  composed  of  three  sections.  The  first  section  will  be  devoted   to   a   brief   presentation   of   three   key   concepts   that   are   central   in   this   paper,   namely:   i)   Intergovernmentalism;  ii)  supranationalism;  and  iii)  regional  integration.  The  second  section  will   go  over  the  historical  contexts  within  which  each  of  the  unions  was  created.  Accordingly,  two   historical  landmarks  will  be  called  upon:  the  cold  war,  in  the  case  of  the  EU;  and  independence   in  the  case  of  AU.  The  third  section  sets  a  comparative  analysis  of  the  functional  mechanisms  of   each  of  the  unions,  by  discussing  the  variables  of  intergovernmentalism  and  supranationalism,   as  distinguishing  features  between  the  two  Unions.   II.  Key  Concept  Definition   II.1.  Intergovernmentalism   Intergovernmentalism  could  be  defined  as  simply  as  a  method  of  international  decision                                                                                                                                           1  -­‐   Vision   of   the   African   Union   as   stated   in   the   Vision   and   Mission   of   the   African   Union.   Available   at   African   Union   web   portal   at:   http://www.au.int/en/about/vision.  Consulted  on  April  20th,  2014;  at  23:57.  
  • 4.   4   making   in   which   state   governments   play   prominent   roles 2 .   The   term   is   often   used   interchangeably  with  intergovernmental  organization  and  it  might  refer  to  different  types  of   international  organizations,  such  as  the  United  Nations3  (UN,  1945),  the  North  Atlantic  Treaty   Organization4  (NATO,   1949),   the   European   Union5  (EU,   1993),   the   Organization   of   Petroleum   Exporting  Countries6  (OPEC,  1960),  the  African  Development  Bank7  (ADB,  1963)  and  the  World   Trade   Organization8  (WTO,   1995),   among   many.   I   would   like   to   embark   on   two   definitions,   relevant  to  the  fields  of  political  sciences:  one  is  theoretical;  and  the  second  is  operational.  On   the   one   hand,   it   refers   to   the   theory   of   Stanley   Hoffman’s   proposition   of   the   theory   of   integration.  On  the  other  hand,  it  refers  to  the  idea  that  integration  is  a  possible  process  only   when   states   and/or   national   governments   are   treated   as   the   primary   factor   in   the   process   (Teodor   Moga:   2009)9.   According   to   Harvard   Law   School   (HLS),   the   term   intergovernmental   organization  (IGO)  refers  to  “an  entity  created  by  treaty,  involving  two  or  more  nations,  to   work  in  good  faith,  on  issues  of  common  interest10.”     This   definition   implies   two   crucial   points.   First,   the   legality   and   legitimacy   of   any   potential  intergovernmental  organization  are  established  only  within  the  framework  of  a  treaty;   otherwise,  the  presence  of  an  IGO  will  not  retain  any  legal  status.  An  example  of  this  situation,   according  to  HLS,  is  the  previously  known  G8;  now  G711,  which  is  a  group  of  seven  nations  that   have   annual   economic   and   political   summits,   but   none   of   these   nations   are   abided   by   enforceable  agreements  among  themselves.  The  absence  of  a  treaty  might  devalue  the  IGO  of   any  enforcing  mechanisms,  and  turn  it  into  a  mere  club,  as  was  clearly  stated  by  the  Russian   foreign  minister,  Sergei  Lavrov  Lavrov,  right  after  expelling  Russia  from  the  G8,  he  said:  "the  G8   is  an  informal  club.  No  one  hands  out  membership  cards  and  no  one  can  be  kicked  out  of                                                                                                                                           2  -­‐  “Intergovernmentalism”  as  defined  by  Princeton  University.  Consulted  on  March  12 th  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Intergovernmentalism.html     3  -­‐  See  “UN  at  a  glance”,  at:  http://www.un.org/en/aboutun/index.shtml       4    -­‐  See  “History  of  the  NATO”  at:    www.nato.int     5  -­‐  See    “European  Union”  at:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Union     6    -­‐  See  “  OPEC  Brief  History”  at:  http://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/about_us/24.htm     7  -­‐  See  “About  ADB”  at:  http://www.afdb.org/en/about-­‐us/     8    -­‐  See  “What  is  the  WRO”  at:  http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/whatis_e/whatis_e.htm     9  -­‐  Teodor  Lucian  Moga  (2009).  “The  Contribution  of  the  Neofunctionalist  and  Intergovernmentalist  Theories  to  the  Evolution  of  the  European   Integration  Process.”  Journal  of  Alternative  Perspectives  in  the  Social  Sciences.  Retrieved  02  April  2014.   10    -­‐  “Intergovernmental  organization”  (IGO),  Harvard  Law  School  (HLS).  Consulted  on  March  17 th  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.law.harvard.edu/current/careers/opia/public-­‐interest-­‐law/public-­‐international/interngovernmental-­‐organizations.html     11  -­‐  Since  its  creation  in  1973,  The  Group  of  Eight  (G8)  has  been  a  forum  for  the  governments  of  a  group  of  eight  leading  industrialized   countries.  However,  as  a  result  of  its  involvement  in  the  2014  Ukrainian  crisis  of  Crimea,  Russia  was  excluded  from  the  forum  by  the  other   members  on  March  24 th ,  2014.  Accordingly,  the  group  now  comprises  seven  nations  and  will  continue  to  meet  as  the  G7.  
  • 5.   5   it.12"  A  statement  as  such  is  what  convinces  many  practitioners  in  advocating  the  idea  that  IGOs   that  are  formed  by  treaties  are  more  powerful  than  a  mere  grouping  of  nations  because  they   are  subject  to  international  law  and  have  the  ability  to  enter  into  legal  enforcement.   The   second   point   has   to   do   with   the   purpose   of   IGO.   According   to   the   definition   provided  above,  the  collaborating  entity  should  include  at  least  two  nations  willing  to  work  in   good   faith   by   establishing   operating   mechanisms   and   synergies   to   work   more   successfully   together  for  common  interest  in  areas  such  as:  politics,  economics,  social  affairs,  security,  and   environments,   or   all   of   these.   In   other   words,   there   must   be   a   common   ground   as   well   as   shared  interests  and  challenges  among  the  partnering  states  for  a  regional  integration  to  take   place.  In  today’s  globalized  and  interdependent  nations,  and  since  the  creation  of  the  UN  and   NATO,   the   role   of   intergovernmentalism   has   become   a   vertebral   method   in   international   decision-­‐making  and  global  governance  thanks  to  its  legal  ability  to  make  rules  and  exercise   power  among  member  states  while  recognizing  both  the  significance  of  institutionalisation  in   international  politics  and  the  impact  of  domestic  politics  upon  governmental  preferences.   II.2.  European  Supranationalism   The   term   "supranational"   is   sometimes   used   in   a   loose,   undefined   sense;   in   other   contexts,  sometimes  as  a  substitute  for  international,  transnational  or  global  structure.  In  the   case  of  Europe,  “  supranationalism”  is  a  method  of  decision-­‐making  in  a  multi-­‐national  political   community   where   sovereignty/power   is   moved   from   the   hands   of   individual   nations   to   a   broader   majority   government   of   member   states13.   The   notion   of   “supranational   democracy”   was  first  initiated  by  one  of  the  European  pioneers  behind  the  idea  of  the  European  Union,   Robert  Schuman,  previous  French  foreign  minister,  during  his  speeches  at  the  United  Nations14   at  the  signing  of  the  Council's  Statutes  and  at  a  series  of  other  speeches  across  Europe15.  The   term  was  then  adopted  and  first  occurred  in  the  Paris  Treaty16  on  April  18th ,  1951.  The  term                                                                                                                                           12    -­‐  The  WIRE:  “After  Kicking  Out  Russia,  the  G8  Is  Now  The  G7”.  Abby  Ohlheiser,  March  24 th  2014.  Retrieved  on  March  24 th  2014.  Available  at:     13  -­‐  Kiljunen,  Kimmo  (2004).  The  European  Constitution  in  the  Making.  Center  for  European  Policy  Studies.  P.p.  21–26   14  -­‐  Robert  Schuman.  September  28 th ,  1948.  A  Speech  at  the  United  Nations  General  Assembly,  3 rd  Session:    “Germany  and  the  European   Community.”  Consulted  April  12 th ,  2014.  Available  at:  http://www.schuman.info/UN4849.htm     15    -­‐  Robert  Schuman.    May  16 th ,  1949.  A  speech  at  Strasbourg:  Extracted  from  “The  Coming  Century  of  Supranational  Communities.”  Consulted   April  12 th ,  2014.  Available  at:  http://www.schuman.info/Strasbourg549.htm     16    -­‐  See  “Treaty  establishing  the  European  Coal  and  Steel  Community,  ECSC  Treaty”,  at:   http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_ecsc_en.htm    
  • 6.   6   came   to   allocate   new   meaning   to   democracy   and   legitimacy,   by   defining   the   relationship   between  the  Highest  Authority,  represented  by  the  European  Commission  (EC)  and  the  other   institutions  of  the  EU.     Since  its  emergence  in  the  vocabulary  of  the  world  politics  and  international  relations,   the   debate   over   the   concept   of   supranationalism   has   often   called   upon   the   concept   of   sovereignty,  among  others.  Because  decisions  in  some  supranational  states  are  taken  by  votes,   it   is   possible   for   a   member-­‐state   to   be   forced   by   the   other   member-­‐states   to   implement   a   decision;  but  unlike  the  federal  supra-­‐states,  member  states  retain  nominal  sovereignty,  and   any   member-­‐state   can   reclaim   its   sovereignty   by   withdrawing   from   the   supranational   arrangement.   In   theorizing   the   concept   of   supranationalism,   Joseph   Weiler   (1981)   differentiates  between  decisional  and  normative  supranationalism:  while  the  first  relates  to  the   institutional   framework   and   decision-­‐making   processes   by   which   the   Union   policies   and   measures   are,   in   the   first   place,   initiated,   debated   and   formulated,   then   promulgated,   and   finally  executed;  the  second  deals  with  the  relationships  and  hierarchy  which  exist  between  EU   policies  and  legal  measures  on  the  one  hand,  and  competing  policies  and  legal  measures  of  the   Member  States  on  the  other17.  The  establishment  of  this  theory  helps  in  a  way  to  understand   why  the  European  Union  is  said  to  be  the  only  entity  which  provides  for  international  popular   elections,   going   beyond   the   level   of   political   integration   normally   afforded   by   international   treaty.   II.3.  Regional  Integration   John  McCormick  (1999)  defines  regional  integration  as  “the   process   by   which   two   or   more  nation-­‐states  agree  to  co-­‐operate  and  work  closely  together  to  achieve  peace,  stability   and  wealth18.”  This  cooperation  could  take  different  shapes,  and  be  focused  on  one  or  more   areas  of  expertise,  managed,  monitored  and  executed  by  representative  bodies  of  member-­‐ states’  coordinators,  all  of  which  are  exhaustively  described  in  a  written  agreement.  Initially,  a   regional   integration   agreement   might   be   confined   to   a   single   area   of   cooperation,   such   as                                                                                                                                           17  -­‐  Weiler,  H.H.  Joseph.  “The  Community  System:  the  Dual  Character  of  Supranationalism”  (1981)  Y.E.L.  pp.  267-­‐280.   18  -­‐  John  McCormick.  The  European  Union:  Politics  and  Policies.  Westview  Press:  Boulder  Colorado,  1999.    
  • 7.   7   economic  or  political  integration;  then,  it  might  be  expanded  to  include  not  only  other  areas  of   collaboration  but  also  other  partners  (nation-­‐states).  For  instance,  if  two  or  more  nation-­‐states   agree   to   engage   into   a   complete   economic   integration,   they   indulge   in   a   process   of   trade-­‐ barriers  removal,  which  includes  removal  of  tariffs,  quotas,  and  border  restrictions;  thus,  fusing   into   a   single   market   with   a   customs   union,   meaning   common   external   tariff   on   goods   from   other  countries.  The  highest  level  of  economic  integration  would  be  an  adoption  of  a  common   currency,  with  monetary  policy  regulated  by  a  single  central  bank.   Yet,   reaching   this   highest   level   of   economic   integration   between   collaborating   states   entails   the   development   of   standardized   policies   in   certain   societal   institutions   -­‐   such   as   employment   regulations,   health   case   system,   which   paves   the   way   for   political   integration.   Similar  to  economic  integration,  the  culmination  of  political  integration  takes  shape  when  the   partnering  states  agree  to  share  not  only  foreign  polices  but  also  integrate  their  armies.  John   McCormick   argues   that   when   two   or   more   cooperating   countries   reach   highest   levels   of   economic   and   political   integration,   they   in   effect   form   “a   new   country.”   According   to   this   analysis,  integration  between  nation  states,  be  it  in  the  economic,  political  sphere  or  both,  may   have   different   level   of   cooperation.   John   McCormick   scales   up   integration’s   levels   from   (0)   representing   “no   integration”   and   (10)   representing   “complete   integration”   between   two   or   more  countries.   To  date,  the  European  Union  is  considered  to  be  the  best  model  of  regional  integration,   being   an   economic   and   political   union   operating   through   a   system   of   supranational   independent   establishment   and   intergovernmental   negotiated   decisions   by   the   28   member   sates.  Indeed,  the  EU  has  reached  this  level  of  integration  by  embarking,  on  the  one  hand,  on  a   single  market  agreement  manifested  in  the  total  removal  of  trade  barriers,  the  creation  of  a   monetary   union   (1999),   allowing   free   movement   of   goods,   services,   capital   within   the   Euro-­‐ zone19,   as   well   as   people   within   the   Schengen   Area20.   On   the   other   hand,   the   EU   political   integration   has   been   enacted   by   the   development   of   seven   institutions21:   namely,   i)   the                                                                                                                                           19  -­‐  “Countries,  language,  currencies.”  Interinstitutional  style  guide.  The  EU  Publications  Office.  Retrieved  April  12 th  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.ecb.europa.eu/euro/intro/html/map.en.html     20  -­‐  The  Schengen  Area.  December  12 th ,  2008.  European  Commission.  Retrieved  on  April  13 th ,  2014.  Available  at:   http://biblio.ucv.ro/bib_web/bib_pdf/EU_books/0056.pdf   21    -­‐  Based  on  Schuman  declaration,  most  EU  institutions  were  created  with  the  establishment  of  the  European  Coal  and  Steel  Community  
  • 8.   8   European  Commission  as  the  executive  branch  of  the  Union  (EC),  ii)  the  Council  of  the  European   Union  (CEU),  iii)  the  Council  of  Europe  (CE),  iv)  the  European  Parliament  (EP),  v)  the  Court  of   Justice  of  the  European  Union,  vi)  the  European  Central  Bank,  and  vii)  the  Courts  of  Auditors.   Partially  similar  to  but  significantly  different  from  the  regional  integration  of  Europe,  the  African   Union  is  a  continental  intergovernmental  union  which  includes  54  countries  except  Morocco22.   A  further  description  and  comparative  analysis  of  both  the  EU  and  AU  will  be  provided  in  the   coming   section.   An   important   question   that   floats   on   the   surface   relates   to   the   historical   contexts  that  paved  the  way  for  these  regional  integrations.   III.  A  Brief  Historical  Context  of  EU  and  AU   III.1.  EU:  From  the  Cold  War  to  the  Resurrection  of  Europe   Literature   about   the   formation   of   the   European   Union   speaks   of   the   British   Prime   Minister  Winston  Churchill23,  along  with  other  prominent  figures  like  Robert  Schuman  and  Jean   Monnet24,  as  the  founding  father  who  called  for  the  creation  of  the  United  States  of  Europe  in   his  famous  speech  to  the  Academic  Youth25,  held  at  the  University  of  Zurich  in  1946.  Following   this  speech,  the  so-­‐called  “Benelux  custom  union”  came  to  the  forth  when  three  of  the  early   European  community  (Belgium,  Luxembourg,  and  the  Netherlands)  signed  the  union  treaty26  in   March  1947,  the  same  year  in  which  the  General  Agreement  on  Tariffs  and  Trade27  (GATT)  was   established.  To  help  European  countries  recover  economically  from  the  scars  of  WWII,  the  back   then  Secretary  of  State,  General  George  Marshall,  announced  the  Marshall  Plan28  to  form  the                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                       (ECSC)  in  the  1950s.  According  to  the  Maastricht  Treaty,  also  known  as  the  Treaty  on  the  European  Union  (TEU),  which  was  signed  by  the   members  of  the  European  community  on  February  7 th ,  1992,  in  the  Netherland,  the  EU  seven  institutions  are  listed  in  the  following  order:  1)   the  European  Parliament,  2)  the  Council  of  Europe,  3)  the  Council  of  the  European  Union,  4)  the  European  Commission,  5)  the  Court  of  Justice   of  the  European  Union,  6)  the  European  Central  Bank,  7)  the  Courts  of  Auditors.  Retrieved  on  March  25 th ,  2014,  Available  at:  http://eur-­‐ lex.europa.eu   22  -­‐  Due  to  its  opposition  to  the  membership  of  the  Polisario  Front  as  representative  of  the  separatist  movements  in  the  Moroccan  Western   Sahara,  Morocco  withdrew  its  membership  from  the  African  Union.  However,  Morocco  has  a  special  status  within  the  AU  and  benefits  from  the   services  available  to  all  AU  states  from  the  institutions  of  the  AU,  such  as  the  African  Development  Bank.   23  -­‐  Winston  Churchill:  Calling  for  a  United  States  of  Europe.  (1940-­‐1955).  Consulted  on,  March  16 th  2014.  Available  at:  http://europa.eu/about-­‐ eu/eu-­‐history/founding-­‐fathers/pdf/winston_churchill_en.pdf   24  -­‐  See  Robert  Schuman.    May  16 th ,  1949.  A  speech  at  Strasbourg:  Extracted  from  “The  Coming  Century  of  Supranational  Communities.”   Consulted  April  12 th ,  2014.  Available  at:  http://www.schuman.info/Strasbourg549.htm   25  -­‐  Ibid.   26  -­‐  See  “Historical  events  in  the  European  integration  process  1945-­‐2009.”  Consulted  on,  March  16 th  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.cvce.eu/collections/unit-­‐content/-­‐/unit/en/02bb76df-­‐d066-­‐4c08-­‐a58a-­‐d4686a3e68ff/02d476c7-­‐815d-­‐4d85-­‐8f88-­‐ 9a2f0e559bb4/Resources#79027a01-­‐7de5-­‐4618-­‐962c-­‐5c9c1c41f5a2_en&overlay     27  -­‐  See  General  Agreement  on  Tariffs  and  Trade  (1947).  Consulted  on,  March  16 th  2014.  Available  at:  http://www.gatt.org     28  -­‐  See  The  Marshall  Plan  (1947).  onsulted  on,  March  16 th  2014.  Available  at:  http://www.marshallfoundation.org/TheMarshallPlan.htm    
  • 9.   9   Organization  for  European  Economic  Recovery  Cooperation29  (OEEC).  Meanwhile,  the  Eastern   Communist  bloc  had  already  seeded  its  ideology  that  would  split  Europe  into  two  rivalry  blocs,   rejecting  the  Marshall  plan,  and  imposing  the  blockade  of  Berlin30,  splitting  Germany  into  West   and  East  in  June  1948,  entering  thus  into  the  long  and  nerve  racking  forty-­‐year  Cold  War.   However,  with  the  creation  of  the  Council  of  Europe31  and  signing  of  the  NATO  treaty  in   1949,   and   the   Schuman   plan   to   form   a   European   Coal   and   Steel   Community   (ECSC),   the   European   integration   was   gaining   ground.   This   was   manifested   in   the   Treaty   of   Paris,   which   sealed  the  deal  in  March  1951,  with  France,  Italy,  and  the  Benelux  countries  and  West  Germany   which  hoped  to  gain  some  recognition  in  Europe  and  become  an  economic  partner.  As  part  of  a   desire  for  France  to  have  access  to  German  coal  and  steel,  while  ensuring  that  Germany  did  not   gain  further  influence  in  Europe,  French  Foreign  Minister,  Robert  Schuman,  designed  the  ECSC   under  a  common  High  Authority  of  Franco-­‐German  coal  and  steel  production.  Another  event   that  gave  the  idea  of  a  united  Europe  an  institutional  dimension  was  the  establishment  of  the   European   Parliament32  in   1952.   The   turning   point,   though,   was   the   signing   of   the   Treaty   of   Rome 33  in   March   1957,   establishing   the   European   Economic   Community   (EEC)   and   the   European  Atomic  Energy  Community34  (Euratom),  leading  to  the  foundation  for  the  Common   Market.   Indeed  the  foundation  of  the  common  market  was  a  touchstone  in  the  history  of  today’s   EU  single  market,  because  it  paved  the  way  for  a  series  of  treaties  and  agreements  that  lead,  on   the  one  hand,  to  the  inclusion  of  new  member  states,  and  to  expansion  of  the  union’s  activities.   Within  the  framework  of  the  Common  Market35,  the  Common  Agricultural  Policy  (CAP),  along   with  the  European  Monetary  Agreement36  (EMA)  were  established  and  entered  into  force  in                                                                                                                                           29    -­‐  Ibid.   30  -­‐  See:  “Berlin  blockade  and  airlift,”  at  Encyclopadia  Britannica.  Consulted  on  March  20th  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/62154/Berlin-­‐blockade-­‐and-­‐airlift     31  -­‐  See:  “Council  of  Europe:  60  years  of  history”.  Consulted  on  March  20th  2014.  Available  at:  http://www.coe.int/60years/     32  -­‐  See:  “The  History  of  the  EU:  1952”.  Consulted  on  March  20th  2014.  Available  at:  http://europa.eu/about-­‐eu/eu-­‐history/1945-­‐ 1959/1952/index_en.htm     33  -­‐  See:  “Establishing  the  European  Economic  Community  Treaty”.  Consulted  on  March  21 st  2014.  Available  at:   http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_eec_en.htm   34  -­‐  See:  “European  Atomic  Energy  Community.”  Consulted  on  March  21 st  2014.  Available  at:     http://ec.europa.eu/energy/nuclear/euratom/euratom_en.htm     35  -­‐  See:  “  European  Common  Market,”  Consulted  on  March  21 st  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.europedia.moussis.eu/books/Book_2/3/6/index.tkl?all=1&pos=62     36  -­‐  See:  “European  Monetary  Agreement  (Paris,  5  August  1955).”    Consulted  on  March  21 st  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.cvce.eu/obj/european_monetary_agreement_paris_5_august_1955-­‐en-­‐58d18d59-­‐c3b0-­‐4bdc-­‐9756-­‐d23dd322382d.html  
  • 10.   10   1958.  One  year  later,  a  progressive  abolition  of  customs  and  quotas  was  introduced,  motivating   accordingly  Austria,  Denmark,  Norway,  Portugal,  Sweden,  Switzerland,  and  the  United  Kingdom   to   establish   a   European   Free   Trade   Association37  (EFTA)   in   1959,   which   resulted   to   fast   economic  growth  of  the  EEC  in  the  1960s.  By  then,  the  Union  had  already  started  considering   the   abolishment   all   remaining   trade   barriers   between   nation-­‐states   and   forming   an   internal   market;  hence,  the  Single  European  Act38  was  signed  in  Luxembourg,  in  February  1986.   This  goal  was  actualized  thanks  to  the  Treaty  of  Maastricht  on  the  European  Union  (TEU)   in  1992,  integrating  all  the  institutions  of  the  ECC  under  one  entity:  the  EU.  It  also  changed  the   EEC  to  European  Community  (EC),  and  expanded  the  mandate  of  the  EC  to  the  political  sphere.   Later  on,  other  treaties  for  clarifying  the  structure  of  the  EU  or  further  expansion  of  the  Union‘s   activities  were  followed,  including  the  Amsterdam,  the  Nice,  and  the  Lisbon  treaties.    The  year   2002  witnessed  the  unification  of  the  EU  currency,  the  Euro,  governing  a  market  with  the  free   movement   of   goods,   services,   people,   and   money.   The   economic   prosperity   of   the   EU   has   encouraged  other  countries  to  apply  for  membership.  The  wave  of  enlargement  in  the  1990s   and   2000s   allowed   European   countries   from   almost   all   regions—North,   South,   East,   and   Center—to  join  the  EU  expanding  the  union  from  six  member  states  during  its  infancy  stage,  to   fifteen  states  in  1995,  and  28  by  201339.   III.2.  AU:  From  Pan-­‐Africanism  to  the  African  Union   The   African   Union   project   has   been   so   much   inspired   by   and   aspired   for   the   EU   democratic  model  that  is  based  on  State-­‐relations  based  on  peace  and  stability,  affluence  and   freedom  for  generations  to  come;  and  a  functional  economic  integration  as  a  tool  to  advance   peace  and  to  promote  eventual  political  union  (Ludger  Kühnhardt,  2009).  In  deed,  with  almost   the   same   ambition   of   the   British   Prime   Minister   Winston   Churchill   of   the   United   States   of   Europe  with  harmonized  and  powerful  structures,  the  idea  of  African  Union  too  was  inspired  by   visionary  African  figures,  and  had  gone  through  different  stages  of  maturity.  However,  unlike                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         37  -­‐  See:  “European  Free  Trade  Association  (EFTA)  in  1959.”  Consulted  on  March  21 st  2014.  Available  at:  http://en.euabc.com/word/431     38  -­‐  See:  “Single  European  Act  1986.”  Consulted  on  March  21 st  2014.  Available  at:   http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_singleact_en.htm     39  -­‐  Croatia  was  the  28 th  state  that  joined  the  EU  on  July  1 st  2013.  See:  “Enlargement”  at:  http://ec.europa.eu      
  • 11.   11   the   EU,   which   was   based   on   the   determination   to   protect   Europe   from   the   threats   of   its   internal  ills,  namely  communism  and  Nazism,  the  project  of  the  African  Union  was  introduced   to  reclaim  the  history,  cultural  identity,  and  preserve  the  natural  resources  from  the  Western   domination  and  put  an  end  to  colonialism40.  This  idea  In  this  regards,  Sougrynoma  Sore41  (2010)   highlights  three  main  turning  points  in  the  history  of  the  African  Union  establishment:  1)  the   sprit  of  Pan-­‐Africanism  (1957);  2)  institutionalization  of  Pan-­‐Africanism  in  Africa  (1974);  and  3)   the  creation  of  the  African  Union  (1999).   W.  E.  B.  DuBois,  in  this  regard,  is  considered  to  be  the  founding  father  of  the  idea  of   Pan-­‐Africanism   or   Pan-­‐African   movement,   which   sought   to   fight   against   the   Western   domination  of  Africa,  and  to  restore  dignity,  self-­‐determination,  and  unity  within  Africa  and  its   Diaspora42.  W.  E.  B.  DuBois  perceived  of  the  movement  to  be  rooted  in  shared  racial,  historical,   and  economic  bonds,  committed  to  gaining  economic  and  political  self-­‐rule  for  the  colonized,   and   symbolized   in   a   worldwide   union   of   people   of   color43.   Pan-­‐   Africanism   was   materialized   through   three   main   stages   of   institutionalization.   First,   there   was   the   Pan-­‐African   Congress   convened  on  the  African  continent  in  1974  and  hosted  by  the  late  President  Mwalimu  Julius   Nyerere   in   Dar-­‐Es-­‐Salaam,   Tanzania,   representing   an   early   concrete   effort   toward   mobilizing   Africa   and   its   Diaspora44.   The   objectives   of   the   Congress   included   the   addressing   of   African   unity,   African   independence,   support   of   the   liberation   of   southern   African   people   and   the   establishment  of  a  permanent  Secretariat  of  the  Pan  African  Congress,  with  six  areas  of  focus:   agriculture,  health  and  nutrition,  research  in  science  and  technology,  communications,  political   cooperation,  and  support  for  the  Liberation  Movements  in  Africa45.     The  second  phase  involved  the  creation  of  the  Organization  of  African  Unity46  which  was   suggested  in  different  state  gatherings  and  summits,  believing  that  the  only  way  for  Africa  to   develop,  prosper,  and  forever  overthrow  the  colonizers  was  to  form  a  united  Africa.  The  Late                                                                                                                                           40    -­‐    Sore,  Sougrynoma  Z.  (2010)  "Establishing  Regional  Integration:  The  African  Union  and  the  European  Union,"  Macalester  International:  Vol.   25,  Article  13.  Consulted  on  March  1 st  2014  Available  at:  http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl/vol25/iss1/13     41  -­‐  Ibid.  Pp.  13.   42  -­‐  George  Akeya  Agbango  (1998).  Issues  and  Trends  in  Contemporary  African  Politics:  Stability,  Development,  and  Democratization.  Peter  Lang   43  -­‐  Ibid.  Pp.67   44    -­‐  Joseph  S.  Nye  Jr  (1965).  Pan-­‐Africanism  and  East  African  integration.  Harvard  University  Press   45    -­‐  Sylvia  Hill.  “From  the  Sixth  Pan-­‐African  Congress  to  the  Free  South  Africa  Movement.”  Consulted  on  March  3rd  2014,  Available  at:   http://www.noeasyvictories.org/select/08_hill.php     46    -­‐  See:  “History  of  African  Union.”  Consulted  on  March  3rd  2014.  Available  at:  http://www.un.org/popin/oau/oauhome.htm    
  • 12.   12   Ghanaian   President,   Kwame   Nkrumah47,   was   one   of   the   prominent   advocates   of   this   idea.   However,   given   the   fluctuating   events   of   power   struggle   and   state   of   ambivalence   that   the   newly  independent  African  countries  were  undergoing  in  the  1950s  and  1960s  in  the  continents,   along   with   the   assassination   of   the   first   Togolese   president48,   Sylvianus   Olympio,   in   1963   rendered  Nkrumah’s  ambition  for  the  Organization  of  African  Unity  of  little  resonance,  as  many   African  leaders  then  feared  for  their  lives.  Adding  to  that  the  tragedies  of  bloodiest  resistance   to   independence   of   some   African   states.   Hence,   the   OAU   looked   more   as   a   threat   to   the   sovereignty  for  those  newly  independent  states.  To  create  a  middle  ground  and  keep  the  OAU   project  on  the  table,  a  charter  of  the  OAU  was  signed  in  May  1963,  in  Addis  Ababa,  Ethiopia,   prohibiting  the  OAU  from  interfering  in  internal  state  matters.   The   third   turning   point   in   the   history   of   Africa   was   the   establishment   of   the   African   Union   which   came   as   an   alternative   to   the   failing   project   of   OAU   to   deliver   its   highlighted   promises  due  to  its  limited  ability  to  address  the  challenges  of  the  continent.  In  addition,  the   desire  of  some  prominent  African  leaders  to  revive  the  spirit  of  African  Unity  contributed  to  the   materialization  of  the  AU.  Following  these  forces,  African  states  called  for  the  creation  of  the   African   Union49  (AU)   at   an   extraordinary   summit   in   Libya,   in   September   1999,   under   the   leadership  of  President  Muammar  Al-­‐Gaddafi.  The  Constitutive  Act50  of  the  AU  was  signed  at   the  Lomé  Summit  in  Togo,  in  July  2000,  which  led  to  the  dissolvent  of  the  OAU  in  July  2002,  to   be  supplanted  by  the  AU.  The  political  climate  in  which  the  AU  was  born  greatly  contributed  to   the  creation  of  the  organization,  underlining  three  African  figures  who  became  then  the  leading   figures   behind   the   AU,   namely:   Muammar   Gaddafi   (Libya),   Thabo   Mbeki   (South   Africa),   and   Olusegun  Obasanjo  (Nigeria)51.   Although   the   establishment   of   the   AU   shifted   the   priorities   from   the   states   to   the   people,   the   violations   of   human   rights   and   massacres   that   occurred   under   the   rule   of   new   African  dictators  spoke  louder  than  the  spirit  of  the  African  Union,  due  to  the  European  East-­‐                                                                                                                                         47  -­‐Backed  by  the  back  then  Tanzanian  President  Nyerere  and  Egyptian  President  Gamal  Abdel  Nasser,  Kwame  Nkrumah,  being  the  first  sub-­‐ Saharan  African  countries  to  accede  to  independence  in  1957,  had  significant  leverage  in  continental  politics.   48  -­‐  Witte,  Wright,  et  al.  (2001).  The  Assassination  of  Lumumba.  London:  Verso   49  -­‐  See:  “About  AU”  at  the  African  Union  Website:  www.au.int     50  -­‐  Ibid.   51  -­‐  Schoeman,  Maxi  (2003).  The  African  Union  after  the  Durban  2002  Summit.  Centre  of  African  Studies.  University  of  Copenhagen  
  • 13.   13   West   ideological   struggles.   In   other   words,   the   years   of   the   capitalism-­‐socialism   divide,   the   fierce  competition  between  the  U.S.S.R.  and  the  capitalist  Western  nations  induced  both  blocs   to  scramble  for  allies  worldwide  including  Africa52.  There,  the  ultimate  goal  of  the  West  was  to   ensure  that  there  were  no  forms  of  socialist  order.  In  return,  the  Western  powers  turned  a   blind  eye  to  the  violations  of  human  rights  that  occurred  under  the  rule  of  dictators  that  were   their  allies.  Such  was  the  case  in  the  Congo  when  populist  and  revolutionary  Prime  Minister   Patrice  Lumumba  was  assassinated  by  his  successor,  Mobutu  Sese  Seko,  under  the  approving   eye  of  the  West,  particularly  Belgium53.   The  1980  Lagos  Plan  of  Action  for  the  Development54  of  Africa  and  the  1991  treaty  to   establish   the   African   Economic   Community   proposed   the   creation   of   Regional   Economic   Communities   (RECs)   as   one   of   the   key   objectives   to   the   achievement   of   the   African   greater   continental   integration.   The   1991   plan   set   a   timetable   for   regional   and   then   continental   integration  to  follow.  Currently,  there  are  eight  RECs  recognized  by  the  AU,  each  established   under  a  separate  regional  treaty.  Today,  the  African  Union  doubly  as  big  as  Europe’s,  with  850   million  people  living  in  the  53  African  Union  member  states,  with  the  exception  of  Morocco,   which   withdrew   its   membership   in   1984   following   the   Union’s   acceptance   of   the   so-­‐called   “Sahrawi   Arab   Democratic   Republic”   membership;   whereas,   EU   constitutes   of   28   member   states  (2013),  with  483  million  population.  Both  AU  and  EU  share  some  apparent  similarities  of   the  institutional  set-­‐up,  for  they  have  assembly  of  heads  of  states  of  the  member-­‐countries,   executive  councils  where  ministers  meet,  a  commission,  a  parliament,  or  an  advisory  council,   which   unites   various   social   groups.   But   there   are   substantial   differences   in   the   institutional   structures,  a  point  to  be  discussed  in  the  coming  section.   IV.  EU’s  Supranationalism  Vs.  AU’s  Intergovernmentalism   The   underlying   difference   between   the   EU   and   AU   resides   in   their   institutional   structures.  While  the  AU  is  characterized  by  solely  an  intergovernmental  arrangement,  the  EU’s                                                                                                                                           52  -­‐  Murithi,  Timothy  (2005)  .The  African  Union:  Pan-­‐Africanism,  Peace  building  and  Development.  Hampshire,  UK:  Ashgate  Publishing   53  -­‐  Bustin,  Edouard  (2001).    The  Assassination  of  Lumumba  by  Ludo  de  Witte;  Ann  Wright;  Renée  Fenby.    The  International  Journal  of  African   Historical  Studies  Vol.  34,  No.  1  (2001),  pp.  177-­‐185.  Boston  University  African  Studies  Center   54  -­‐  ORGANIZARION  OF  AFRICAN  UNIT:  Lagos  plan  of  action  for  the  economic  development  of  Africa  1980-­‐2000.  OAU:  Addis  Ababa   Ethiopia.  Consulted  on  March  23 rd  2014.  Available  at:  http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/archives/africa-­‐docs/lagosplan.pdf    
  • 14.   14   structure   has   followed   careful   and   progressive   intergovernmental   as   well   as   supranational   approaches.  Unlike  the  African  Union  that  counted  its  53  members  already  from  start,  or  the   OAU  of  1963,  which  organized  all  independent  African  states  at  that  time,  there  were  only  six   countries  to  start  the  process  of  European  integration  in  1951,  when  establishing  the  European   Coal  and  Steel  Community.  Thereby,  on  a  very  limited  field,  the  states  transferred  sovereignty   to  a  supranational  body.  Also  when  enlarging  this  scheme  to  a  European  Economic  Community   in   1957,   there   were   still   only   these   six   countries   participating.   Successive   rounds   of   enlargement  have  increased  the  number  of  members  to  28  by  now.  But  it  has  been  a  gradual   process  from  small  to  increasing  numbers  of  members,  while  others  are  still  waiting  to  join.   This   strategy   of   progressive   adoption   of   supranational   approach   to   decision   making   could  be  traced  back  to  the  enactment  of  the  Treaty  of  Maastricht  1992.  The  latter  states  that   the   European   Union   consists   of   a   supranational   “pillars   1”   which   contains   the   fields   were   integration   has   gone   furthest,   and   the   intergovernmental 55  “pillars   2”.   Accordingly,   the   governments  of  the  member  states  can  make  decisions  only  unanimously.  The  European  Court   of  Justice,  though  it  has  interfered  heavily  into  national  affairs  of  numerous  cases,  has  no  say,   and  the  role  of  parliament  and  commission  ranges  from  “very  limited”  to  “non-­‐existing”56.  By   contrast,  in  the  Internal  Market  policy  fields,  the  European  Union  resembles  a  federal  state;  and   the  sum  of  community  law  under  the  acquis  communautaire57  gives  immediate  rights  to  the  EU   citizens;  they  can  go  to  court  in  case  these  rights  become  infringed.  That  means  that  the  EU   laws  have  the  quality  of  federal  law.   Furthermore,  the  supranational  structure  has  grown  almost  constantly  covering  a  wide   range  of  fields  such  as  monetary  policy,  foreign  policy,  migration  policy,  social  policy,  health   care,   or   gender   relations.   For   instance,   under   the   Economic   and   Monetary   Union,   the   EMU   monetary  policy  has  become  a  supranational  now,  proving  a  sustainable  monetary  stability,  the   abolition  of  exchange-­‐rate  volatility  and,  perhaps  most  importantly,  very  low  long-­‐term  interest   rates58.  In  the  case  of  supranational  social  policy,  the  treaty  provisions  on  free  labor  market                                                                                                                                           55  -­‐  See:  “Treaty  of  Maastricht  1992.”  Available  at:       http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_maastricht_en.htm     56  -­‐  Ibid.   57  -­‐  Acquis  Communautaire,  refers  to  the  sum  of  community  law,  containing  some  90,000  pages.   58    -­‐  Wolfgang  Zank  (2007).  A  Comparative  European  View  on  African  Integration  –  Why  it  has  been  much  more  difficult  in  Africa  than  in  Europe.  
  • 15.   15   mobility  and  non-­‐discrimination,  in  combination  with  the  rulings  of  the  Court  of  Justice,  have   strengthened  the  position  of  women  considerably59.  Finally,  the  EU  has  been  a  unified  actor  for   long   on   fields   such   as   international   trade   or   development   aid.   More   recently,   the   EU   could   agree  on  the  principles  of  several  common  policies  such  as  the  European  Neighborhood  Policy,   or  a  Strategy  for  Africa.  Currently,  the  EU  is  in  a  process  of  “hardening”  as  a  foreign  political   actor.  These  horizontal  and  vertical  synergies  among  the  various  institutions  of  the  EU  member   countries  reveal  that  the  increasing  level  of  supranationalism  has  put  the  members  states  in  a   growing   coherence,   proving   that   finding   a   common   solution   is   possible,   if   not   a   necessary,   endeavor   faced   to   globalization.   This   compacted   cooperation   of   the   EU   is   exactly   what   is   missing  in  the  case  of  the  African  Union.   Conversely,  all  these  supranational  characteristics  are  inexistent  in  the  African  Union.   The  latter  is  an  intergovernmental-­‐oriented  grouping  whose  member  countries  retain  their  full   legal  sovereignty.  The  parliament  of  the  AU  is  purely  advisory  and  has  no  competences  to  make   laws  for  the  continent  or  make  any  decisions  which  bind  the  member  states,  leaving  no  field  of   politics  wherein  states  have  explicitly  transferred  national  sovereignty  to  an  AU  level.  Wolfgang   Zank   (2007)   decrees   that   the   African   Union   replicates   many   characteristics   of   the   United   Nations.  In  both  cases,  heads  of  governments  or  delegations  meet  and  discuss.  They  all  have   declared   their   firm   intention   to   respect   Human   Rights.   A   Security   Council   can   legitimately   impose   sanctions60,   armed   intervention   included,   against   member   states   in   case   of   grave   violations   of   basic   principles.   But   principles   are   formulated   in   rather   general   terms.   In   both   cases   general   assemblies   and   security   councils   may   pass   resolutions,   but   they   cannot   pass   legislation  which  binds  the  member  states,  and  which  the  citizens  could  use  in  court.  Both  the   UN  and  the  AU  are  useful  intergovernmental  formations.  But  their  efficiency  and  their  ability  to   impose  their  principles  are  very  restricted.     The   rationale   for   European   integration   was   the   idea   of   reconciliation   based   on   a   gradually  emerging  common  rule  of  law,  (Ludger  Kühnhardt,  2009).  The  rationale  for  African   integration  could  be  the  formative  idea  of  continental  stability  through  socioeconomic  progress                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                       Working  Paper  No.  4.  Center  for  Comparative  Integration  Studies:  Aalborg  University,  Denmark   59  -­‐  Wolfgang  Zank  (2007).  A  Comparative  European  View  on  African  Integration  –  Why  it  has  been  much  more  difficult  in  Africa  than  in  Europe.   Working  Paper  No.  4.  Center  for  Comparative  Integration  Studies:  Aalborg  University,  Denmark   60  -­‐  Ibid.  P.p.  21.  
  • 16.   16   based  on  a  gradually  emerging  regionalized  common  rule  of  law.  One  fundamental  lesson  may   be  learned  from  the  European  integration  experience:  The  formative  idea  that  can  carry  the   rationale   for   regional   integration   for   decades   must   be   of   a   political   and   strategic   nature,   encompassing  many  aspects  of  public  life  and  influencing  several  social  and  political  dimensions.   The   limits   of   past   state-­‐centered   policies   need   to   be   transformed   by   the   opportunities   of   integration-­‐oriented  policies.  They  must  be  result-­‐  driven  and  open  to  the  world  in  order  to  link   Africa  with  the  age  of  globalization.  Furthermore,  it  is  high  time  that  African  leaders  actualized   the  Pan-­‐African  core  principle  of  putting  the  sate  at  the  service  of  its  citizens.  This  goal  could  be   actualize   through   a   formative   and   yet   goal   oriented   strategy,   as   put   forward   by   Kühnhardt   (2008):     “Africa  has  ample  room  to  identify  win-­‐win-­‐constellations  originating  in   deep   and   real   region-­‐building.   Infrastructure   measures   and   basic   need   provisions,   optimizing   human   resources   and   migration   potential,   generating   employment   and   sustainable   growth,   prioritizing   education   and  closing  the  digital  divide,  preserving  the  human  habitat  and  providing   work  conditions  in  line  with  human  dignity”   V.  Conclusion   The  EU  and  AU  could  be  further  compared  in  terms  of  other  variables  that  have  not   been   mentioned   in   this   paper,   given   the   limited   scope   of   the   paper   as   well   as   the   time   constraints   faced   up   with.   Still,   it   would   be   mistaken   not   to   see   the   progress   that   the   establishment  of  the  AU  has  already  meant.  After  all,  having  institutionalized  forms  for  dialogue   and  negotiation  is  very  useful.  And  having  a  Commission  with  the  explicit  mandate  to  think  on   common  African  initiatives  can  have  real  effects.  For  instance,  the  AU  countries  have  been  able   to  formulate  a  common  position  on  the  reform  of  the  United  Nations.  Last  but  not  least,  the   efforts  of  both  the  EU  and  AU  at  integration  have  faced  substantial  obstacles.  But  in  the  African   case,  the  obstacles  have  been  much  more  difficult  to  surmount  than  in  Europe.  Still  there  is   along  way  awaiting  for  the  AU  to  arrive  to  the  point  where  the  EU  is  standing  today.  Walking   this   long   itinerary   does   not   only   need   time,   it   calls   for   a   global   revision   of   the   institutional   structure  of  Union  as  well  its  operational  methods,  because  currently  Egypt  and  Morocco  are   among  the  many  African  countries  that  are  not  happy  with  the  working  methods  of  the  AU.  At  
  • 17.   17   this  time  the  AU   Bibliography   1. Bustin,  Edouard  (2001).    “The  Assassination  of  Lumumba  by  Ludo  de  Witte.”  The   International  Journal  of  African  Historical  Studies  Vol.  34,  No.  1.  Massachusetts:  Boston   University  African  Studies  Center.  Pp.  177-­‐185     2. George  Akeya  Agbango  (1998).  Issues  and  Trends  in  Contemporary  African  Politics:   Stability,  Development,  and  Democratization.  Peter  Lang.     3. John  McCormick  (1999).  The  European  Union:  Politics  and  Policies.  Westview  Press:   Boulder  Colorado.     4. Kiljunen,  Kimmo  (2004).  The  European  Constitution  in  the  Making.  Center  for  European   Policy  Studies,  pp.  21–26.     5. Kühnhardt,  Ludger  (2009).  Crises  in  European  Integration:  Challenges  and  Responses.   New  York:  Oxford     6. Kühnhardt,   Ludger   (2014).   Africa   Consensus:   New   Interests,   Initiatives   and   Partners,   Washington   D.C./Baltimore:   The   Woodrow   Wilson   Center   Press.   Johns   Hopkins   University  Press     7. Murithi,   Timothy   (2005).   The   African   Union:   Pan-­‐Africanism,   Peace   building   and   Development.  Hampshire,  UK:  Ashgate  Publishing.     8. Schoeman,  Maxi  (2003).  The  African  Union  after  the  Durban  2002  Summit.  Centre  of   African  Studies.  University  of  Copenhagen.     9. Weiler,  H.  Joseph  (1981).  “The  Community  System:  the  Dual  Character  of   Supranationalism”  Y.E.L.  pp.  267-­‐280.     10. Witte,  Wright,  et  al.  (2001).  The  Assassination  of  Lumumba.  London:  Verso.   11. Zank,  Wolfgang  (2007).  A  Comparative  European  View  on  African  Integration  –  Why  it   has  been  much  more  difficult  in  Africa  than  in  Europe.  Working  Paper  No.  4.  Center  for   Comparative  Integration  Studies:  Aalborg  University,  Denmark.        
  • 18.   18   Webibliography       1. Ludger  Kühnhardt  (2008).  “African  Regional  Integration  and  the  Role  of  the  European   Union,”  discussion  paper.    Bonn,  Germany:  Center  for  European  Integration  Studies.  Pp.   01-­‐42.  Consulted  on  June  14th  2014.  Available  online  at:  http://www.zei.uni-­‐ bonn.de/dateien/discussion-­‐paper/dp_c184_kuehnhardt.pdf       2. Marshall,  George  C.  (1947)  “The  Marshall  Plan,”  The  Marshall  Foundation.  Consulted  on,   March  16th  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.marshallfoundation.org/TheMarshallPlan.htm     3. Moga,  Teodor  Lucian  (2009).  “The  Contribution  of  the  Neofunctionalist  and   Intergovernmentalist  Theories  to  the  Evolution  of  the  European  Integration  Process.”   Journal  of  Alternative  Perspectives  in  the  Social  Sciences.  Retrieved  02  April  2014.   Available  at:  http://www.japss.org/upload/14._Mogaarticle.pdf       4. Robert  Schuman.    (May  16th,  1949).  “The  Coming  Century  of  Supranational   Communities,”  a  speech  at  Strasbourg.  Consulted  April  12th,  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.schuman.info/Strasbourg549.htm       5. Robert  Schuman  (September  28th ,  1948).  “Germany  and  the  European  Community.”  The   United  Nations  General  Assembly,  3rd  Session.  Consulted  April  12th ,  2014.  Available  at:   http://www.schuman.info/UN4849.htm       6. Sore,  Sougrynoma  Z.  (2010)  "Establishing  Regional  Integration:  The  African  Union  and   the  European  Union,"  Macalester  International:  Vol.  25,  Article  13.  Consulted  on  March   1st  2014  Available  at:  http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl/vol25/iss1/13     7. Sylvia  Hill.  “From  the  Sixth  Pan-­‐African  Congress  to  the  Free  South  Africa  Movement.”   Consulted  on  March  3rd  2014,  Available  at:   http://www.noeasyvictories.org/select/08_hill.php       8. Winston  Churchill  (1955).  “Calling  for  a  United  States  of  Europe.”  Consulted  on,  March   16th  2014.  Available  at:  http://europa.eu/about-­‐eu/eu-­‐history/founding-­‐ fathers/pdf/winston_churchill_en.pdf     9. Encyclopedia  Britannica.  “Berlin  Blockade  and  Airlift.”  Consulted  on  March  20th  2014.   Available  at:  http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/62154/Berlin-­‐blockade-­‐and-­‐ airlift       10. “Intergovernmental  organization”  (IGO),  Harvard  Law  School  (HLS).  Consulted  on  March   17th  2014.  Available  at:  http://www.law.harvard.edu/current/careers/opia/public-­‐ interest-­‐law/public-­‐international/interngovernmental-­‐organizations.html    
  • 19.   19     11. “The  History  of  the  EU:  1952”.  Consulted  on  March  20th  2014.  Available  at:   http://europa.eu/about-­‐eu/eu-­‐history/1945-­‐1959/1952/index_en.htm